2nd Edition: Predisposed: Liberals, Conservatives, and the Biology of Political Differences

Here are some highlights from this 2024 book:

* Democrats: Sweaty, disorderly, offhand, imaginative, tolerant, skillful at give – and – take

Republicans: Respectable, sober, purposeful, self – righteous, cut – and – dried, boring
(Clinton Rossiter)

* the left and the right have different tastes not just in politics, but in art, humor, food, life accoutrements, and leisure pursuits; they differ in how they collect information, how they think, and how they view other people and events; they have different neural architecture and display distinct brain waves in certain circumstances; they have different personalities and psychological tendencies; they pay attention to different stimuli; and they might even be different genetically. At least at the far ends of the ideological spectrum, those on the left and those on the right are emotionally, preferentially, psychologically, and biologically distinct.

* Nineteenth – century philosopher John Stuart Mill called it commonplace to have a party of order or stability and a party of progress or reform. Ralph Waldo Emerson noted that the two parties which divide the state, the party of conservatism and that of innovation, are very old, and have disputed the possession of the world ever since it was made. Emerson called this division primal and argued that such an irreconcilable antagonism, of course, must have a correspondent depth of seat in the human condition.

* Instead of using the term predispositions, Gottfried Leibniz, a seventeenth – century mathematician and scientist, called them appetitions. He argued that, though these appetitions operate outside of conscious awareness, they still drive human actions. His ideas so troubled Descartes – addled Enlightenment minds that they were not published until well after Leibniz’s death. Even then, they were not taken seriously for a long time. Recent science, though, is fully on board with Leibniz’s ideas and is providing ever – increasing evidence that people grossly overestimate the degree to which their actions and decisions are based on rational, conscious thought…

* The political left typically is associated with support for equality and novel ways of doing things; the right, in contrast, with support for authority, hierarchy, order, and the traditional way of doing things. 14 William F. Buckley, Jr., famously described a conservative as someone who stands athwart history, yelling stop.

* Some prefer strict hierarchical decision – making while others prefer egalitarian arrangements; some believe in share and share alike while others believe everybody needs to take care of their own; some see out – groups as threats while others see them as potential sources of friendship and new knowledge; some are wedded to the group’s traditional practices while others can’t wait to try or at least to endorse the latest fad or lifestyle. Disputes over the best solutions to these dilemmas constantly churn human societies.

* attitudes toward out – groups, toward in – group norm violators, toward traditional as opposed to new lifestyles, toward strong, assertive as opposed to collegial and reflective leadership, and toward an egalitarian as opposed to skewed distribution of resources.

The Right
Aversion to out – groups
Strict punishment of norm violators
Eager to embrace traditional lifestyles
Desire for strong leaders
Dislike of redistribution (if it benefits outsiders)

The Left
Openness to out – groups
Lenient punishment of norm violators
Eager to embrace new lifestyles
Suspicion of strong leaders
Desire for egalitarian redistributions

* Constant throughout these variables, however, is the right’s strong belief (relative to the left) that security of the country and especially of the country’s insiders is paramount. Out – groups, whether they be Nazis, commies, commies, Cubans, Muslims, the Chinese, immigrants, or just vague and unnamed evildoers, should be treated as potential threats. That orientation resolves the dilemma — people who are not us are potential threats — but note that it does not resolve the issue of how to deal with those potential threats in a way that maximizes protection of the in – group.

One option is to just wall ourselves off, as advocated by Lindbergh and Trump, so that we can keep the others out. Another option is to intervene wherever necessary so we can get them before they get us. Two different strategies for achieving the same goal. Conservatives can and do differ over which of these strategies is most likely to succeed but agreement on that underlying goal — security from outsiders — is what sets conservatives apart. In contrast, those on the left are less likely to see the world in terms of in – groups and out – groups and thus are less likely to lose sleep over the threat posed by that Guatemalan immigrant. Conservatives support nation – building when it is framed as something that will stabilize a previously dangerous foreign entity; those on the left find nation – building appealing when it is framed as enhancing self – determination, the welfare of the people of that foreign entity, and integration with the international community.

* Conservatives may have advocated different foreign policy strategies before and after World War II, but their wariness of out – groups — their aversion to being pushed around by (and potentially made subservient to) out – groups — has never wavered. Conservative supporters of Brexit in the United Kingdom were repulsed by the idea of outsiders, such as decision – makers in the European Union, telling them what to do — especially if what they were being told to do was admit more immigrants into the country.

