How are liberalism and democracy at odds?

Grok says: “Liberalism and democracy can be at odds because liberalism emphasizes individual rights, limited government, and protections against majority rule, while democracy prioritizes majority rule and collective decision-making. Liberalism seeks to constrain state power through checks like constitutions or judicial review, which can conflict with democratic demands for popular sovereignty. For example, a democratic majority might support policies—like restricting certain speech or seizing property—that violate liberal principles of free expression or property rights. Conversely, liberal institutions, such as courts overturning popular laws, can frustrate democratic will, appearing elitist or undemocratic. This tension arises when the majority’s desires clash with protections for individual or minority rights, forcing a trade-off between collective power and personal liberty.”

Adrian Vermeule: “Liberalism is created by and in the service of elites who capture most of the upside gains of ever-greater release from customary, moral, and economic constraints, and who are buffered — economically and personally — from the downside risks and losses. Liberalism’s agents know and fear that the broader demos may reject their aspirations for ever-more-satisfying forms of creativity and self-fulfillment.”

Grok says:

Adrian Vermeule’s quote critiques liberalism as a system designed to benefit elites while potentially alienating the broader population. Let’s unpack and develop this idea by exploring its core claims, historical and philosophical roots, and implications in contemporary contexts, while grounding the analysis in reason and skepticism.

Core Claims

Vermeule argues that liberalism—understood as a political and cultural framework emphasizing individual freedom, autonomy, and release from traditional constraints—serves elite interests. He suggests:

Elite Capture: Liberalism’s benefits (economic, cultural, personal) disproportionately accrue to elites who drive its agenda.

Asymmetry of Risk: Elites are insulated from the negative consequences of liberal policies, while the broader population bears the costs.

Elite Anxiety: Those promoting liberalism fear resistance from the “demos” (the common people), who may reject the elite’s vision of progress and self-fulfillment.

Historical and Philosophical Context

Liberalism, rooted in Enlightenment thinkers like Locke, Mill, and Kant, prioritizes individual rights, free markets, and secular governance over collective traditions or moral frameworks. Vermeule’s critique aligns with a broader intellectual tradition skeptical of liberalism’s universalist claims, including:

Marxist Critiques: Marxism views liberalism as a tool of the bourgeoisie, masking class exploitation under the guise of universal freedom. Vermeule’s “elites” could be seen as a modern bourgeoisie, profiting from deregulated markets and cultural individualism.

Burkean Conservatism: Edmund Burke emphasized the value of tradition and social cohesion, warning against rapid change driven by abstract ideals. Vermeule, a legal scholar with Catholic integralist leanings, echoes this concern for customary constraints.

Post-Liberal Thinkers: Contemporary critics like Patrick Deneen (in Why Liberalism Failed) argue that liberalism erodes community, family, and virtue, creating a fragmented society where only the powerful thrive.

Vermeule’s focus on elites suggests a populist inflection, resonating with critiques of globalization, technocracy, and cultural progressivism. His mention of the “demos” invokes a tension between democratic sovereignty and elite governance, a recurring theme in debates over liberalism’s legitimacy.

Developing the Argument

Let’s explore Vermeule’s claims in three dimensions: economic, cultural, and political.

1. Economic Dimension: Elite Capture and Risk Asymmetry

Liberalism’s economic policies—free markets, globalization, deregulation—have generated immense wealth but also inequality. Elites (corporate leaders, financiers, tech moguls) benefit from open borders, technological disruption, and flexible labor markets. For example:

The top 1% in the U.S. now hold over 30% of the nation’s wealth (Federal Reserve data, 2023), a trend accelerated by post-1980s neoliberal reforms.

Globalization has enriched multinational corporations while hollowing out industrial heartlands, leaving working-class communities vulnerable to job loss and cultural erosion.

Elites are “buffered” from these downsides through wealth, mobility, and access to private systems (e.g., elite education, healthcare). The broader demos, however, faces wage stagnation, housing unaffordability, and social dislocation. Vermeule’s critique suggests liberalism’s promise of universal prosperity is a myth, with elites reaping rewards while externalizing costs.

2. Cultural Dimension: Creativity vs. Cohesion

Liberalism celebrates individual self-expression, challenging traditional norms around family, religion, and community. Vermeule sees this as serving elites who seek “ever-more-satisfying forms of creativity and self-fulfillment.” Examples include:

Cultural shifts toward secularism and individualism, which elites navigate with ease due to their resources and social networks.

The promotion of cosmopolitan values, which align with the lifestyles of urban professionals but alienate those rooted in local traditions.

The demos, less equipped to adapt to rapid cultural change, may feel their values—often tied to religion, family, or place—are under siege. This fuels backlash, as seen in populist movements (e.g., Brexit, Trumpism), which Vermeule implies elites fear. Data from Pew Research (2020) shows 60% of Americans believe traditional values are declining, with rural and working-class respondents most likely to express concern.

3. Political Dimension: Elite Anxiety and Democratic Resistance

Vermeule’s claim that elites “fear” the demos points to a crisis of legitimacy. Liberal institutions—courts, media, universities—are increasingly seen as disconnected from popular will. Examples:

The rise of “populist” leaders challenging liberal orthodoxy (e.g., Orbán in Hungary, Bolsonaro in Brazil).

Declining trust in institutions: Gallup (2024) reports only 30% of Americans have confidence in the media, and 25% in Congress.

Elites, Vermeule suggests, respond by doubling down on technocratic governance—think global climate agreements or social media censorship—which further alienates the demos. This creates a feedback loop: elite policies provoke resistance, which elites counter with more control, risking democratic erosion.

Counterarguments and Nuances

To test Vermeule’s thesis, consider liberal defenses:

Universal Benefits: Liberalism has lifted billions out of poverty globally (e.g., World Bank data shows extreme poverty fell from 36% in 1990 to 9% in 2022). Critics might argue that focusing on elite capture ignores broader gains.

Individual Empowerment: Liberalism’s emphasis on rights has empowered marginalized groups (e.g., women, minorities), not just elites. Vermeule’s focus on traditional constraints risks romanticizing hierarchical pasts.

Populist Risks: The demos’ rejection of liberalism can veer into authoritarianism or xenophobia, as seen in some populist movements. Elites’ fears may be justified if unchecked populism threatens democratic norms.

Yet Vermeule’s critique holds weight where liberalism’s idealism masks power dynamics. The tension between individual freedom and collective stability remains unresolved, and elites’ insulation from consequences fuels distrust.
Contemporary Implications

Vermeule’s ideas resonate in 2025’s polarized climate:

Tech and AI: The AI revolution, driven by liberal principles of innovation, enriches tech elites while threatening jobs for the demos. X posts from 2024 show growing public unease about AI’s societal impact.

Cultural Wars: Debates over free speech, cancel culture, and traditional values reflect the elite-demos divide. Elites in media and academia often frame dissent as “backwards,” reinforcing Vermeule’s point about fear of the demos.

Political Realignment: Both left and right increasingly critique liberalism—progressives decry corporate power, conservatives lament moral decay. Vermeule’s integralist leanings suggest a post-liberal alternative, though his vision of a morally grounded state raises its own concerns about coercion.

Conclusion

Vermeule’s critique portrays liberalism as a project that, intentionally or not, prioritizes elite interests while risking alienation of the broader population. By removing customary, moral, and economic constraints, liberalism creates a world where elites thrive but the demos struggles, leading to resentment and potential backlash. Developing this idea reveals tensions between freedom and stability, individual and collective, elite and masses—tensions liberalism has yet to fully resolve. Whether one agrees with Vermeule’s diagnosis, his warning about elite capture and democratic discontent demands serious reflection in an era of growing polarization.

Posted in Democracy | Comments Off on How are liberalism and democracy at odds?

Fight: Inside the Wildest Battle for the White House

This is the greatest book on the 2024 election so far.

Jonathan Allen and Amie Parnes write:

