Philosopher Dan Williams writes: right-wing populist ideology functions to demonise its alliance’s chief rivals.
First, it’s partly defined by its opposition to corrupt, failing, conspiring, and disgraceful “elites” and the “establishment”. However, these malevolent elites are not defined by their wealth or power. Elon Musk is not an “elite”. Neither is Donald Trump. Instead, the target is “liberal” or “cosmopolitan” or “globalist” or “woke” elites, an amorphous category that includes everyone from George Soros to teachers and civil servants who recycle and enjoy foreign films.
This selective anti-elitism reflects right-wing populism’s alliance structure. Their rivals aren’t all powerful and influential people, but those influential groups they perceive as threats or obstacles to their status and success: progressive intellectuals, urban professionals, bureaucrats, celebrities who champion liberal cultural change, and so on.
As with most demonising narratives, right-wing populist ideology homogenises and vilifies this diverse group. Educated professionals are sinister conformists (“non-player characters”), a unified class deliberately conspiring to undermine the working class’s traditional ways of life and economic prospects.
From this perspective, there’s an underlying logic to right-wing populism’s famous anti-expert attitude. Although this is often explained solely in terms of ignorance, stupidity, or “misinformation,” it involves a clear propagandistic strategy. From the perspective of the right-wing populist alliance, a world in which people listen to experts is a world that’s worse for the alliance’s relative status.
Second, right-wing populist ideology also demonises the other primary rival of its core alliance: immigrants and minorities who don’t identify with the traditionally dominant white culture. Again, such groups are homogenised and painted in the most negative light possible: as criminals, rapists, drug dealers, murderers, and an invading force the globalist liberal elite are bringing in to replace the natives. And of course, such relentless demonisation is supported by endless lies and made-up anecdotes and statistics.
Again, as with right-wing populism’s attack on expertise, it’s tempting to view such attacks as run-of-the-mill stupidity, ignorance, and xenophobia, but this obscures their propagandistic rationale.
The silent majority
The flip side of demonising rivals is painting the alliance in the most positive light possible.
Who stands against liberal elites and immigrants? It’s “the people”: the real Americans, the true Britons, the ordinary people, the silent majority, the forgotten men and women who just want their country back, the hardworking, patriotic, commonsense citizens, the authentic heart of the nation.
Moreover, such people are not just virtuous. They’re victims. Globalist elites have taken away their power, undermined their way of life, ignored their perspectives, and rigged the system against them. They’re besieged by political correctness, wokeness, immigrant and minority crime, and economic and social problems caused by a corrupt establishment.
And they can do no wrong. Right-wing populist ideology either denies or downplays any transgressions, historical or present, perpetrated by members of the alliance, whether it’s the history of white supremacy, colonialism, sexism, or the negative consequences of politicians and policies they support.
Ideological incoherence
Finally, Alliance Theory illuminates the incoherence of right-wing populist ideology. For example, because right-wing populists’ electoral success typically depends on allying with business elites, it often involves a bizarre combination of economic libertarianism (slashing regulations and taxes) and economic protectionism (increasing tariffs and trade restrictions). It also champions free speech absolutism when thinking about violations of progressive speech codes and aggressive censorship of ideas its base finds unappealing or threatening….
It doesn’t take a sociological genius to observe that the tastes of many college-educated professionals often function as status symbols designed to differentiate us from uneducated hoi polloi. We don’t just dislike NASCAR, wrestling, fast food, guns, reality TV, Starbucks, superhero movies, “consumerism” (i.e., consuming low-status things), and so on. We flaunt our dislike of them and conspicuously look down on those who enjoy them.
Even political correctness, ostensibly a tool for protecting the marginalised, too often functions as a class signifier, a set of tripwires designed to flag anyone without the cultural capital to master progressive speech codes.