* Debates about capital punishment are contextually specific; debates about the appropriate treatment of in – group members who have violated social norms are universally bedrock.

* broad swathes of the most prominent social science theories are based on the assumption that the human condition is monolithic and that any variations in human behavior are exclusively the product of the situation. The problem with this assertion is that it is simply not true.

* It is time to give more than lip service to diversity; it is time to acknowledge that diversity extends all the way to behaviorally relevant biological differences.

* Accepting that major biological variations affect behavior makes it impossible to deny that minor variations do as well. Even without a tumor pressing on their orbitofrontal cortex, individuals have varying densities of chemical receptors at key areas in the brain, differently shaped neural organs, and neurotransmitter levels in synapses that are highly variable. The effectiveness of drugs such as Ritalin and Prozac makes it clear that decisions and behaviors are biological. If artificially adjusting chemical levels in the brain affects attitudes and actions, naturally occurring variations would have the same effect.

* Our claim is that these predispositions are biologically measurable and connect to a variety of generic psychological and cognitive patterns.

* conservatives were more likely to have items associated with organization and neatness, such as laundry baskets, postage stamps, and event calendars, while those on the left were more likely to have art supplies, stationery, and a broad variety of music CDs. Carney’s wide – ranging study concluded that political orientation seems to reflect everything from behavioral patterns to travel choices to the way we decorate our walls, clean our bodies and our homes, and … choose to spend our free time.

* Republicans tend to favor Porsches (nearly 60 percent of Porsche owners identify as Republicans), while Democrats favor Volvos. At the lower end, Republicans tend to like American – made cars; Democrats prefer Hyundais. Republicans tend to show more loyalty to a particular car brand while Democrats shop around more. In other words, Republicans seem to favor established, traditional automobile manufacturers and stick with them. Democrats have weaker brand loyalty and are more willing to check out alternatives.

* People who score high on openness, for example, tend to like envelope – pushing music and abstract art. People who score high on conscientiousness are more likely to be organized, faithful, and loyal… Those open to new experiences are not just hanging Jackson Pollock prints in disorganized bedrooms while listening to techno – pop reinterpretations of Bach by experimental jazz bands. They are also more likely to identify themselves as left of center. High conscientiousness types are not just hanging up patriotic posters in neat and tidy offices while listening to their favorite elevator music. They are also more likely to identify as conservative.

* when it comes to deciding the morally correct course of action, the left is particularly sensitive to the way in which an individual is being treated, but the right is more likely to factor in group considerations.
A person on the political left likely sees a moral wrong when another person is being, say, socially ostracized. A person on the right is more likely to base moral judgments on communal considerations.

* Those on the left wanted dogs that were gentle and related to their owners as equals. Those on the right wanted dogs that were loyal and obedient. These pet preferences mapped directly onto differences in underlying moral foundations, with left of center individuals emphasizing traits associated with just treatment and conservatives emphasizing traits reflecting loyalty and authority.

* when it comes to morality and values, the left is characterized by a desire for the new and novel, a commitment to individual expression, a tolerance of difference, and an interest in stimulation; the right by a desire for order and both familial and group security, as well as a commitment to tradition and group loyalty/patriotism.

* conservatives are more likely to lock on to a task and complete it in a fashion that is both definitive and consistent with instructions. Individuals on the left are more likely to be distracted, to equivocate, and to be flexible even to the point of not performing the task exactly as the authorities intended.

* the political right tend to be more sensitive to, more attuned to, and more on the lookout for threats posed by other human beings.

* those on the right are more likely than those on the left to perceive the country as having policies that tolerate new lifestyles, do little to protect against outside threats, mollycoddle criminals, and benefit the poor even if they are not making the effort. In particular, the difference with regard to the perceived treatment of the rich and the poor in the current United States was huge. In other words, it is not just that the left and the right prefer different policies; they see different policies currently in place. Those on the left see current policies benefiting the undeserving rich. Conservatives look at those same policies and situations and see the undeserving poor with their snouts in the public trough.

* conservatives attach greater emotional punch to whatever stimulus they are presented with — rating the positive images more favorably and the negative more unfavorably.

* conservatives consistently are found to be more optimistic than people on the left — even when controlling for differences in income and social status. 31 Similarly, despite the fact that those on the left score high on indicators of hedonism and sensation seeking, they consistently are more empathetic than conservatives.