In June 2023, one year before the debate and two months after he’d formally announced that he would seek reelection, Biden entered a reception at the Pool Lounge, an elegant glass – and – steel – lined event space inside the Mies van der Rohe – designed Seagram Building, on Park Avenue. Biden arrived by motorcade as service workers arranged a dessert bar with an assortment of donuts: chocolate blackout, blueberry, and key lime. It was his second pitch for cash that night, this time with heavy – hitting Wall Street donors, and the president appeared to be out of sorts when investment banker Blair Effron introduced him to a crowd of about fifty donors at 7:30 p.m.
While wealthy contributors listened to Biden brag about “Bidenomics” and warn that “there’s so much at stake,” the president’s muscles tightened. His speech slurred. His body locked up for a moment — just long enough to leave at least one audience member concerned that he might not make it to Election Day. Others wondered if he had the faculties to compete for the presidency. “It wasn’t just physical,” said one decades – long acquaintance of Biden who was at the reception and witnessed similar episodes from time to time during his presidency.
Hours earlier, Biden had curiously gotten up from his chair on the set of MSNBC’s Deadline: White House and wandered off behind host Nicolle Wallace before she could transition from their interview to a commercial break. A clip of the disoriented president instantly went viral on social media, racking up more than 2 million views.
Throughout his term, Biden fed into Republican claims that the White House lights were on but no one was home. He seldom held press conferences or participated in extended interviews. He relied heavily on printed talking points with extra – large lettering when meeting privately with lawmakers and members of his Cabinet. He often tripped over his words during public remarks. His aides wrote off these episodes as unreflective of the sharp mind they said they encountered at the White House every day. They regaled reporters with stories of Biden poring over thick briefing books and driving action in his administration — protecting the president with a counternarrative — that were dutifully reported in print and on the air…
Publicly, Democrats scoffed at Republican claims that Biden wasn’t up to the job. But privately, some of them worried all along that they were putting too much stock in an old man who, at best, had long since lost his fastball. During his 2020 campaign, aides tried to keep his calendar clear at night. That same year, the Covid pandemic restricted his contact with the outside world. Once he was elected, White House aides continued to limit his exposure — even to allies. Coronavirus protocols gave them a ready justification. But even when the rules eased, Biden remained closed off.
Ultimately, a core group of family and deeply loyal aides acted as gatekeepers, schedulers, and protectors of Biden. First Lady Jill Biden carried the most sway. Her chief of staff, Anthony Bernal, and White House deputy chief of staff Annie Tomasini — who had been at the president’s side for years — helped manage his calendar and his personal needs. Successive White House chiefs of staff Ron Klain and Jeff Zients, along with presidential counselor Mike Donilon, senior adviser Steve Ricchetti, Anita Dunn, and Deputy Chief of Staff Bruce Reed, formed a cocoon around Biden that tightened and hardened with each passing month.
But his capabilities did not decline in a strictly linear fashion. There were good hours and bad hours, great days and lost days. Over time, he was foggy more often and sharp less often. The shift became more dramatic in the spring of 2024, according to an aide who saw Biden semiregularly. “Physically, mentally, there was definitely a drop,” the aide said. The change was harder for Democrats outside his tight circle to detect. They had to rely on reports from the aides who were protecting him.
In that way, the White House team permitted the Democratic Party to shield itself from the hard reality of Biden’s condition. Elected officials who believed he was losing altitude, either from personal interactions or from what they could glean by watching him on television, were reluctant to say so openly, fearful of being read out of their own party for heresy. They also protected Biden because they believed he was their best chance to stop Trump from taking the White House. But the signs of decline were clear to anyone who was willing to see them.
Behind the scenes, in brief interactions in the White House, lawmakers and aides outside of Biden’s inner circle would occasionally gossip about what they had seen. In one West Wing meeting in September 2021, as he tried to convince Democratic holdouts to help advance his agenda, Biden rambled far off topic, telling unrelated stories about his days in the Senate. Some wrote it off as a sentimental trip down memory lane, while others took the departure from talks about his sweeping economic proposal as evidence that he was losing his grip.
In late September 2022, Biden invited members of the late representative Jackie Walorski’s family to the White House. A couple of days earlier, he had searched a crowd for the Indiana congresswoman to credit her for cosponsoring legislation creating a conference on hunger. “Jackie, are you here?” Biden said. “Where’s Jackie?” She had died in a car crash the previous month. To help make up for the gaffe, he invited her ninety – year – old mother into the Oval Office and gave her and other family members a tour of the White House. Biden took a small group of Walorski family members, lawmakers, and the first lady to the White House dining room.
“Do you want to go outside?” he asked the Walorski family.
“No!” Jill Biden interjected from the other side of the table. “They don’t want to go outside.”
The president looked at Walorski’s mom as he opened a door to the South Lawn. “Are you sure you don’t want to go outside?” he asked. She did.
California representative Kevin McCarthy, the House minority leader, tagged along as Biden led his tour group down to the White House swimming pool and to the changing rooms.
What the fuck is going on? McCarthy thought. What could be so interesting about the lockers?
Biden tried the door. It was locked, and he needed a Secret Service agent to unlock it. Inside there was nothing more exciting than two dressing rooms. McCarthy, thinking he had just become a temporary staff minder for the president, prompted Biden to head back into the White House. The tour continued into a small office Biden had set up adjacent to the Oval Office with a desk, a chair, and a valet. A wrinkled blue shirt hung on the valet. He pointed out a painting that he particularly liked.
Holy shit , McCarthy thought . The president is not with it.
The lawmaker wandered back into the Oval Office, effectively leading the tour out of the tighter space with Biden’s smaller desk. The president perked back up as he walked into the Oval.
“Kevin, ask me why I have a painting of Abraham Lincoln,” Biden said, before answering his own question. “It’s because we’ve never been at a time like this since the Civil War.” McCarthy walked out to his car that night feeling a hint of sadness. This guy’s literally lost his mind , he thought to himself.
About a month before the New York fundraiser with Wall Street donors, Biden stumbled over a sandbag — literally — at the U.S. Air Force Academy graduation ceremony in Colorado. After that, he grudgingly made minor changes to his routine. He started wearing “maximum stability” HOKA shoes more often, and he began using a shorter flight of wheel – up steps to board Air Force One from under the plane’s belly rather than the longer set of airstairs commonly used by departing and arriving presidents. His brother Frank told friends that the nerves in Biden’s feet were often inflamed to the point that he felt a burning sensation as he walked, a neuropathy their father had endured and which explained the president’s ginger tread.
In front of more than a hundred people at an off – the – record conference in Aspen, Colorado, in September 2023, Hollywood superagent Ari Emanuel confronted Klain about the president’s fitness. It’s grossly irresponsible for someone of Biden’s age, who is already clearly slowing down, to run for president again, Emanuel asserted during a question – and – answer session. Beyond his standing as a party donor, Emanuel’s brother Rahm was Biden’s ambassador to Japan. Klain, who by that time had left the White House, brushed the concern aside. Biden wasn’t going anywhere , he said.
At a February 2024 reception with governors, Biden refused to look at a GOP plan on border security — and then oddly clung to the folder containing it as aides tried to take it from him. For some, it was reminiscent of Biden’s performance at a meeting with governors the year before, in the East Room of the White House, when White House staff coached Harris to be ready to step in for Biden if his remarks went sideways. As he trailed off, Harris, sitting next to him, silently rooted for him to finish smoothly. “Her face looked like ‘C’mon, C’mon,’ ” said one Harris aide who was in the room. The same month as the 2024 governors reception, special counsel Robert Hur , tasked with recommending whether to prosecute Biden for retaining classified documents from his vice presidency when he was a private citizen, issued a damaging report to Attorney General Merrick Garland. Hur recommended that the Justice Department refrain from bringing charges against Biden because it would be difficult, if not impossible, to prove that he knowingly kept the documents. “Biden’s memory was significantly limited,” Hur wrote, both when he spoke with a ghostwriter for his book Promise Me, Dad in 2017 and “in his interview with our office in 2023.” Biden is an “elderly man with a poor memory,” Hur concluded.
Biden struggled to recall which years he served as vice president, details of the debate over withdrawing from Afghanistan in 2021, and even the year in which his son Beau died of brain cancer. At a press conference following the release of the findings, Biden responded defiantly and self – righteously, as his aides often did when his acuity was questioned. “Frankly, when I was asked the question,” he said of the timing of his son’s death , “I thought to myself, was it any of their damn business?” But Hur, who theorized that Biden would be treated like a kindly old man by a jury, had inflicted damage on the president.
“The special counsel said the quiet part out loud,” a former lawmaker who had met with Biden at the White House earlier in his term said at the time. “I think I share some of the concerns of the American people. Because if it’s really Weekend at Bernie’s , who are the two guys carrying him along?” It was more than two guys who acted as crutches for Biden, but not much more.
In April or May of 2024, according to one aide who had recently returned to Biden’s orbit after a hiatus, there was a marked difference in his performance. “I was struck by how much better he showed up on TV than he did in person,” this aide said. Biden would frequently pause for minutes before exiting his limo and then emerge with a confused look on his face, the aide added. The stories weren’t legion, but they were common enough for insiders to sense that Biden wasn’t always in top form.
By the month of the debate, Biden’s condition had grown worse. On June 10, at a White House concert celebrating the upcoming Juneteenth holiday, he froze for several seconds, standing motionless amid a sea of attendees swaying to R&B music. Vice President Kamala Harris and her husband, Doug Emhoff, danced next to Biden as he stared off into the distance, his arms and hands tense at his sides. At the G – 7 meeting in Puglia, Italy, on June 13 and 14, Biden aides noticed that he was physically beat and mentally unfocused as he conversed with leaders of the world’s powerhouse economies. “He was tired when he got there, and tired in most of those sessions,” one of them said, describing various methods his team devised to keep him on track in the first half of 2024. “Everybody kind of woke up wondering if today was the day when something went sideways,” the aide said. “It was like this mix of anxiety and ‘let’s minimize all the risks we can.’ ”
While aides spent the early hours of each day worrying about what might go wrong, Biden’s mornings started with masking the physical signs of his age. When he traveled overnight, Biden would have a makeup artist meet him around 8 a.m. in a cleared – out hotel room on his floor to smooth out his wrinkles and cover the liver spots on his face. Usually, the room would be set up for Biden to participate in Zoom meetings with aides back at the White House, but he did not consistently do that. “He always made makeup, but the briefings were almost always pulled down,” said one aide familiar with his schedule. “He was a late starter for sure.” Vanity was nothing new for Biden, whose enhancements over time included hair plugs and veneers. But he and his aides knew that his age was a major issue for voters, and that meant his look mattered more than ever.
None of them said a word about trying to whitewash his age or hide his inability to concentrate on his meetings, but he had sown more doubt about his ability to perform his duties among some of the people who traveled with him.
The day after the summit, Biden appeared to lock up again at a tinsel – tinged Los Angeles fundraising extravaganza featuring former president Barack Obama and Hollywood A – listers. After the two presidents sat for a friendly interview with comedian Jimmy Kimmel, Biden stopped for more than a moment on his way off the stage. Obama walked over to him, took him by the wrist, and led him away. White House aides dismissed both freeze moments — at the Juneteenth concert and the $30 million Hollywood fundraiser — as fake news, arguing that Republicans were trying to turn normal pauses into a medical condition.
Silver screen idol George Clooney would later confide to the country in a New York Times op – ed that Father Time’s toll on Biden was evident that day. He was no longer the Biden of 2010, or even of 2020, Clooney wrote: “He was the same man we all witnessed at the debate.”

* The forty – fourth president never had much faith in Biden’s political ability. He’d skipped over Biden to bless Hillary Clinton in 2016 and stayed out of the Democratic primary in 2020 until it became a clear choice between Biden and Bernie Sanders, a self – described socialist. He thought there were better candidates in the field that year. When Biden implied to voters that he would serve just one term — even calling himself a “bridge” to the next generation of leaders — Obama told friends he thought that made the most sense. If Biden was lucky enough to win a first term, he shouldn’t test fate again at eighty – one years old.
From his retreat on Martha’s Vineyard, where he played golf almost daily with billionaires, entertainment icons, and sports stars, Obama liked to think of himself as floating above the fray.

* [Jennifer] O’Malley Dillon did not like to be questioned — not by her staff, not by other operatives, and certainly not by donors. At forty – seven, she was one of only a handful of living campaign managers who had guided a Democrat to the presidency, and she had done it with plenty of skeptics challenging her moves. By kissing up to Biden and his graying pooh – bahs on that campaign, and later at the White House, she amassed more power over the president’s political operation than anyone outside his innermost circle. By setting up information silos that reported only to her, she maintained her authority over the 2024 campaign.
Over the years, JOD had earned a reputation as a polarizing force, inspiring deep loyalty among the staffers she empowered and alienating those she shunned. If she wasn’t a master of the inside political game, it was only because she left too many adversaries in her midst. But she was not someone to be fucked with lightly. Under attack from the campaign’s top donors, she refused to give an inch. She simply repeated the talking points of the night before, applying another layer of lipstick to the face of failure. A round of rapid – fire questions did nothing to dent her armor as she insisted that Biden’s team did not think there was a larger problem with Biden than an unexpectedly bad debate night. “If we really were trying to hide him, we would have hidden him,” she told them. “I never imagined he would have such a bad debate.”
What do we say to people who think there’s something wrong with the president? What’s the plan to mitigate the damage from the debate? What changes need to be made to bounce back and win the election? O’Malley Dillon told the buckrakers to stop wringing their hands. You’re either on the team, she told them, or you’re not.
Not only did some of Biden’s most important allies believe that O’Malley Dillon was gaslighting them, but they felt that she was treating them like traitors. Incompetent , one bundler thought as he listened to frustration mounting in the voices of his peers. An honest assessment would go a long way to reassuring us. O’Malley Dillon had become accustomed to watching elected officials, donors, and aides fall in line when she gave orders. Now, O’Malley Dillon taking a tough stand against the very people who paid her salary rated somewhere between chutzpah and hubris.

* To Obama, Biden didn’t seem to grasp the gravity of the situation. He hung up more convinced that Biden was out of touch with the harsh reality of certain defeat.
Biden lived in bubble wrap inside bunkers. The White House. Camp David. A primary home in Wilmington that his family called the Lake. And, increasingly, a beach house in Rehoboth Beach, Delaware. Withdrawn from the maddening crowd of professional Democrats, fat – cat donors, and prying reporters, he honed the chip on his shoulder. He was always right; they were always wrong. They always doubted him. They would never learn, no matter how many times they underestimated him. They were all Obama. They would pretend they had been with him all along when, inevitably, he rebounded to victory.
Like most politicians, Biden demanded absolute loyalty from the people he allowed into his physical and psychological circles. In turn, his family and closest aides reflected his us – versus – them paradigm. They too treated anyone who questioned him with suspicion and anyone who crossed him with spite. This was especially true within the tight – knit Biden family, which surrounded him at Camp David the weekend after the debate. The family trained their fire at the insiders, not the outsiders.
The campaign’s spin galled Biden’s family and some of his close friends. The idea that a cold had defeated him sounded ridiculous on its face. More than that, it put the blame at the president’s feet and absolved his aides. Beyond Hunter’s vendetta against Dunn and Bauer, the family developed a narrative that, rather than illness, Biden had been undone by overpreparation . In this telling, which would be spread to the media, his team had filled his head with so many facts, figures, and scripted lines that he couldn’t process everything in real time.
Even if it wasn’t true, that narrative provided an opening for his aides to fall on their swords, sparing the president. That was the right thing to do, at least from the perspective of Biden’s family and friends. But his White House and campaign aides stuck to the story that nothing was amiss at debate prep, that there was no way to predict how poorly he would perform, and that the cold was the only explanation they could find. “None of those cocksuckers would take the blame,” said one Biden ally who participated in debate prep.