* conservatives pay more attention to instructions, are less likely to be influenced by the behavior of people around them, are predisposed to spot angry faces, are more comfortable with clarity and hard categorization, minimize negative results by eschewing exploratory behavior, dwell on certain threatening stimuli, and are particularly attuned to angry faces.

* the correlation with many social attitudes was high and the correlation with gay marriage attitudes was highest at 0.44; in other words, the relationship between physiological disgust response and attitudes toward gay marriage was huge. 28 So sexual attitudes appear to be influenced by physiological responses to disgusting stimuli.

* Nativist, law – and – order, traditionalist conservatives (not conservatives in general) are more attuned and attentive (not necessarily more physiologically responsive) to other people (and especially to outsiders) in threatening postures.

* The core division in political systems is between those individuals who are suspicious of outsiders and new ideas and those who are welcoming of outsiders and new ideas. One side of this primordial divide wants to protect traditional insider culture at all costs, and the other side believes traditional insider culture is flawed and could benefit from new blood and new ideas. These differences can be traced to psychological predispositions, with the nativist side, relative to their opponents on the political left, being significantly more attuned and attentive to (but not necessarily more fearful of) human outsiders.

* Conservatives who support Trump – like candidates, greater military spending, harsher punishment for criminals, and restrictive immigration are not doing so merely to infuriate the left but because they are more attuned and attentive to negative eventualities that they believe will result from permissive attitudes toward outsiders, norm violators, and new, potentially risky ideas. These conservatives are predisposed to desire security from outsiders just as the individuals on the left who oppose them are predisposed to want to give norm violators a free pass and outsiders a big hug.

* Why are humans prone to holding religious beliefs and why do these beliefs vary so much? Some scholars argue religion is a byproduct of the adaptive tendency to attribute intentionality to objects and forces of nature. 23 Assuming intentionality even when there is none probably creates an evolutionary advantage compared to assuming no intentionality, even though it sometimes exists. This is because being very good at detecting patterns (even when they are not there) allows us to make sense of the world and perhaps to make quick choices about how best to survive and prosper in it. In contrast, being very good at detecting randomness — in other words, being able to recognize quickly the absence of intentionality — offers no such consistent advantage. As such, selection pressures push toward those who see intentionality where there is none. An unsurprising byproduct of these evolutionary pressures would be large numbers of people who believe in God, Gods, spirits, ghosts, angels, and demons — anything that injects a sense of purpose or intentionality into the universe. In this way, religiosity could be common even though the underlying genetic proclivities and variations that foster religious beliefs are not directly adaptive.

* Selection pressures in such [brutal] environments would likely favor individuals who approached novel situations and lifestyles with caution, who were vigilant against threats posed by other humans, who were loyal to their group, and who were suspicious of the tribe over the hill. These would be the individuals most likely to avoid danger, given that they would be less likely to open themselves up to situations in which they would be vulnerable. Given the evidence presented in previous chapters, in a modern mass polity, they would be the individuals who are conservative in general and nativist, anti – new – lifestyle, and vigilant in particular. They would be the supporters of movements such as those inspired by Trump, Bolsonaro, Modi, Erdogan, Putin, Milei, Meloni, Le Pen, and Brexit.

A sensible hypothesis is that in the rough and tumble of the Pleistocene, individuals who tried new things, welcomed new lifestyles, opened themselves up to members of other tribes, and had little to no negativity bias were rare — it simply seems a losing long – term strategy in the face of all the dangers swirling about back then. Social units relatively isolated from threats for long periods of time might have included some proto – lefties, but most hunter – gatherer groups would likely have needed to keep a constant eye on the horizon and maybe even on the next hut. Prehistoric hunter – gatherer tribes were likely conservative societies in the sense that they did not often make big changes in the way they did things. Those genetically inclined to take chances, to march to their own drummer, and to open themselves up to unfamiliar outsiders certainly existed but on balance were probably selected against. 40 As Jonathan Haidt puts it, we are likely descendants of successful tribalists, not their more individualistic cousins.

* Exploratory behavior, greater trust of others, and a more relaxed orientation toward negative elements of the environment certainly can be beneficial, given that these traits increase the possibilities of trading with other groups, learning from others, and discovering better ways of doing things. Trust has been shown to be remarkably beneficial to societies and is more difficult to display if the prevailing attitude is ethnocentric and fixated on potentially negative consequences. So positive selection pressures for open, trusting, and exploratory orientations might have increased a bit, but it is more likely that humanity’s shifting social environment merely relaxed the strong pressure to be cautious and attentive to the unfamiliar. A logical result of this would be for traits like attitudes toward out – groups and openness to new or novel experiences to vary more widely than they did in the Pleistocene.
Most people in the world today simply do not have the same constant, life – threatening worries that existed in the distant past. As a consequence, people today can expand their circle of social contacts and ethical concerns beyond family and tribe to people far away and perhaps even to animals.