* Biden even factored in the party unity aspect: if Democrats picked someone else, they could lose Black voters by the millions. But the most satisfying aspect of his decision to endorse had little to do with Harris. “It was a fuck – you to Obama’s plan,” said one person close to both men. “At that moment, you have very few things you control, and that’s the one thing he had control over, and he chose to stick it to Obama.”
In truth, there was little love lost between the Biden and Harris camps. First Lady Jill Biden had never gotten over Harris hammering her husband over school busing on a debate stage in 2019 — all but calling him racist — and neither had Biden’s old guard. The first lady’s staff “holds the grudges that she can’t outwardly hold,” said one White House official. Over the previous three weeks, Biden’s team had inflicted serious reputational damage on Harris with Democratic insiders — to say nothing of the three – plus years before that.
She had hurt herself too. Harris was tough on staff, even by Washington standards, and they spun in and out of her orbit at an alarming rate. She tended to interrogate them about matters large and small, asking questions until she eventually found one they could not answer. It made her feel intellectually superior — a sign of an underlying lack of confidence in herself — said one longtime aide who had worked with other politicians. “She can be ice cold,” this person said.

* She often spoke publicly of her affection for him, and there were few signs that the principals did not get along well. But now that he had thrown in the towel, she knew locking down delegates would be harder because of the way his team disparaged her to fellow Democrats.
That had been a sore point for years, long before the debate. Like most vice presidents, she was given a shit – sandwich portfolio stocked with issues, like illegal border crossings, that the president couldn’t solve. By July 2021, less than six months into her job, Harris slipped under the even mark in favorability surveys, eventually dropping well below 40 percent approval, and stayed underwater.
In 2022 and 2023, some elite Democrats chattered about the pros and cons of replacing Harris on the ballot. The talk was never serious, but it underscored the degree to which Democratic insiders worried that she would be a drag on Biden — with Republicans arguing that the next person in line to the presidency mattered more with an elderly commander in chief. Some Democrats thought she was incapable of winning if she had to take over for him.

* The main plank of the case for her, even among many of those who made it, revolved around the idea that the party would implode if it bypassed a Black woman vice president. Pelosi, the Democrat who put the most public pressure on Biden, didn’t want her. “Her assessment was there were other, better candidates who didn’t have Harris’s negatives, but that anyone would be better for House and Senate races than Biden,” said one Pelosi confidant. In private conversations, Obama flat – out told allies she would lose to Trump.
“I think they felt Kamala was weaker than she is,” said one Republican Trump ally who knows Biden, Obama, Harris, and Pelosi.
Had Biden been most concerned and clear – eyed about keeping Trump out of the White House, he might have chosen not to seek reelection at all. His approval ratings had dipped underwater for good following the fatal withdrawal from Afghanistan. He failed to sell his legislative wins as economic engines. About three – quarters of voters thought the country was on the wrong track. And most of them believed he was too old to serve another term.

* Obama still had deep misgivings about Harris — and a hankering for an intraparty fight. “He did not think she should be the candidate,” said one confidant. He liked the idea of Michigan governor Gretchen Whitmer at the top of the ticket and Maryland governor Wes Moore at the bottom — a combination that would still allow Democrats to rally around a woman and a person of color — but he was mostly certain he didn’t want a coronation of Harris.

* Harris had long pined for Obama’s imprimatur. But for the most part, he couldn’t be bothered with her.
In Chicago’s Grant Park, on the night he claimed the presidency in 2008, Harris wandered outside a VIP tent set up for elected officials. She tried to force herself into one reserved for Obama’s friends and family. “She was adamant about it,” said one person who recalled her eagerness to get inside “the bubble.” But Harris, then the San Francisco district attorney, was turned away because she was neither family nor friend.

* Harris had tea with the Obamas a couple of times during her vice presidency. But Harris did not solicit their counsel in the way that other savvy politicians did. “She didn’t ask them questions. She didn’t build up a strong relationship there.” That resulted from her own self – doubt, the aide said. Harris “didn’t want to be seen as not knowing something” or “to be exposed.”

Posted in America, Donald Trump, Joe Biden | Comments Off on Fight: Inside the Wildest Battle for the White House

Michael Huemer: Trade, Tariffs, & Make-Work Bias

Philosopher Michael Huemer writes:

Trade is in the news because of the Trump tariffs. I’ve finally given in and written this post, in case any of you still don’t know why free trade is good.

Free trade is always good? How about free trade in fentanyl? How about free trade that undermines our national security?

Bryan Caplan lists “make-work bias” as one of the four main biases people have about economics. Make-work bias is the tendency to view “jobs” rather than labor as a scarce resource that should be conserved. Hence, people think it is good to “create jobs” by causing there to be a greater need for labor, rather than trying to save labor. E.g., if a machine can help produce widgets using half as much labor per widget, many people think this is bad because it “destroys jobs”.

Should we make our society around abstract models of economic efficiency or should we make economics serve our society?

There’s a story that Milton Friedman once visited China, where officials proudly showed him one of their infrastructure projects, on which many men were working with shovels. Friedman asked why they were using shovels; didn’t they have any heavy earth-moving machines? His guide told him that the reason was that this was a jobs program. Friedman replied, “Oh, well, if it’s a jobs program, then why aren’t they using spoons?”

Because using spoons would destroy morale. Human dignity does not seem to play any role in Huemer’s understanding of the world.

This is just applying the same logic that had them using hand shovels instead of steam shovels. The essence of the make-work bias is the belief that inefficiency is good. If you can achieve a given result by expending either 3 hours of work or 6 hours, you should take 6 hours.

No one would think this way in their personal life, but when we start talking about the economy of a whole society, suddenly that sounds reasonable to many people.

Why should economic efficiency be the number one goal for an economy? How about the robust factor? National interests? Morale? Dignity?

Of course, if we listened to that kind of argument, we would end economic progress. We’d all still be living in an agricultural society where almost all of us would be farmers.

Economic efficiency is a good thing but it is not the only good thing. If you want to deny that economic efficiency should trump all other concerns, that does not mean that such efficiency has zero efficacy.

It doesn’t matter, economically, what goes on out in the Pacific; it doesn’t matter if some Japanese people are involved, or if there is some kind of magic spell that converts a pile of corn into a car. It’s still just a matter of using the most efficient method to get the product. It’s not economically harmful to be efficient.

Economists want the rule of economists in the economy just as lawyers want the rule of lawyers. The rule of lawyers is not the rule of law. It is a usurpation of law. The rule of courts is not the rule of law. It is a usurpation of law.

Law and Economics are not disciplines that automatically have the right to rule.

Posted in Economics | Comments Off on Michael Huemer: Trade, Tariffs, & Make-Work Bias

What are the most important differences between right and left on male-female differences?

Grok says:

Biological vs. Social Basis:

Right: Emphasizes biological differences (e.g., genetics, hormones) as primary drivers of male-female traits, behaviors, and roles. Often cites evolutionary psychology, like men’s higher physical strength or women’s nurturing tendencies, to argue for innate distinctions.

Left: Stresses social and cultural factors (e.g., socialization, systemic biases) as shaping most differences. Views many traits as constructed rather than inherent, often downplaying or questioning biological determinism.

Gender Roles:

Right: Tends to support traditional gender roles, arguing they reflect natural differences and complementary functions (e.g., men as providers, women as caregivers). Sees deviations as potentially disruptive to societal stability.

Left: Advocates for fluid or egalitarian roles, arguing traditional norms stem from patriarchal structures. Promotes dismantling rigid expectations to allow individual choice, regardless of sex.

Cognitive and Behavioral Differences:

Right: Often accepts studies showing average differences (e.g., men’s edge in spatial reasoning, women’s in verbal skills) as evidence of inherent traits, justifying differentiated treatment or expectations.

Left: Skeptical of such studies, citing methodological flaws or small effect sizes. Argues environmental factors (e.g., education, stereotypes) largely explain observed differences, advocating for equal treatment.

Policy Implications:

Right: Supports policies reflecting perceived differences, like sex-specific sports or workplace roles, arguing fairness and efficiency. May oppose affirmative action or quotas as ignoring natural disparities.

Left: Pushes for policies to counteract historical inequities (e.g., gender-neutral sports categories, workplace diversity initiatives), arguing systemic barriers, not biology, create disparities.

Approach to Transgender Issues:

Right: Often views sex as binary and immutable, tying gender to biology. May resist transgender recognition in contexts like bathrooms or sports, citing fairness or safety based on physical differences.

Left: Embraces gender as a spectrum, prioritizing self-identification over biological sex. Supports inclusive policies, arguing social acceptance outweighs concerns about physical differences.

These differences stem from contrasting views on nature vs. nurture and individual vs. collective responsibility. The right leans toward accepting differences as fixed and functional, while the left sees them as malleable and often unjustly imposed. Both sides cherry-pick science to fit their narratives, though the right tends to align more with evolutionary biology and the left with sociological frameworks.

Posted in Feminism, Sex | Comments Off on What are the most important differences between right and left on male-female differences?

DEI Kills – Capt. Lobach’s Reckless Disregard For 67 Lives Is Not Complicated (5-1-25)

01:00 NYT Lies: New details revealed by The Times show that the failures on Jan. 29 before an Army helicopter crashed into a jet near Reagan National Airport were far more complex than previously known. https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/27/business/dc-plane-crash-reagan-airport.html
02:00 DC Helicopter/Airliner Crash: Shocking Pilot Error Details Covered Up By Military! https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x7kXWj4pOOU
05:00 Reckless Disregard, https://scholarship.law.duke.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1190&context=alr
19:30 American citizenship has its privileges notes Commentary magazine podcast, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6X9oqr-_RVw
21:45 Tennessee authorities release body camera video of traffic stop involving Kilmar Abrego-Garcia, https://www.foxnews.com/us/tennessee-bodycam-maryland-man-traffic-stop-shows-troopers-hands-tied-despite-smuggling-clues
38:00 Standards not STDs!
41:00 Jewish students on campus are unable to move freely, Muslim students complain about their feelings
43:20 Which books best capture the Trump era?
45:00 The Age of Entitlement by Christopher Caldwell, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l1Acsa_hq7M
46:30 Mark Halperin: Waltz OUT as NSA… Could Witkoff Be Next Up? Plus, Gavin Newsom on Why He’s Not a “Crazy Liberal”, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=28TFspj_SBI
58:00 No Trade Is Free: Changing Course, Taking on China, and Helping America’s Workers, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=160637
1:14:10 Why the media covered up Joe Biden’s obvious senility, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T_K90cfrrn0
1:18:00 Kip joins to talk about how there is more to life than economic efficiency
1:36:40 Neurologist comments on Biden’s health, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=97ZIHY2QcDI
1:38:30 Who Determines The Winning Narrative?, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=155583
1:41:00 Liberals Were Blinded To Biden’s Senility By Their Own Speech Codes, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=155583
1:50:30 Josh Hawley on manhood, https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/josh-hawleys-manhood-teaser/id1651876897?i=1000701556004

Grok says:

Luke Ford, in the video “DEI Kills – Capt. Lobach’s Reckless Disregard For 67 Lives Is Not Complicated” (May 1, 2025), displays several instances where his self-awareness appears lacking, particularly in how he frames the helicopter crash, his views on DEI (Diversity, Equity, Inclusion), and his broader social commentary. Below, I outline key areas where this lack of self-awareness manifests, based on the video transcript and its context:

Overgeneralization and Simplification of Complex Issues:

Ford attributes the helicopter crash, which killed 67 people, solely to the pilot, Captain Rebecca Lobach, claiming it was due to her “massive levels of incompetence” or “deliberate terror murderous assault” (1:35-1:56). He dismisses the New York Times’ reporting that highlights multiple contributing factors (missteps, equipment problems, risky practices) as a “lie” (1:46). This suggests a lack of self-awareness about his own confirmation bias, as he ignores evidence of systemic or technical issues in favor of a narrative that pins all blame on an individual, particularly emphasizing her gender and DEI policies. By doing so, he fails to recognize the complexity of aviation accidents, which often involve multiple failures, as supported by general knowledge of crash investigations (e.g., NTSB reports typically cite chains of errors, not single causes).

His assertion that DEI policies led to Lobach’s promotion “way above her abilities” (10:50) lacks evidence beyond his assumption that her gender and DEI initiatives inherently imply incompetence. This reflects a blind spot in critically examining his own assumptions about merit and systemic factors, such as training or operational protocols, which could have contributed to the crash.

Uncritical Acceptance of His Own Narrative on DEI and Group Differences:

Ford repeatedly argues that recognizing “different groups have different gifts” (0:32, 11:05-11:25) is an “overwhelming truth” suppressed by elites, and that DEI policies ignoring these differences lead to disasters like the crash (0:51-1:05). He frames this as a self-evident reality, citing examples like Sherpas’ high-altitude adaptations or African disease resistance (11:32-12:03). However, he shows little self-awareness of the risks of stereotyping or the lack of direct evidence linking genetic group differences to the specific competencies required for piloting a helicopter. His reliance on broad generalizations (e.g., “Blacks have certain gifts that non-blacks don’t have” [13:13]) overlooks individual variation and the rigorous selection processes in military aviation, which are designed to prioritize skill over demographic quotas.

He accuses the media of a “blind spot” on DEI (10:58) but fails to reflect on his own potential bias in assuming DEI automatically compromises merit. This lack of self-awareness is evident in his failure to provide data or specific policy examples showing how DEI led to Lobach’s alleged incompetence, instead relying on anecdotal outrage and selective reporting (e.g., citing Jimmy Dore and Alec Parson, 2:03-2:48).

Gendered and Derogatory Commentary:

Ford’s rhetoric about women in combat roles or piloting helicopters (15:04-15:17) reveals a lack of self-awareness about the implications of his statements. He claims women in such positions are “demoralizing for society” and should not fly attack helicopters, without acknowledging the extensive evidence of women’s successful service in military roles (e.g., women have served as pilots in the U.S. military since the 1990s, with proven competence in combat zones). His dismissive tone, including references to “mansplaining” (3:47) or joking about Lobach’s menstrual cycle (4:58), suggests he is unaware of how such remarks undermine his credibility or alienate listeners who might otherwise engage with his broader points on meritocracy.

He does not reflect on how his focus on Lobach’s gender as a primary factor in the crash might contribute to the very polarization he critiques, reinforcing stereotypes rather than fostering a reasoned discussion about aviation safety or policy.

Selective Use of Sources and Lack of Reflexivity:

Ford cites sources like Jimmy Dore, Alec Parson, and X posts (2:03-2:54, 9:36) to support his narrative, but he does not question their reliability or potential biases, despite criticizing the New York Times for “burying the lead” (2:48). This indicates a lack of self-awareness about his own selective sourcing, as he accuses mainstream media of narrative manipulation while engaging in similar practices by amplifying unverified or opinion-driven claims (e.g., calling Lobach’s actions a “deliberate terror murderous assault” without evidence, 1:35).

He praises his own journalistic experience (6:33) and claims to understand “reckless disregard for the truth” in libel law (6:18-7:24), yet applies this standard inconsistently, condemning Lobach and DEI policies without substantiating evidence while overlooking his own speculative assertions. This suggests a failure to reflect on how his approach mirrors the media practices he critiques.

Failure to Acknowledge Contradictions in His Social Views:

Ford advocates for group-based freedoms, such as allowing communities to maintain racial or cultural homogeneity (15:59-16:17), while also championing individual merit (0:58). He does not seem aware of the tension between these positions: prioritizing group identity could undermine the individual meritocracy he claims to support. For instance, his call for “black neighborhoods” or “Jewish dominance” in certain areas (15:59-16:11) contradicts his criticism of DEI for prioritizing group identity over merit.

His discussion of social cohesion and harmony (45:17-49:34) romanticizes pre-1960s America as a high-trust society, ignoring the systemic exclusion of minorities and women that underpinned that “harmony.” He fails to reflect on how his vision of a cohesive society might marginalize groups he claims should be allowed to flourish (15:41).

Unreflective Tribalism and Polarization:

Ford’s strong identification with right-wing perspectives (e.g., supporting Trump’s immigration policies, 24:26-25:01, or praising traditional masculinity, 55:54-57:00) shows a lack of self-awareness about how his tribalism mirrors the elite media’s alleged biases, which he criticizes (54:53-55:04). He accuses the media of denying group differences (11:05-11:18) but does not acknowledge how his own emphasis on group differences fuels division, potentially alienating those who might agree with his concerns about policy or safety but reject his framing.

His call for harsh punishment and vengeance (29:14-30:02) as a right-wing instinct reflects a lack of awareness about how this stance might alienate moderates or those who value rehabilitation, further entrenching the polarization he decries.

Posted in America | Comments Off on DEI Kills – Capt. Lobach’s Reckless Disregard For 67 Lives Is Not Complicated (5-1-25)

WSJ: Many Big Law Firms Shun Conservative Clients – They denounce Trump for targeting causes he opposes, but they’re guilty of the same thing.

Law professor John Greil writes:

For years, some of America’s biggest law firms have been unwilling to represent conservative clients whose beliefs run against the elite liberal consensus. This imbalance hurts reputations—and compromises the rule of law.

Big law firms have repeatedly tossed aside superstar attorneys when they represent conservatives. Former Solicitor General Paul Clement, one of his generation’s top Supreme Court litigators, resigned from King & Spalding in 2011 after the firm refused to allow him to defend the Defense of Marriage Act. In 2022 he was forced out of Kirkland & Ellis for declining to comply with the firm’s order to abandon all clients whose cases related to the Second Amendment. (Mr. Clement represents WilmerHale in a lawsuit challenging a Trump order.) Todd Blanche, now a high-ranking Justice Department official, had to leave Cadwalader, Wickersham & Taft to represent Mr. Trump in his 2024 Manhattan criminal trial.

Law professor Derek Muller has found that in the five most politically controversial Supreme Court cases between 2018 and 2022, elite firms filed 93 friend-of-the-court briefs in favor of the liberal position and only five supporting the conservative one.

The current term is no different. This month the Supreme Court heard arguments in Mahmoud v. Taylor, a case in which parents are claiming the right to opt their children out of sexually charged elementary school lessons. Nine members of the Am Law 100—a ranking of the largest 100 law firms in the country—filed briefs backing the school. None supported the parents.

Posted in Law | Comments Off on WSJ: Many Big Law Firms Shun Conservative Clients – They denounce Trump for targeting causes he opposes, but they’re guilty of the same thing.

The Discussion Has Changed From Tariffs Are Bad To Trump’s Tariffs Are Bad (4-27-25)

02:00 Trump’s Al Anon Approach To The World, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=160926
04:00 Are there too many variables with global trade for anyone to be an expert?, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=160918
17:00 Trump Rally or Bessent Put? Elon Back at Tesla, Google’s Gemini Problem, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4tcd1EgQrhU
25:00 Trump’s Dealism, https://www.ft.com/content/eb780115-80ec-48c4-ab96-4936624ff167
40:30 Michael joins to talk about tariffs
1:01:00 Jordan Peterson
1:14:20 Who determines the winning narrative? https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=155583
1:16:20 Did we evolve to be gullible? Not Born Yesterday: The Science of Who We Trust and What We Believe, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=156725
1:32:00 Are there too many variables with global trade for anyone to be an expert?, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=160918
1:40:00 Politico: Voters Were Right About the Economy. The Data Was Wrong., https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2025/02/11/democrats-tricked-strong-economy-00203464
2:01:00 Don’t Fall Into the Issue-Legitimacy Trap, https://chroniclesmagazine.org/web/dont-fall-into-the-issue-legitimacy-trap/
2:06:00 Tariffs Are Essential to a Free People, https://chroniclesmagazine.org/web/tariffs-are-essential-to-a-free-people/
2:14:00 No University Is Above the Law, https://chroniclesmagazine.org/web/no-university-is-above-the-law/
2:20:00 End U.S. Taxpayer Support for the Higher Education Gravy Train, https://chroniclesmagazine.org/web/end-u-s-taxpayer-support-for-the-higher-education-gravy-train/
2:37:00 Christopher Caldwell on the Right in Europe, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MUQZbWBGcpo
2:46:00 The pathology of getting mad at a politician for not immediately accomplishing the impossible such as deporting 20 million illegal aliens
2:52:00 African immigration into Europe fuels a right-wing populist backlash against elites
complex trauma, growing up in danger fight or flight…how old were you before you could be authentic and be loved?
3:02:00 Christopher Caldwell: The Right since Reagan, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rKAsigpcwQM
3:15:00 9 Ways Shame Changes Your Relationships With Others | The Characteristics of Complex Trauma, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dW9-9uq2-9I
3:50:00 Decoding Dennis Prager, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=148127

Posted in America | Comments Off on The Discussion Has Changed From Tariffs Are Bad To Trump’s Tariffs Are Bad (4-27-25)

Trump’s Al Anon Approach To The World

The Al Anon approach to life is to recognize the limits of your power and influence and to allow people to reap the consequences of their decisions. Ukraine tried to ally with the West. As a result, Russia smashed it. Perhaps America needs to step back and let Ukraine reap the consequences.

Grok says:

The Al-Anon approach, rooted in accepting personal limits and letting others face natural consequences, can frame complex geopolitical issues like Ukraine’s situation, but it oversimplifies the dynamics. Ukraine’s alignment with the West was a sovereign choice, driven by historical, cultural, and security concerns, including Russia’s prior aggression (e.g., 2014 annexation of Crimea). Russia’s invasion in 2022 wasn’t just a consequence of Ukraine’s Western pivot but a calculated move to assert dominance, violating international norms.
Applying Al-Anon’s “step back” logic to U.S. policy ignores strategic realities. Ukraine’s fight isn’t just its own; it’s a firewall against autocratic expansion that could threaten NATO allies, global stability, and energy markets. U.S. support—$113 billion in aid by mid-2024—hasn’t just sustained Ukraine but weakened Russia’s military and economy without direct U.S. boots on the ground. Stepping back could embolden Russia, signal weakness to adversaries like China, and unravel alliances built on mutual defense.
That said, the counterargument resonates with war fatigue and fiscal concerns. Pouring billions into a distant conflict while domestic issues fester can feel reckless, and some argue Ukraine’s Western ambitions provoked Russia unnecessarily. Yet, abandoning Ukraine risks a worse outcome: a Russian victory could destabilize Europe, spike global inflation, and invite further aggression.
Al-Anon’s wisdom about control has merit—America can’t dictate Ukraine’s path or Russia’s actions. But geopolitics isn’t personal recovery; disengagement could amplify consequences far beyond Ukraine’s borders. The challenge is balancing principled support with pragmatic limits, not washing hands of the mess.

Donald Trump learned to deal with an alcoholic brother. I wonder if this has affected his worldview?

Donald Trump’s older brother, Fred Trump Jr., struggled with alcoholism and died in 1981 at age 43. Trump has often cited this experience as profoundly shaping his personal choices, notably his decision to abstain from alcohol and drugs. He’s spoken about Fred’s addiction as a cautionary tale, emphasizing the destructive power of substance abuse and the importance of discipline. This suggests a worldview that values self-control and sees personal responsibility as critical, potentially aligning with an Al-Anon-like perspective of recognizing limits in controlling others’ choices while learning from their consequences.
Fred’s struggle also reportedly strained family dynamics, with their father, Fred Sr., pushing high expectations that clashed with Fred Jr.’s more laid-back personality. Trump witnessed this tension and has described feeling pressure to succeed where his brother faltered, particularly in the family real estate business. This could have reinforced a competitive, results-driven outlook, where weakness—whether personal or strategic—is something to avoid or exploit.
Politically, Trump’s rhetoric often frames issues in terms of strength and winning, which some analysts tie to his formative experiences with his brother’s decline. His foreign policy, including skepticism of prolonged U.S. involvement in conflicts like Ukraine’s, might reflect a belief in cutting losses and avoiding entanglement in others’ self-inflicted problems—a stance that echoes Al-Anon’s “letting go” ethos. For instance, during his presidency and 2024 campaign, Trump criticized extensive aid to Ukraine, arguing it risks escalation and burdens U.S. taxpayers, suggesting a preference for nations to handle their own consequences.
However, Trump’s worldview also diverges from Al-Anon’s humility. His public persona—confident, often domineering—contrasts with the program’s emphasis on serenity and acceptance. His approach to adversaries like Russia or China leans transactional, prioritizing deals over moral stands, which might stem less from his brother’s alcoholism and more from his business background. Still, Fred’s fate likely deepened Trump’s disdain for perceived weakness and his focus on personal agency, influencing how he views both individual and national struggles.
No direct evidence ties Trump’s Ukraine stance explicitly to Fred’s addiction, but the parallels are suggestive: a belief that nations, like people, must navigate their own paths, with America stepping back from enabling or over-managing others’ crises. Yet, his broader geopolitical instincts—favoring strongman tactics and quick resolutions—suggest his brother’s influence is just one piece of a complex puzzle.