* Left of center attitudes may thus be viewed as an evolutionary luxury afforded by life becoming less dangerous. If the environment shifted back to the threat – filled atmosphere of the Pleistocene, positive selection for conservative orientations would reappear and, with sufficient time, the resultant predispositions would become as prevalent as they were long ago. 45 In other words, in certain contexts, skepticism about new lifestyles and unfamiliar humans is advantageous. Biologists have a word for organisms that are insufficiently sensitive to threats in their environment and that word is dead.

…in other, less – perilous contexts these same traits are decidedly counterproductive and lead to an isolated, reactionary, inflexible, closed – minded group.
The basic evolutionary scenario we are sketching is one in which as humans gradually emerged from more violent earlier times, the selection pressures for being conservative in social outlook eased off. Variation in approach to social life increased and, to engage in understatement, became a point of contention. Today, neither a preference for the tried and true nor an eagerness to try something novel is significantly more or less adaptive in a survive and reproduce sense, and if a trait is not strongly adaptive, there is likely to be a good deal of variation in it.

* ethnocentrics do not give a fig for individual rights. The connection between conservatism and free market principles is a relatively recent and far from universal development. Today, many right of center parties in Europe and especially Scandinavia happily accept a vibrant social safety net — they just don’t want it extended to protect recent and prospective immigrants. Likewise, Weaver does not view Marxism as connecting to the deeper forces shaping empathics…

* Trump detesters need to accept that Trump venerators oppose immigration, support the death penalty, oppose trans rights, and support open carry laws not because of negative experiences with immigrants or lawbreakers or members of the LGBTQ+ community, not because they fear those individuals, and not because an objective consideration of the facts suggested that those policies are best. Instead, they simply are built to prefer a society in which insiders are secure, vigilant, and not threatened by outsiders even if the threat is constituted by nothing more than the diminution in unity that the presence of outsiders brings. Deluging Trump venerators with facts about the number of deaths due to gun accidents or the need for immigrant labor to bolster the workforce of a rapidly aging population will do nothing to change their minds. Predispositions run deeper than that.
Reversing directions, Trump venerators need to accept that Trump detesters support immigration, oppose the death penalty, support trans rights, and oppose open carry laws not because they are ridiculously naïve about the dangers posed to the longstanding essence of the United States. They simply are not built to care as much as Trump venerators about the traditional insider core or their country — that is, to care about white, male, Christian, straight, conservative America. In fact, Trump detesters are more than a little bit skeptical of the value of that insider core, given that it does not seem to welcome outsiders or show much concern for the downtrodden. Providing facts about the vulnerability of traditional societal insiders as a result of population demographics and societal changes will do nothing to change their minds.

* We happily accept that the influence of genetics on political orientations is much less than it is for traits such as eye color, height, and obesity.

* right – leaning intellectuals Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray (a Harvard psychologist and a think – tank political scientist, respectively) caused a huge stink by claiming that intelligence was genetically influenced and that high – IQ types were becoming a distinct social group that they referred to as the cognitive elite. 12 What really got Herrnstein and Murray in hot water (after all, as can be seen in Table 9.1 , evidence consistently demonstrates the relevance of genetics to intelligence) was their argument that those not in the cognitive elite tended to fall into certain sociodemographic groups — for example, they were more likely to be criminals and quite a bit less likely to be well – off or white.

* The fabled shift to the political right with age is largely just that: a fable. 18 Students with predispositions don’t change and those without predispositions don’t have much from which to change. The right’s fears of grooming of either a sexual or political nature are vastly overblown. A library book portraying a gay individual in a sympathetic light is highly unlikely to turn a straight child gay.

* Though those on the political left may claim that the notion you can choose your sexual orientation is bull, many of them remain deeply concerned that a connection of genes and predispositions to concepts such as intelligence and criminal behavior could make people less tolerant.