Posted in America | Comments Off on Trump’s Al Anon Approach To The World

Are there too many variables with global trade for anyone to be an expert?

Normally in professional ethics, your obligations are clear — they are to your client. An attorney primarily has ethical obligations to his client, an accountant to his client, and a doctor to his patient. In journalism, however, ethical obligations are to many parties — the reader, the advertisers, the profession, the subject.

Grok says:

Trade is indeed a field with numerous variables: tariffs, supply chains, currency fluctuations, geopolitical tensions, labor costs, environmental regulations, and consumer demand, to name a few. The World Bank’s trade data shows global trade flows are influenced by over 200 economies, each with unique policies, and the WTO tracks thousands of trade agreements, each with intricate clauses. Add to that real-time disruptions—like the 2021 Suez Canal blockage, which delayed $9.6 billion in daily trade—or long-term shifts like automation reducing manufacturing jobs (down 5% globally from 2000-2020, per UNIDO).

Can someone be an expert in such a multifaceted domain? Yes, but expertise is typically specialized. Economists like Paul Krugman focus on trade theory (e.g., comparative advantage), while logistics experts master supply chains, and trade lawyers dissect WTO rules. No one grasps every variable—much like no doctor knows all of medicine—but deep knowledge in subfields, combined with an ability to synthesize broader trends, defines expertise. The challenge is staying current: trade dynamics shift faster than, say, tax law, requiring constant adaptation. Still, experts exist, evidenced by accurate trade forecasts (e.g., IMF’s 2023 global trade growth prediction of 0.4% was close to actual outcomes).

Journalistic Ethics and Complexity

Journalistic ethics can lose clarity due to competing obligations: truth-telling, impartiality, public interest, source protection, and avoiding harm, all while navigating commercial pressures or political bias. The Society of Professional Journalists’ code emphasizes four principles—seek truth, minimize harm, act independently, be accountable—but applying them in messy realities (e.g., covering divisive issues like immigration or war) creates gray areas. For instance, a 2023 Pew study found 62% of Americans believe news organizations favor one political party, muddying perceptions of ethical clarity.

Unlike trade, where expertise is about mastering variables, journalism’s ethical murkiness stems from balancing subjective duties. A trade expert can quantify tariff impacts; a journalist must weigh whether exposing a source’s identity serves the public more than protecting their safety. This makes universal ethical standards harder to pin down, as context shifts the “right” choice.

Ethical Obligations in Other Professions

Attorneys, accountants, and doctors have clearer primary duties—to their client or patient—rooted in fiduciary or Hippocratic principles. For example:
Attorneys prioritize client advocacy within legal bounds (ABA Model Rules emphasize loyalty and confidentiality).

Accountants uphold client interests through accurate, lawful financial reporting (AICPA Code stresses integrity and objectivity).

Doctors focus on patient health (AMA principles prioritize beneficence and non-maleficence).

These roles have secondary duties—to the public, the law, or professional standards—but the client/patient comes first, giving ethical clarity that journalism often lacks. Trade expertise, meanwhile, doesn’t hinge on ethics but on navigating complexity, so its challenge is intellectual bandwidth, not moral ambiguity.
Connecting the Dots

Trade’s variables don’t preclude expertise, just as ethical complexity doesn’t negate professional duties in other fields. Trade experts manage complexity by specializing and adapting, much like doctors master subfields like cardiology. Journalistic ethics, however, can feel less clear because it juggles subjective priorities without a single “client” to anchor decisions. Attorneys, accountants, and doctors benefit from a defined primary duty, which trade experts don’t need since their work is analytical, not fiduciary.
The analogy holds in that all these fields face overwhelming inputs—variables for trade, obligations for ethics. Expertise or ethical clarity emerges not from knowing everything but from prioritizing what matters most in context. For trade, it’s key metrics and trends; for journalism, it’s case-by-case judgment; for client-based professions, it’s the individual’s interests.

Economists don’t have a great track record predicting macro-economics because there are so many variables.

You’re right—macroeconomic predictions often miss the mark due to the sheer number of variables and their unpredictability. Inflation, GDP growth, unemployment, and trade flows are influenced by countless factors: policy shifts, consumer behavior, geopolitical shocks, natural disasters, and even sentiment. For instance, the IMF’s 2008 global GDP growth forecast was 3.7%; the actual figure tanked to 0.1% after the financial crisis hit. Similarly, in 2021, economists underestimated U.S. inflation, projecting 2-3% while it surged to 7% by year-end, per CPI data.

Why is it so hard? Variables interact chaotically. A single event—like Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine—spiked energy prices, disrupted grain exports, and rippled through global inflation, catching models off-guard. Human behavior adds noise: central bank decisions, investor panic, or political gridlock (e.g., U.S. debt ceiling fights) defy neat equations. Even top models, like DSGE (Dynamic Stochastic General Equilibrium), rely on assumptions that oversimplify reality—perfect markets, rational actors—which crumble under black-swan events.

That said, economists aren’t clueless. They’re better at ranges than pinpoint predictions. The Fed’s 2023 rate hike projections (4.5-5%) were close to actual outcomes (5.25-5.5%). Trade forecasts, like the WTO’s 2024 global trade growth estimate of 2.7%, often hit near the mark unless disruptions (e.g., Red Sea shipping attacks) intervene. Expertise lies in understanding mechanisms—how tariffs affect prices or how currency devaluation boosts exports—not in crystal-ball accuracy.

This ties back to your earlier point: trade, like macroeconomics, is a web of variables, but expertise exists in dissecting patterns and probabilities, not certainties.

Global warming is another area that has too many variables for one person to have expertise.

Global warming, like macroeconomics and trade, is indeed a domain with an overwhelming number of variables, making comprehensive expertise by a single person nearly impossible. The climate system involves intricate interactions across atmospheric chemistry, ocean currents, land use, biological feedbacks, and human activity—each with its own subfields and uncertainties. Let’s unpack why this complexity challenges expertise and connect it to your broader thread about fields with too many variables.

The Complexity of Global Warming

Climate science grapples with variables like:

Physical processes: Greenhouse gas concentrations (CO2, methane), albedo effects from ice melt, cloud feedback loops, and ocean heat absorption. For example, IPCC models estimate a 1.5°C temperature rise by 2030-2050, but cloud formation uncertainties widen that range.

Human factors: Energy consumption, deforestation (e.g., 10% of global forest loss is tied to agriculture, per FAO), urbanization, and policy shifts (e.g., China’s coal use vs. EU’s renewable push).

Feedback loops: Permafrost thawing releases methane, accelerating warming, while warming oceans reduce CO2 absorption. These are hard to model precisely.

External shocks: Volcanic eruptions or solar variability can temporarily alter trends, as seen with the 1991 Mount Pinatubo eruption cooling the planet by 0.5°C for a year.

Add to this the socioeconomic variables—global trade impacts, adaptation costs (estimated at $140-300 billion annually by 2030, per UNEP), or political will for emissions cuts—and the system becomes a labyrinth. No single person can master atmospheric physics, agronomy, geopolitics, and economics simultaneously.

Expertise in Climate Science

Does this mean no one can be a climate expert? Not quite. Like trade or macroeconomics, expertise is specialized. A climate modeler might focus on radiative forcing, using tools like GCMs (General Circulation Models), while a glaciologist studies ice-sheet dynamics, and a policy analyst evaluates carbon pricing. James Hansen, for instance, is renowned for early climate warnings and modeling, but he leans on collaborators for ecological or economic impacts. Interdisciplinary teams—like those behind IPCC reports—synthesize these niches, producing robust (if imperfect) projections.

The catch is integration. A single expert can’t track every variable, just as no economist predicts every market crash. But specialists develop deep intuition for their slice—say, how El Niño affects rainfall—and contribute to broader understanding. Accuracy suffers when variables outside their scope (e.g., a sudden policy shift like the U.S. exiting the Paris Agreement) disrupt predictions. IPCC’s 2001 projection of 1.4-5.8°C warming by 2100 was broad because of such unknowns; newer models narrow it to 2.5-4°C, but uncertainties persist.

Connecting to Your Broader Point

Your thread—trade, macroeconomics, now global warming—highlights domains where complexity challenges mastery. Trade experts navigate tariffs and supply chains but can’t predict every geopolitical flare-up. Economists model GDP but miss shocks like pandemics. Climate scientists quantify emissions but struggle with tipping points like Amazon dieback. The parallel is clear: too many variables, too many unknowns.

Yet, expertise isn’t about omniscience. It’s about mastering a subset of variables and understanding their interplay well enough to make informed, probabilistic judgments. In macroeconomics, predictions fail when black swans hit, but economists still explain inflation dynamics. In climate, models miss exact hurricane paths but nail long-term warming trends (global temperatures have risen 1.1°C since 1880, per NOAA, aligning with early predictions).

The comparison to ethical obligations (your earlier journalism example) is less direct here. Climate science, like trade or macroeconomics, is analytical, not fiduciary, so its challenge is data overload, not moral ambiguity. Still, climate experts face a unique pressure: their work informs high-stakes policy, yet public skepticism (e.g., 30% of Americans doubt human-caused warming, per 2023 Gallup) demands they communicate clearly despite uncertainties.

Why It Matters

No one person can be the ultimate climate expert, just as no one fully masters trade or macroeconomics. But collective expertise—through specialized roles and collaboration—yields actionable insights. For example, while no single scientist predicted the exact intensity of 2023’s record-breaking heatwaves, decades of climate modeling warned of such extremes, driving policies like the EU’s 2035 zero-emission vehicle mandate.

What’s the track record of global warming experts with their predictions?

The track record of global warming experts—primarily climate scientists and their models—shows a mixed but generally solid performance, with accurate long-term trends but less precision on short-term specifics or regional details. The complexity of climate systems, with countless interacting variables (atmospheric chemistry, ocean dynamics, human emissions, feedback loops), makes exact predictions tough, much like macroeconomic forecasts. Below, I’ll outline the successes, misses, and challenges, grounding it in data and examples, while tying it to your broader point about expertise in complex fields.

Successes in Climate Predictions

Climate scientists have been remarkably accurate on big-picture trends, especially global temperature rise and its link to human activity:

Early Warnings: In 1896, Svante Arrhenius estimated that doubling CO2 would raise global temperatures 5-6°C. Modern models (IPCC, 2021) refine this to 2.5-4°C for a doubling, showing his insight was directionally correct.

Temperature Trends: In 1988, James Hansen’s NASA model projected 0.5-1°C warming by 2020 under high-emission scenarios. Actual warming from 1880 to 2020 was ~1.1°C (NOAA), close to his upper bound. IPCC’s 1990 prediction of 0.3°C per decade under business-as-usual scenarios aligns with the observed 0.2-0.3°C per decade since then.

Sea Level Rise: IPCC’s 2001 report projected 20-70 cm of sea level rise by 2100. Observed rise from 1993-2023 (3.7 mm/year, per NASA) tracks the lower end, with recent models (IPCC, 2021) refining to 30-100 cm by 2100, accounting for ice-sheet melt.

CO2 and Emissions: Models from the 1970s (e.g., MIT’s Limits to Growth) and 1980s (e.g., Exxon’s internal studies) correctly linked fossil fuel use to rising CO2. Global CO2 levels have risen from ~340 ppm in 1980 to ~420 ppm in 2023 (NOAA), matching projections assuming continued emissions growth.

These successes stem from robust physics-based models (e.g., General Circulation Models) that capture core dynamics like greenhouse gas radiative forcing. Long-term global trends are easier to predict because they average out short-term noise, much like macroeconomic models nail broad GDP growth better than quarterly swings.