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The Power of Podcasting: Telling Stories Through Sound

Here are some highlights from this 2022 book:

* One of the signature tropes in podcasting is the centrality of the host, as a character in their own right. Radio presenters have historically been popular figures with dedicated followings, but podcast hosts do not have to abide by the proprieties of broadcasting – they can reveal themselves as real people, with foibles, fears, strengths and weaknesses. Even the term podcast ‘host’ versus radio ‘presenter’ is a giveaway. A host is someone who invites you to their home, or some personal part of their life; a ‘presenter’ is a professional communicator.

* Pre – podcasting, a radio documentary presenter would normally stick closely to the topic in question, with tightly honed narration flowing into interview excerpts or layered over relevant sounds. But in a narrative podcast, where show duration is not a constraint, there is room for meta – scenes that allow listeners to peek into the host’s life and ‘witness’ the production procedure.

* “In radio, everything is held within the confines of the broadcasting clock. Ideas are explored in blocks of 15, 30, 45 minutes precisely. But in podcasting time is fluid, unconstrained. On Field Recordings , for example, episodes range from 30 seconds to 54 minutes long – the space expanding or contracting as the idea demands. When I’m editing for radio I can almost sense the timings in my body without looking as I pace something out, knowing what that duration feels like, thinking about how to hold the feeling whilst expanding or contracting work to fit the parameters of the time frame.”

* Audio has always been the most intimate of mediums. It’s a lot to do with the connecting power of voice, which allows us to hear so much more than words. We can detect how someone feels as well as what they say: their tone, their timbre, their delivery all provide clues that help us develop a sense of who is speaking. Accent can build character, as can idiom and rhythm: all provide sensory information that is missing on the page.
Sound adds its own magic: it’s porous and enveloping. You don’t have ‘earlids’ that can switch it off, as the Canadian composer R Murray Schafer points out. He memorably wrote that ‘hearing is a way of touching at a distance’.

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Podcasting as an Intimate Medium

Here are some highlights from this 2022 book:

* “the written word, while very stimulating, does not have the same level of immediacy as the spoken word. It’s not nearly as intimate.”

* podcasting is more intimate than reading because the host’s thoughts mingle with her own, but also comments the temporal “immediacy” of her experience and associates it with oral/aural culture (“Whisper in my ear”).

* podcasts communicate in a way that causes listeners to feel something. In triggering feelings consistently associated with intimacy, and sometimes even specifically stating that those feelings are intimate…

* Linda Williams locates similar emotional responses within the body. Speaking of pornography, horror, and melodrama, she writes that “what may especially mark these body genres as low is the perception that the body of the spectator is caught up in an almost involuntary mimicry of the emotion or sensation of the body on the screen along with the fact that the body displayed is female”

* “Obviously, write a good story, but my experience with podcasts is that I love you, the speaker, way more than I love your story.” For Cranor, an intimate podcast relies on a loving relationship, not on a linearly unfolding narrative.

* Within podcasting research, the medium is often heralded as distinct from radio because listeners presumably pay closer attention. Bottomley repeats ideas from the podcast industry when he writes that, for podcasts, “listeners have presumably sought out the program and they will consume the story linearly from beginning to end. That is, listeners will not be randomly tuning in to the middle of the story, as is common with broadcast radio” (Bottomely 213). Listeners pay attention, the story goes, because they seek out the content they want. Their attention connects to their detailed listening, from beginning to end.

* “what distinguishes radio from TV is the intimacy. What distinguishes a podcast from radio is that it’s intimacy plus, because you’ve chosen it and it’s literally in your ears”

* When Reddit user ThatRedheadDude could not record with his co – host anymore, he asked how to make his podcast. It is perhaps no surprise that the top – rated piece of advice given to him was:
Talk to your audience. Engage with them. If you know what you’re talking about, you’ll have plenty to say. Take notes beforehand for an outline of topics to go over. But mostly just talk like you would if you were having a conversation with your listeners. That’s what they want to hear anyway.

* The television host “faces the spectator, uses the mode of direct address, talks as if he were conversing personally and privately” (Horton and Wohl). There is also a strong tradition of speaking directly to listeners in radio. Shingler and Wieringa point to BBC radio trainer Elwyn Evans’ 1977 Radio: A Guide to Broadcasting Technique ’s advice that “the audience to be aimed at is an audience of one (infinitely repeated)” as how broadcasters can “achieve intimacy and a sense of reciprocity” (115). Like radio, the friendly conversationality of podcasts is here focused on the individual listener, and is inseparable from how podcasting creates community.