Misses and Limitations

Climate predictions falter on specifics, regional impacts, or tipping points due to unpredictable variables:

Regional Variability: Models struggle with localized effects. For example, IPCC’s 2007 report underestimated Arctic sea ice loss; summer ice extent dropped 40% faster than projected by 2012 (NSIDC). Conversely, Antarctic ice trends remain harder to predict due to complex ocean currents.

Extreme Events: While models predict more frequent extremes (heatwaves, hurricanes), pinpointing their timing or intensity is dicey. The 2021 Pacific Northwest heatwave (49.6°C in Canada) was deemed “virtually impossible” without climate change (World Weather Attribution), but its exact occurrence wasn’t forecasted.

Tipping Points: Feedback loops like permafrost thaw or Amazon dieback are tough to model. A 2019 study (Nature) warned permafrost emissions could add 0.2°C by 2100, but earlier models overlooked this. The collapse of Greenland’s ice sheet, potentially raising sea levels 7 meters, remains a low-probability, high-impact wildcard.

Short-Term Fluctuations: Natural variability (e.g., El Niño, volcanic eruptions) can mask or amplify trends. The 1998-2012 “warming hiatus” (slower surface temperature rise) confused models, though ocean heat uptake explained it later (Science, 2015).

These misses often come from uncertainties in human behavior (e.g., will emissions peak by 2030?) or chaotic systems like clouds, which can either trap or reflect heat. It’s akin to economists missing a recession triggered by a sudden geopolitical shock—core trends hold, but outliers disrupt.

Challenges in Prediction

Climate’s complexity mirrors trade and macroeconomics, as you noted. Key challenges include:

Too Many Variables: Emissions depend on policy, technology, and economics. For instance, China’s coal surge in 2022 (up 4.3%, per IEA) skewed global CO2 higher than some models assumed.

Nonlinear Systems: Small changes can trigger big effects. The Atlantic Meridional Overturning Circulation (AMOC) could slow dramatically if Greenland’s ice melt accelerates, but models disagree on when (Nature, 2023, suggests a 10% chance by 2100).

Data Gaps: Historical climate data is incomplete, especially pre-1900, and proxy records (tree rings, ice cores) have margins of error. Satellites and global monitoring since the 1980s help, but blind spots remain in deep-ocean dynamics.

Public Misinterpretation: Predictions are probabilistic (e.g., “66% chance of 2°C by 2050”), but the public often expects certainty. A 2023 Pew survey found 37% of Americans think climate science is “not settled,” partly due to perceived flip-flops.

Track Record in Context

Overall, climate experts have a strong batting average on global, long-term trends—temperature, CO2, sea level—since the 1970s. Their models correctly tied human emissions to warming, with errors mostly in degree, not direction. Short-term or regional predictions are shakier, much like macroeconomic forecasts missing a market crash but catching decade-long growth. The IPCC’s 2021 report, synthesizing thousands of studies, gives a 95%+ confidence that humans drive warming, and its projections have held up better than, say, economic forecasts during the 2008 crisis.

Compared to your earlier examples:

Trade: Climate models outperform trade forecasts in consistency (e.g., WTO’s 2020 trade drop prediction was off by 3% due to COVID), as physical laws are more predictable than markets.

Macroeconomics: Both fields struggle with shocks. Climate’s edge is its grounding in physics, while economics leans on fickle human behavior.

Expertise Limits: No climate scientist masters every variable (e.g., aerosols vs. biodiversity loss), just as no economist knows all markets. Teams and specialization bridge the gap.

Why It Matters

The track record shows climate science is reliable enough to guide policy—hence global pushes for net-zero by 2050—but not infallible. Misses on specifics (e.g., Arctic ice) don’t negate the core warning: warming is real, human-driven, and accelerating. This aligns with your point about complex fields: expertise exists, but it’s fragmented and probabilistic, not omniscient.

What’s the track record of global trade experts with predictions?

The track record of global trade experts—economists, trade analysts, and institutions like the World Trade Organization (WTO) or International Monetary Fund (IMF)—is mixed, much like that of climate scientists or macroeconomists, as you’ve explored. Trade predictions aim to forecast metrics like global trade volumes, export growth, or the impact of policies (e.g., tariffs, trade agreements), but the field’s complexity, with countless interdependent variables, leads to both successes and misses. Below, I’ll evaluate their performance, grounded in data, and connect it to your broader theme about expertise in domains with too many variables, comparing it to climate and macroeconomic predictions.

Successes in Trade Predictions

Trade experts have a decent record on broad trends and long-term patterns, especially when variables are stable:

Global Trade Growth: The WTO’s forecasts for global merchandise trade volume often come close when economic conditions align with assumptions. For example, their 2019 prediction of 2.6% trade growth was near the actual 2.4% (UNCTAD data). Their 2023 forecast of 0.8% growth matched closely with preliminary 0.9% outcomes.

Trade Liberalization Effects: Experts accurately predicted the trade-boosting effects of major agreements. The 1994 NAFTA deal was projected to increase U.S.-Mexico trade by 15-20% over a decade; actual bilateral trade grew 22% by 2004 (U.S. Census Bureau). The Uruguay Round (1986-1994) was expected to raise global GDP by 1%; post-1995 WTO data confirmed a ~1.2% boost.

Regional Trade Shifts: Analysts foresaw China’s rise as a trade powerhouse after its 2001 WTO entry. China’s share of global exports jumped from 4% in 2000 to 14% by 2020 (World Bank), aligning with projections from the early 2000s.

These successes rely on econometric models (e.g., gravity models) that capture core drivers like GDP growth, exchange rates, and tariff levels. Like climate models nailing long-term warming, trade models excel at aggregate trends when disruptions are minimal.

Misses and Limitations

Trade predictions often falter when faced with unforeseen shocks, complex interactions, or short-term specifics:

Economic Crises: The 2008 financial crisis blindsided experts. The WTO’s 2008 forecast of 4.5% trade growth was obliterated by a 12% collapse in 2009 (World Bank), as global demand tanked. Similarly, the IMF’s 2020 trade growth estimate of 3.4% flipped to a 5.3% drop due to COVID-19 lockdowns.

Geopolitical Disruptions: Trump’s 2018 U.S.-China tariffs (25% on $250 billion in goods) disrupted models. Experts underestimated the trade war’s chilling effect; U.S.-China trade fell 15% in 2019 (U.S. Trade Representative), more than most projections. Brexit’s impact was also misjudged—UK-EU trade dropped 13.6% in 2021 (UK ONS), exceeding many pre-2020 estimates.

Supply Chain Shocks: The 2021 Suez Canal blockage and semiconductor shortages threw off trade forecasts. The WTO’s 2021 prediction of 10.8% trade rebound post-COVID was optimistic; actual growth was ~9.8% (UNCTAD), as bottlenecks persisted.

Regional and Sectoral Details: Like climate models struggling with regional weather, trade models miss granular impacts. For instance, analysts overestimated the Trans-Pacific Partnership’s benefits (projected 0.5% GDP gain for members by 2030) before its 2017 collapse, and underestimated automation’s hit to manufacturing trade (down 2% globally, 2000-2020, per UNIDO).

These misses stem from unpredictable variables: political decisions (e.g., populist tariffs), natural disasters, or technological shifts. Models assume rational actors and stable conditions, but real-world trade is messier, much like macroeconomic forecasts derailed by a geopolitical shock.

Challenges in Trade Prediction

Trade’s complexity mirrors climate and macroeconomics, with overlapping challenges:

Too Many Variables: Trade flows depend on GDP, tariffs, logistics costs, consumer demand, and geopolitics. For example, Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine spiked energy prices, cutting EU trade growth by 1.5% more than forecasted (Eurostat). Human behavior—e.g., China’s zero-COVID policy in 2022—adds noise.

Nonlinear Effects: Small policy changes can cascade. A 10% U.S. tariff on steel in 2018 raised global prices 2-3% (IMF), impacting unrelated sectors like autos. Models struggle to capture these ripples.

Data Lag and Quality: Trade data (e.g., UN Comtrade) often lags months, and developing nations’ reporting can be spotty. This hampers real-time accuracy, similar to climate’s pre-1900 data gaps.

External Shocks: Pandemics, wars, or tech breakthroughs (e.g., 3D printing reducing trade in parts) disrupt assumptions. The 2023 Red Sea shipping attacks, rerouting 15% of global trade (UNCTAD), weren’t in 2022 models.

Track Record in Context

Trade experts’ track record is solid for long-term, global trends—e.g., predicting trade growth tied to globalization (world trade as % of GDP rose from 25% in 1960 to 56% in 2022, per World Bank). But short-term or regional forecasts often miss due to shocks, much like climate models nailing warming but fumbling specific hurricanes. Compared to:
Climate Science: Trade predictions are less consistent. Climate’s physical laws (e.g., CO2 traps heat) are more stable than trade’s reliance on human decisions (e.g., a sudden tariff). IPCC’s 1990 warming projections held up better than the WTO’s 2008 trade collapse forecast.

Macroeconomics: Trade and macro predictions are similarly shaky, as both hinge on economic behavior. The IMF’s 2008 GDP miss (3.7% vs. 0.1%) parallels the WTO’s trade misfire that year. Both fields struggle with crises.

Expertise Limits: No trade expert masters all variables (tariffs, logistics, politics), just as no climate scientist knows every feedback loop. Specialization—e.g., focusing on trade law or supply chains—defines expertise, with teams (like WTO panels) pooling insights.

Why It Matters

Trade experts get the big picture right—globalization’s rise, trade’s GDP link—but stumble on specifics when chaos hits, reinforcing your point about complex fields. Their models, like those in climate or macroeconomics, are tools for probabilities, not certainties. This doesn’t negate expertise; it shows its boundaries, requiring constant updates and humility.

If the experts are united that Trump’s tariffs are terrible, why is Wall Street only down about 7% from its highs earlier this year?

Trump’s tariffs, announced and implemented in stages starting April 2, 2025, include a 10% baseline duty on all U.S. imports, higher “reciprocal” tariffs on about 90 countries, and steep levies on China (up to 145%), Canada, and Mexico (25% on vehicles). These policies sparked immediate market turmoil, with the S&P 500 dropping 4.8% on April 3, its worst day since June 2020, and global markets losing trillions in value. Experts, including JPMorgan’s Jamie Dimon, Goldman Sachs analysts, and Moody’s Mark Zandi, have warned of recession risks (35-60% probability), inflation spikes (2-3% added to CPI), and disrupted supply chains, painting a dire picture.
Yet, as you note, the S&P 500 is only down ~7% from its early 2025 highs (per April 21, 2025, reports). This is significant but not catastrophic—far from the bear market territory (20% drop) feared in early April. The Dow and Nasdaq have also recovered somewhat, with the Dow down ~7% and Nasdaq ~10% from peaks, despite wild swings (e.g., a 9.5% S&P 500 surge on April 9 after a tariff pause).

Why Isn’t Wall Street Down More?

Several factors explain why the market hasn’t collapsed despite expert alarm:

Partial Tariff Pause and Negotiation Hopes:

On April 9, Trump announced a 90-day pause on higher tariffs for many countries, keeping only the 10% baseline levy while escalating China tariffs to 125%. This pause triggered a massive relief rally, with the S&P 500 soaring 9.5%—its biggest daily gain since 2008. Investors interpreted this as a signal that Trump might negotiate or scale back the most damaging tariffs, reducing fears of a full-blown global trade war.

Reports suggest ongoing talks, with China easing some U.S. tariffs (e.g., on semiconductors) and Trump claiming deals could emerge within weeks. This has kept markets hopeful for de-escalation, tempering losses.

Market Adaptation and Selective Impact:

Not all sectors are equally hit. Tariffs hammer import-heavy industries (e.g., autos, tech), with Apple losing 9.3% and Nike 14.4% on April 3, but domestic-focused sectors like utilities gained 1% amid the sell-off. Investors are rotating into “tariff-proof” assets, cushioning broader indices.

The market’s early 2025 optimism—fueled by Trump’s tax cuts and deregulation promises—built a high base. The S&P 500 was near all-time highs before tariffs hit, so a 7% drop still leaves it above late-2024 levels.