* “Podcasting is a peculiarly intimate medium. Usually transmitted through headphones to a solitary listener, or played over the car stereo during a commute, an audio narrative can be immersive in a way that a radio playing in the background in a kitchen rarely is. Podcasts are designed to take up time, rather than to be checked, scanned, and rushed through: they are for those moments when you can’t be scrolling on your phone. For a digital medium, podcasts are unusual in their commitment to a slow build, and to a sensual atmosphere.”

* What does it mean to be close to someone? How is it possible to be close through media? In describing itself as intimate, podcasting communicates a desire for closeness in time and space. The listeners, hosts, producers, critics — all of the people who are part of podcasting’s medial network — who embrace intimacy are telling each other: this is what it means to be close and connected through media, this is me trying to be close to you. These descriptions, these attempts to create connection, form a code through which to understand and interpret individual experiences within podcasting. This code builds on historical forms of intimacy, including allusions to family, friends, and romantic partners, and reworks them to describe the relationships formed by media. Sometimes these allusions take the form of specific references to people or spaces like the home and sometimes they reference the types of interaction, as they do in speaking of reciprocity. The entire time, though, intimacy and the language connected to intimacy negotiate how podcasting communicates and, in so doing, forms close communities through the intimate connections it describes.
To be intimate can mean to be close in space. “Touching Podcasts” reflects on that closeness and the ways in which both Media Studies and popular descriptions of podcasting consider the haptics of sound. As sound moves the body, it carries with it a certain affectivity. Following Richard Grusin and others, feelings are felt within the body and media can create a physical response.

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Decoding Destiny aka Steve Bonnell Part Two (4-22-24)

01:00 How to write effectively, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=154774
06:00 Decoding Destiny, https://www.patreon.com/DecodingTheGurus/
20:00 Outback ringer, https://www.imdb.com/title/tt13085004/
22:00 The Tyranny of Distance: How Distance Shaped Australian History, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=132209
49:00 How We Change: (And Ten Reasons Why We Don’t), https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=154823
1:01:00 Body Brokers, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Body_Brokers
1:03:00 Fodder for Christ
1:40:00 Why beards? https://www.commentary.org/articles/meir-soloveichik/why-beards/
1:43:00 Stephen J. James joins the show
1:53:00 Los Angeles and the boulevard of broken dreams
2:12:00 Parasocial relations, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parasocial_interaction
2:15:00 My embarrassing jealousy
2:22:00 Explanations women offer for dumping us
2:29:00 General weirdness
3:52:30 Curious Gazelle joins the show to discuss her ten-year relationship
5:20:45 Dickson (UK medical doctor) joins the show

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Decoding Destiny aka Steve Bonnell (4-21-24)

01:00 The craft of writing effectively, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vtIzMaLkCaM
09:00 Life usually runs on hierarchy, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=153654
11:00 WP: A team of bitter rivals is making Israel’s most crucial war decisions, https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/other/a-team-of-bitter-rivals-is-making-israel-s-most-crucial-war-decisions/ar-AA1nlcR4
12:00 Decoding Destiny, https://www.patreon.com/DecodingTheGurus/
14:00 Reviewing the key moments from the Destiny VS. Jordan Peterson debate, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cPCmHd8aU7I
17:00 Joe Rogan says U.S. servicemen died at the hands of UFO, https://twitter.com/CollinRugg/status/1781420231958909235
25:00 Carbon dioxide levels 150% of what they were 200 years ago, https://climate.nasa.gov/vital-signs/carbon-dioxide/?intent=121#:~:text=Since%20the%20onset%20of%20industrial,ice%20age%2020%2C000%20years%20ago.
51:00 Stephen J James joins, https://twitter.com/MuskMaximalist
https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/other/a-team-of-bitter-rivals-is-making-israel-s-most-crucial-war-decisions/ar-AA1nlcR4
57:00 WEHT to Tucker Carlson?
https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/04/15/middle-east-war-crisis-biden-america-iran-israel/
1:00:00 Why SJJ moved away from dissident thinkers
1:06:00 Oversharing morbid thoughts
1:20:00 Young Tucker Carlson vs present Tucker, https://twitter.com/charlesmurray/status/1780256355401531809
2:08:00 Dooovid joins the show, https://twitter.com/lukeford
2:30:00 Theory of mind, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Theory_of_mind
2:49:00 Learning to speak the code of the elite who change the world
2:50:00 The craft of writing effectively, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vtIzMaLkCaM
3:10:00 Parasocial relations, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parasocial_interaction
3:34:00 Curious Gazelle joins the show, https://twitter.com/CuriousGazelle
3:40:00 Saltburn, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saltburn_(film)
4:00:00 The importance of status seeking
4:07:00 When Fordy talks to the ladies, new vulnerabilities emerge

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How We Change: (And Ten Reasons Why We Don’t)

Ross Ellenhorn writes in this 2020 book:

* Research shows us that deep and lasting change is typically the result of contemplation… To make a personal change in your life is to make a decision and to commit to that decision. The only way to make a committed decision that can lead to change is to do the hard, very human work of contemplating the pros and cons of your situation before you act. There’s no chicken – and – egg riddle between contemplation and advice. Contemplation always comes first when you succeed in making the change you want to make.

* …most people in the United States who quit habitual drinking do so without treatment. That’s right: Most people quit this highly addictive habit on their own. What’s more, people who quit drinking on their own stay sober longer than those who enter treatment. They take a serious, hard look at themselves and decide that not drinking is better for them than drinking. Their sobriety likely lasts longer than that of people who achieve sobriety in treatment because the self – propelled sober person holds firmly to their own internal compass throughout their recovery, instead of following someone else’s advice. In other words — it’s an inside job.

* 1 Staying the same protects you from awareness of your aloneness and sole accountability for your own life.
2 Staying the same protects you from the accountability for “what’s next.”
3 Staying the same protects you from the unknown.
4 Staying the same protects you from your own expectations.
5 Staying the same protects you from the expectations of others.
6 Staying the same protects you from seeing where you are.
7 Staying the same protects you from the insult of small steps.
8 Staying the same protects a monument to your pain.
9 Staying the same protects you from changing your relationship with others.
10 Staying the same protects you from changing your relationship with yourself.

* …successfully reaching a goal is one very important way a person can relieve the tension between where they are in relationship to that goal and the goal itself. Of course, there is another, less effortful way to rid this tension: by giving up. No goal means no discrepancy, which, in turn, results in no tension.

* people with a lower sense of their own self – worth are less likely to use their emotions when making decisions than are people with more self – worth. 19 Harber agrees wholeheartedly with the affect – as – information group, that better and quicker decisions are made when people depend on their emotions as signals. But people first have to “trust and respect the source of these signals, that is, themselves.” In other words, you have to have faith in yourself in order to have faith in your emotions, in order to use these emotions to make decisions and then act on them.

How we deliberate over a decision is a lot like reading a newspaper. You read some piece of information, stated as fact. You accept this information as fact, however, because you feel the newspaper is credible. And if someone — let’s say, for the sake of argument, the leader of the free world — doesn’t like the facts in the article, and also doesn’t want to put in the hard work of doing their own research, they might try to persuade you that the newspaper isn’t credible, that maybe it is even FAKE NEWS. If you don’t trust the newspaper, you won’t believe in the facts it contains. Discredit the messenger, and all its messages are themselves discredited.

* This loss of faith also strengthens the restraining forces that hold you back. When you lose faith in yourself and the world, the anxiety fostered by your awareness of your existential accountability and aloneness can become unbearable.

* When you lack faith in your own agency due to disappointments in your life, your accountability and aloneness — those things we all try to keep out of our awareness, but that personal change inevitably bring into awareness — now feel scarier than scary. And so playing possum begins to make some sense. It protects you from the awful experience that you are alone, accountable, yet not a credible source for getting from here to there. And so you begin to look outside yourself for the answers. Not because those answers are really out there, but because you can no longer stand the idea that you are the source of all answers regarding your existence.

* Hope moves you forward toward things you want. And when you move toward things you want, you also face the anxiety that you are on your own in doing so. When you don’t have faith that you can reach the thing you want, or don’t recover from failing to reach it, hope becomes scary. It scares you because it turns aspiration and desire into disappointment and frustration. And because it threatens to make you lose faith in yourself and in the world.

* Whenever you feel the pull toward sameness it’s because you are simultaneously feeling hopeful and fearing that hope. This means that your hope isn’t necessarily injured or depleted when you stick to staying the same; rather, it is there, chugging along, yearning for things it appoints as important that are lacking in your life. It’s just that this hope also worries you, so you restrict its ability to move you forward. Fearing hope, you put a lid on it, because you are so anxious about that always – present problem of your possible disappointment, and the resulting sense that you are helpless in getting your needs met.