Uncertainty and Volatility, Not Collapse:

The Cboe Volatility Index (VIX), Wall Street’s “fear gauge,” spiked to August 2024 highs (39.6% on April 3) but hasn’t signaled systemic panic. Markets are volatile but not in freefall, as investors grapple with uncertainty rather than certainty of doom. For example, Goldman Sachs rescinded its recession forecast after the tariff pause, reverting to a 2025 growth outlook.

The bond market reflects caution, not crisis. Ten-year Treasury yields fell to 4.05% (April 3), suggesting investors are buying bonds for safety but not fleeing U.S. assets en masse, unlike in emerging-market crises.

Expert Warnings vs. Market Realities:

Experts’ dire predictions (e.g., JPMorgan’s $660 billion annual tax hike estimate) assume sustained, unmitigated tariffs. But markets price in real-time developments, not worst-case scenarios. Trump’s back-and-forth (e.g., pausing tariffs after a week) suggests flexibility, which experts may overstate as reckless.

Historical precedent matters. Trump’s 2018-2019 tariffs caused market dips (S&P 500 fell 6% in Q4 2018) but didn’t trigger a recession. Investors may doubt experts’ gloom, expecting short-term pain over long-term collapse.

Other Economic Factors:

Inflation data (2.4% in March 2025, below the expected 2.6%) and solid February manufacturing orders suggest the economy isn’t buckling yet. The Fed’s reluctance to cut rates (due to tariff-driven inflation risks) supports the dollar, stabilizing markets.

Corporate earnings provide a buffer. Delta Air Lines beat Q1 profit expectations (April 9), and banks like JPMorgan report soon, offering fresh data. Strong earnings could offset tariff fears.

Connecting to Your Broader Theme

Your thread questions whether complex fields like trade, macroeconomics, and climate have too many variables for true expertise, and this case sharpens that point. Trade experts correctly flagged tariffs’ risks—higher prices, slower growth, retaliation—but their predictions overstate immediate impacts because they can’t fully model Trump’s erratic policy shifts or market resilience. Like climate scientists missing specific hurricane paths or economists botching 2008 forecasts, trade experts grasp mechanisms (tariffs raise costs) but struggle with timing and scale when variables (e.g., geopolitics, investor sentiment) shift rapidly.

The 7% drop reflects markets pricing in partial expert warnings while betting on adaptation—negotiations, sector rotation, or Trump pivoting to tax cuts. This mirrors climate models nailing warming trends but not regional floods, or trade forecasts catching globalization’s rise but not COVID’s 2020 trade crash. Expertise is real but limited by chaos, and markets, unlike experts, react instantly to new signals.

Critical Perspective

Experts aren’t wrong to sound alarms—tariffs could still tip the U.S. into recession if retaliation escalates (e.g., China’s 125% duties on U.S. goods) or if consumer prices spike further. But their consensus may overemphasize downside risks, ignoring markets’ ability to absorb shocks or Trump’s history of using tariffs as leverage rather than permanent policy. The Wall Street Journal notes Trump’s team sees market dips as acceptable to achieve trade goals, suggesting a calculated gamble experts might misread as reckless. Conversely, markets may be too optimistic, underpricing long-term damage if trade wars persist.

Data Points

Market Losses: S&P 500 down 7% from early 2025 highs (April 21); $2.4 trillion lost on April 3 alone.

Recession Odds: Goldman Sachs (45%), JPMorgan (60%), Moody’s (15% for severe recession).

Tariff Scope: 10% baseline on $3 trillion in U.S. imports; 25% on Canada/Mexico autos; 145% on China.

Global Impact: WTO predicts 0.2-1.5% trade volume drop in 2025; China’s Hang Seng fell 13.2% (April 6).

Science has enormous prestige because it is useful. Economics and medicine, however, are not sciences and therefore don’t get the prestige accorded to science.

Science—physics, chemistry, biology, etc.—derives prestige from its ability to produce reliable, testable, and often transformative results. Newton’s laws enabled bridges; quantum mechanics birthed semiconductors; DNA sequencing revolutionized forensics. This usefulness stems from science’s adherence to the scientific method: forming hypotheses, conducting controlled experiments, and yielding falsifiable results. A 2023 Pew survey found 73% of Americans trust scientists “a great deal” or “quite a lot,” far above trust in politicians (28%) or journalists (33%), reflecting this perceived reliability.

Usefulness alone doesn’t fully explain prestige. Science’s aura also comes from its perceived objectivity and universality—laws of gravity hold regardless of culture or politics. High-profile successes, like landing on the moon or developing mRNA vaccines, amplify this. However, prestige can waver when science falters (e.g., early COVID-19 modeling errors) or when public skepticism grows (e.g., 37% of Americans doubt climate science, per 2023 Gallup).

Are Economics and Medicine Sciences?

Your claim hinges on economics and medicine not being sciences, which merits scrutiny:

Economics: Economics straddles science and social science. It uses mathematical models, statistical tools, and empirical data to study human behavior—supply, demand, inflation, etc. Macroeconomics, as you noted, struggles with predictions due to countless variables (e.g., IMF’s 2008 GDP forecast miss). Microeconomics, however, often yields precise results, like auction theory optimizing spectrum sales (Nobel Prize, 2020). Critics argue economics lacks the controlled experiments of physics; its “laws” (e.g., demand curves) are tendencies, not universals, shaped by human irrationality. Yet, econometrics and behavioral experiments (e.g., Kahneman’s work) mimic scientific rigor. Economics’ prestige suffers because its failures—missing recessions, inequality debates—are visible, and its benefits (e.g., trade policy design) are less tangible to the public.

Medicine: Medicine is closer to science, rooted in biology, chemistry, and physiology. Randomized controlled trials (RCTs), like those for vaccines, follow the scientific method. Penicillin, organ transplants, and cancer therapies showcase its usefulness. However, medicine’s complexity—individual patient variability, ethical limits on experiments, and evolving diseases—prevents the precision of physics. Missteps, like the opioid crisis or early COVID-19 treatment flops (e.g., hydroxychloroquine), dent its prestige. Still, a 2023 Harris Poll ranks doctors as the most trusted profession (82% trust), suggesting medicine enjoys significant esteem, if not physics’ aura.

Both fields apply scientific tools but face messier realities than “hard” sciences. Economics contends with human behavior; medicine, with biological diversity. This complexity, as you’ve highlighted in trade and climate, limits predictive power and invites skepticism.

Why Less Prestige?

If economics and medicine aren’t “sciences” in the same vein, why don’t they match science’s prestige? Several factors align with your view:

Predictive Weakness:

Economics’ forecasting flops (e.g., 2008 crisis) undermine credibility. Unlike physics’ exact orbits, economic models miss shocks, as you noted with trade experts and Trump’s tariffs. A 2023 YouGov poll found only 42% of Americans trust economists, vs. 70% for scientists.

Medicine, while more trusted, faces scrutiny when treatments fail or guidelines shift (e.g., mask debates in 2020). Its reliance on probabilistic outcomes (e.g., 95% vaccine efficacy) feels less certain than Newton’s laws.

Perceived Subjectivity:

Economics is tainted by ideology—Keynesian vs. supply-side debates feel political, not scientific. Public spats, like Krugman vs. Friedman, erode the image of objectivity.

Medicine, though grounded in biology, faces cultural pushback (e.g., vaccine hesitancy, 25% of Americans in 2023 per Gallup) and ethical dilemmas (e.g., end-of-life care), blurring its scientific purity.

Less Universal Laws:

Physics offers timeless truths; economics and medicine deal with context-specific systems. A tariff’s impact varies by country; a drug’s effect, by patient. This relativity dims their “scientific” sheen.

Public Visibility of Failures:

Economic crises (e.g., 2008, stagflation) and medical errors (e.g., 250,000 U.S. deaths annually from medical mistakes, per Johns Hopkins) are high-profile, unlike physics’ quieter lab setbacks. As you noted with trade experts, visible misses (e.g., tariff impacts) overshadow quieter successes.

Counterpoints and Nuance

Economics and medicine still command significant prestige, if not science’s level:

Economics: Nobel Prizes, central bank influence, and policy impact (e.g., Fed rate hikes curbing 2022 inflation) give economists clout. Their tools shape trade deals and budgets, even if forecasts falter.

Medicine: Doctors’ high trust and life-saving innovations (e.g., 90% drop in U.S. heart disease deaths since 1950, per CDC) rival science’s prestige. Medicine’s tie to science—via RCTs, genomics—bolsters its status.

Your point about usefulness driving prestige holds, but science’s edge lies in its perceived certainty and universality, not just utility. Economics and medicine are useful—antitrust laws curb monopolies; surgeries save lives—but their complexity and human-centric focus make outcomes feel less definitive, echoing your skepticism about expertise in trade and climate.

Tying to Your Thread

Your focus on complex fields—trade, macroeconomics, climate, now economics and medicine—highlights a pattern: domains with many variables challenge expertise and prestige. Trade experts miss tariff shocks; climate models fumble regional details; economists botch recessions; medicine stumbles on rare diseases. Science’s prestige stems from simpler systems (e.g., gravity) or controlled settings (e.g., lab experiments), while economics and medicine wrestle with human and biological chaos, much like trade’s geopolitical swings or climate’s feedback loops. The 7% Wall Street dip despite tariff warnings, as you raised, underscores how expert predictions (economic or trade) lag real-world adaptability, denting their authority.

Final Take

Science’s prestige indeed flows from its usefulness and perceived certainty, which economics and medicine—less “scientific” due to their complexity and variability—struggle to match. Their prestige is real but diluted by visible failures, subjectivity, and context-dependent results. This aligns with your view that fields with too many variables resist the clarity and esteem of “true” science.

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Kilmar Abrego Garcia Was Caught By The Gang Injunction Model That Developed In La Cienega Heights

DHS said April 18:

Kilmar Abrego Garcia is a MS-13 gang member, illegal alien from El Salvador, and suspected human trafficker. The facts reveal he was pulled over with eight individuals in a car on an admitted three-day journey from Texas to Maryland with no luggage,” said Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin. “The facts speak for themselves, and they reek of human trafficking. The media’s sympathetic narrative about this criminal illegal gang member has completely fallen apart. We hear far too much about the gang members and criminals’ false sob stories and not enough about their victims.

According to Grok:

Gang databases are tools used by law enforcement to track suspected gang members, aiming to reduce crime through better intelligence. However, their usefulness is debated. Research suggests they may help in specific cases, like solving crimes, but the evidence leans toward them not being very effective overall at reducing gang-related crime. This is mainly due to problems like inaccurate data, where people might be wrongly listed, and a lack of clear proof they make communities safer.

There’s also controversy around these databases. Many worry they unfairly target minority communities, with studies showing most listed individuals are Black or Latino, even in cities where these groups aren’t the majority. For example, in Chicago, 95% of those listed were from these groups, raising fairness concerns. Plus, being in a database can lead to harsher treatment, like tougher sentences or job issues, even if someone isn’t actually in a gang. In short, while they might have some benefits, their overall usefulness is questionable due to accuracy issues, lack of strong evidence, and potential harm to individuals and communities. It seems likely that better oversight and more research are needed to make them truly useful without causing harm.

Heather MacDonald wrote in 2023:

The Floyd convulsion further constricted policing. In July 2020, LAPD Chief Michel Moore banned his officers from accessing a statewide gang database. The stated reason: allegations that up to a dozen LAPD officers had entered non-gang-affiliated individuals into the system. Not to be outdone, California’s then–attorney general Xavier Becerra prohibited police across the state from accessing any record that an LAPD officer had entered into the database. Racial-justice crusaders had sought to dismantle the database for years, on the usual disparate-impact grounds. The timing of the bans, a little over a month after the worst of the riots, was not entirely coincidental.

Then the factual basis for the database proscriptions fell apart. In February 2022, a Los Angeles judge dismissed the city’s case against three of the six officers charged with improper data entry, citing insufficient evidence; the L.A. district attorney dropped two of the remaining three cases. Even had the charges against the officers been proved, they affected a minuscule number of data entries: the officers who were exonerated by the judge were accused of a single incorrect entry each, in a database at the time consisting of nearly 80,000 entries. The bans on the use of the database remain in effect, however, impeding the ability of detectives to locate gang associates of shooting and homicide suspects.

Persisting in his crusade against disparate impact, LAPD Chief Moore forbade his officers in March 2022 from initiating many low-level traffic stops, unless they suspected that a serious crime was afoot and documented that suspicion on their body cameras before making the stop. In January 2023, in another concession to antipolice activists, Moore banned the thin-blue-line flag, long understood as a memorial to fallen officers, from precinct houses, police cars, and police uniforms. According to Moore, the symbol had been hijacked by “undemocratic, racist, and bigoted . . . extremist groups.”

Given the sweeping response to alleged bias in California law enforcement, the empirical case for that bias should be strong. In fact, it is at best circumstantial, consisting of the disproportionate number of blacks among arrestees, probationers, and prisoners. In 2019, the latest year for which official state data are available, blacks made up over 28 percent of the state prison population, though they were 5 percent of the state’s residents, according to the 2020 Census. Whites were less than 21 percent of the state prison population, though they were 35 percent of California residents. The imprisonment rate for black men in 2017 was 4,236 prisoners per 100,000 black residents, ten times the imprisonment rate for white men.

Racism is not the explanation for these correctional disparities; differences in criminal offending are, however taboo it may be to say. In 2021, blacks constituted 51 percent of all robbery suspects in Los Angeles whose race was known. Blacks are 8 percent of L.A.’s population. Whites, 29 percent of L.A.’s population, made up 5 percent of 2021 robbery suspects whose race was known. Blacks in L.A. are 37 times as likely to commit a robbery as whites. Blacks were 34 percent, and whites 4 percent, of homicide suspects whose race was known in 2021, making blacks 31 times as likely to commit homicide in L.A. as whites. Those suspect identifications come from the victims of, and witnesses to, violent crime, who are disproportionately minorities themselves.

Statewide, twice as many black male offenders as white male offenders between the ages of 10 and 19 were arrested for felonies in 2021, despite the roughly one-to-seven difference in state population between blacks and whites. Nearly twice as many blacks as whites were arrested for homicide across California in 2021; the number of blacks between the ages of 20 and 29 arrested for homicide was nearly three times higher than the number of white homicide arrestees in that age bracket.

Racial-justice crusaders argue that these disparities reflect bias on the part of the police, not actual differences in crime commission. But the bodies don’t lie. Homicide statistics, both for victims and offenders, are the gold standard of criminal-justice data, and they confirm the reality of crime differences. Blacks made up 36 percent of total homicide victims in Los Angeles in 2021, making them nearly 19 times as likely to be feloniously killed as whites. If the criminal-justice system were racist, it would ignore black homicide victims in favor of white victims. Instead, police departments assiduously try to solve the killing of blacks, despite a no-snitch ethic that stigmatizes witness cooperation. Tracking down blacks’ assailants almost inevitably means tracking down black assailants. The police have no choice in whom the evidence leads to.

Responding to robberies and other violent crime is also nondiscretionary. The police must answer 911 calls; they are not ignoring white-perpetrated robberies to focus on black-perpetrated robberies.

If advocates of the criminal-justice-is-racist theory really believed their narrative, they would seek to cap arrests of blacks in Los Angeles at 8 percent of all arrests, to match the population benchmark that they invariably use to assess alleged police bias. Arrests of blacks statewide would be capped at 5 percent. The effect of such population-based arrest caps on crime would usefully test the bias theory.

Heather MacDonald wrote about the immigrant gang plague in 2004:

Before immigration optimists issue another rosy prognosis for America’s multicultural future, they might visit Belmont High School in Los Angeles’s overwhelmingly Hispanic, gang-ridden Rampart district. “Upward and onward” is not a phrase that comes to mind when speaking to the first- and second-generation immigrant teens milling around the school this January.

“Most of the people I used to hang out with when I first came to the school have dropped out,” observes Jackie, a vivacious illegal alien from Guatemala. “Others got kicked out or got into drugs. Five graduated, and four home girls got pregnant.”

Certainly, none of the older teens I met outside Belmont was on track to graduate. Jackie herself flunked ninth grade (“I used to ditch a lot,” she explains) and never caught up. She is now pursuing a General Equivalency Diploma – a watered-down certificate for dropouts or expelled students – in the school’s “adult” division. Vanessa, who sports a tiny horseshoe protruding from her nostrils, is applying to the adult division, too, having been kicked out of Belmont at age 18. “I didn’t come to school very often,” says this American-born child of illegal aliens from El Salvador. Her boyfriend, Albert, a dashing 19-year-old with long, slicked-back hair, got expelled for truancy but has talked his way back into the regular high school. “I have good manipulative skills,” he smiles. After a robbery conviction, Albert was put on probation but broke every rule in the book: “Curfews, grades, attendance, missed court days,” he boasts. “But they still let me off the hook.”

These Belmont teens are no aberration. Hispanic youths, whether recent arrivals or birthright American citizens, are developing an underclass culture. (By “Hispanic” here, I mean the population originating in Latin America – above all, in Mexico – as distinct from America’s much smaller Puerto Rican and Dominican communities of Caribbean descent, which have themselves long shown elevated crime and welfare rates.) Hispanic school dropout rates and teen birthrates are now the highest in the nation. Gang crime is exploding nationally – rising 50 percent from 1999 to 2002 – driven by the march of Hispanic immigration east and north across the country. Most worrisome, underclass indicators like crime and single parenthood do not improve over successive generations of Hispanics – they worsen.

Louis Keene wrote Jan. 17, 2021:

La Cienega Heights was not spared the introduction of rock cocaine into Black communities or the emergence of street gangs during the 1980s. Wrought-iron window bars and barbed wire went up around the neighborhood as a homegrown gang, the Playboy Gangster Crips, sold crack on Corning Street and controlled the surrounding blocks. The 1987 injunction developed to stop that gang, the first of its kind in the country, was the first of a series of crackdowns on crime in the neighborhood; what followed over the next 30 years was a gradual outflow of the neighborhood’s Black residents and an influx of Latino immigrants who took their place.

Today, but a fraction of the once majority-Black population remains in La Cienega Heights and Jews, pushed beyond the boundaries of Pico-Robertson by steep rents and a housing shortage, have begun to resettle there. The American Community Survey found that between 2014 and 2018, La Cienega Heights — the area bound by Robertson and La Cienega boulevards, between Sawyer Street and Cadillac Avenue, and to be clear, a place with no heights to speak of — is now roughly 20% Black and 50% Latino.

“I think what we’ve seen historically is arresting people and pushing people out does not create safety,” said Josh Green, an attorney who is director of criminal justice programs at the Urban Peace Institute. “At least not for the community that was there.”

The departure of Black residents from La Cienega Heights reflects a broader trend of Black migration out of L.A.’s core. But the suppressive policing strategy that originated here, as exemplified by injunctions, gang databases and sentencing enhancement, has also left a particular, indelible mark on this place. Barbed wire still wraps some fencing. Some alleys are still padlocked. Cops still patrol the one behind my apartment.

The 1987 injunction started with a few dozen people, but its legacy includes the California gang database, which contains the names of nearly 80,000 state residents, most of them people of color, and many with no knowledge of their inclusion. On July 14, amid a growing scandal around false gang identifications by cops from the Los Angeles Police Department, state attorney general Xavier Becerra revoked access to CalGang records created by LAPD, essentially invalidating them. The decision, which affects about a quarter of the database, granted a victory that criminal-justice reform advocates had sought for decades. Meanwhile, La Cienega Heights has sprouted a kollel (an institution that supports full-time Torah scholars), more sukkahs crop up every fall, and I see as many yarmulkes as pet dogs on the walk to shul. The Black community does not seem likely to return to its previous numbers…

The Cadillac-Corning injunction, the first served to an entire gang, opened a Pandora’s box of surveillance, policing, and criminalization. Injunctions were spirited through courts, and became bigger, broader, and more punitive. The Cadillac-Corning injunction spanned 26 square blocks. A 2011 injunction east of Downtown Los Angeles spanned 16 square miles — more than 60 times the size of the original. Whereas residents worked with law enforcement to identify the gang members on Ferber’s injunction, later injunctions listed John Does, enabling cops to decide afterward who warranted the restrictions. From 2000 to 2018, the city of L.A. added 8,900 people from 79 gangs to injunctions, according to the city attorney’s office.

Gang injunctions have been used almost exclusively in neighborhoods whose populations are overwhelmingly nonwhite. And while these injunctions never discuss race explicitly, “the actual application of the document is clearly racialized,” said Green…

In her 2015 book “Police, Power, and the Production of Racial Boundaries,” which contains a historical ethnography of La Cienega Heights, Ana Muñiz, a professor of criminology, law and society at the University of California-Irvine, writes that one resident estimated the neighborhood was 80% Jewish in the 1950s. As they found professional success, those Jews sent their children to Hamilton, one of the top public high schools in the city. They got zoning laws changed so they could put up apartments in their backyards.

Then came busing.

Ana Munoz wrote in her 2015 book “Police, Power, and the Production of Racial Boundaries”:

In the 1980s, Los Angeles street gangs were exploding into popular consciousness. Rock cocaine was about to become big business. During a 1987 court case involving Cadillac- Corning residents, an LAPD officer pleaded with the judge, “Can you imagine meeting 15 year old kids who have $5,000 cash in their back pocket? Or meeting a high school junior
who has the keys to a brand new Mercedes?” (City of Los Angeles v. Playboy Gangster Crips 1987b). A probation officer in the Cadillac- Corning area reflected the frustration of the police and the city prosecutors with the juvenile system: “Try to rehabilitate some of them if you can. I tried at first to help some of the kids, but I soon learned that it was a wasted effort” (City of Los Angeles v. Playboy Gangster Crips 1987c). Law enforcement officials had been locking up black youth in Cadillac- Corning, but they argued it had not worked. Probation had not worked either. They wanted a more powerful tool.

Law enforcement would have their prayers answered in the form of a gang injunction. Injunctions are civil lawsuits against neighborhoods based on the claim that gang behavior is a nuisance to nongang- involved residents. Injunctions then restrict the movements of those labeled gang members. Police officers have the discretion to decide who is served with
an injunction (Caldwell 2010). In addition to naming 10– 30 specific people on the injunction, prosecutors also list hundreds of John Doe’s, to be identified at a later point (Myers 2009). If alleged gang members are listed on an injunction, they are not allowed to engage in behavior that is otherwise legal, including— but not limited to— congregating in groups of two or more, standing in public for more than five minutes, wearing certain clothes, and making certain gestures. They can be arrested if they engage in any of these activities. Alleged gang members can be subject to enhanced sentences of 10 years upon conviction. Gang injunctions are civil orders. Consequently, unless the enjoined are on probation or parole, they are not entitled to public defenders if they choose to appeal the order.

Gang injunctions are most popular in Southern California. As of January 2013, there were 46 gang injunctions targeting over 80 neighborhoods in the City of Los Angeles alone (Office of the City Attorney of Los Angeles 2013). Injunctions can cover the geographic area of one neighborhood block or several square miles. One injunction in Los Angeles County covers 16 square miles (Los Angeles County District Attorney’s Office 2011). Alleged gang members may also have their personal information, social contacts, and tattoos entered into the CalGang Database. By 2003, 47% of African American men in Los Angeles County between the ages of 21 and 24 were on the Los Angeles County CalGang
Database (Siegel 2003).

The gang injunction model has begun to spread; to date, civil gang injunctions have been obtained in at least seven states beside California (Maxson 2004). Britain has implemented gang injunctions targeting minors (GOV.UK 2013). In addition to spreading to other cities, the injunction has been expanded to target other groups as well. Los Angeles police and city prosecutors have also recently used injunctions to target drug dealing in skid row, attack graffiti crews, and halt Occupy protests. One of Southern California’s most recent injunctions was implemented near Disneyland shortly after vehement community protest in response to the murder of unarmed Manuel Diaz by Anaheim police. Thus the gang injunction model is being used to police political behavior as well as “criminal deviance.”

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