* Once you no longer trust yourself, you are perpetually threatened with that unbearable feeling of helplessness in getting your needs met.

* When you focus on what you could have done differently, you’re also not focusing as much or at all on the possibility that the world is capricious, malevolent, and depriving, unresponsive to your efforts to make meaningful, satisfying changes. Thus blaming yourself offers an alternative pathway to an intolerable and hopeless point of view.

* On the other hand, engaging in counterfactuals that assign cause to a dangerous and chaotic wilderness can also act as an alternative pathway. In doing so, you turn away from shamefully believing that the problem is all you, and thus reach the same hope – preserving benefit as turning inward. If the problem isn’t you, you might be strong enough to endure, despite what little the world around you has to offer.

Ross published this pamphlet online: Ten Reasons Not To Change.

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The Role Of God In Hitler’s Panzers East

David Stahel writes in his 2023 book Hitler’s Panzer Generals: Guderian, Hoepner, Reinhardt and Schmidt Unguarded:

A common set of beliefs that all four generals shared was their relationship to the Protestant Church and the significance this assumed in explaining their values and behaviour.

Germany under Hitler was made up of 95 per cent Christians, and of these some 55 per cent were Protestants.101 The elite of the German officer corps was overwhelmingly made up of Protestants. This predominance had its roots in the Protestant Kingdom of Prussia, which dominated the German officer corps before the First World War and
constituted the birthplace of Hoepner (Frankfurt an der Oder, 1886), Guderian (Kulm, 1888) and Schmidt (Berlin, 1886). Reinhardt was born in the likewise predominantly Protestant Kingdom of Saxony (Bautzen, 1887). Indeed, in 1907 only some 16.6 per cent of German officers were Catholic, which not surprisingly predetermined an enduring
dominance of Protestants in the German high command of the Second World War.102 While one might assume a natural opposition between the Protestant Christian faith and the realities of wartime Nazism, the generals’ letters reflect no hint of confusion or contradiction in that regard. All four generals alluded to God in their letters,
sometimes in moments of open reflection, but also to buttress their periods of dejection and melancholy. Indeed, references to God in
their letters show a remarkable increase as the year progresses. During
the first fourteen weeks of the campaign (from June to the end of
September) there were only nine separate mentions of God, but in the
following nine weeks (October and November) this rose to thirteen
references. Most remarkably, however, in December alone, when the
harsh winter conditions took hold and the Soviet counter-offensive
began, the number of references jumps to seventeen. This suggests an
anecdotal correlation between adversity and religious motivation,
a trend that parallels the decline of Germany’s fortunes in 1941.
In order to ascertain the role and importance of religious belief
among the generals we must look at context. While references to God
are common to all of the letter collections, the devotion to faith was
much less conspicuous in letters written by Hoepner and Schmidt. Both
thanked God on a number of occasions, but less as explicit references to
deeply held beliefs and more as simple turn of phrase. For example, in
July Hoepner wrote to Irma: ‘The heat has been unbearable for the last
eight days, 30° in the shade, 48° in the sun. Thank God that we’ve found
ice here.’103 Similarly, on 27 November he wrote: ‘We’re advancing,
thank God.’104 Such casual allusions to God are instructive because they
artificially inflate the number of recorded references without seriously
engaging with the idea or meaning of faith. More to the point, Hoepner,
unlike the other generals, never engages in anything more substantive.
There is no further discourse on the importance of God or his faith,
which, given the emotional demands and unrelenting pressures of the campaign, is suggestive of Hoepner’s diminished faith or perhaps lack
thereof.
Schmidt, by contrast, is somewhat more ambiguous. In his small
number of letters from the early months of the war Schmidt made just
one reference to God when, after a period of wet weather had ended in
August, he noted simply ‘thank God’.105 Infrequent and cavalier usage
would seem to fit with Hoepner’s indifference, yet Schmidt seems to
have fallen back more and more on his faith as the war dragged on and
his position became steadily more desperate. Fighting against superior
Soviet forces at Tikhvin in November, Schmidt for the first time
included an explicit appeal to God’s providence and good grace. After
tallying the formidable Soviet forces arrayed against him Schmidt concluded,
‘These will be difficult days. God willing, they will be successfully
overcome.’106 Later in the hard winter fighting, after detailing to
Fridel his lack of strength and the impact of the cold weather, he
concluded: ‘It isn’t easy . . . But, God willing, it will come right.’107 In
such a context it is impossible to differentiate between a literal and a
figurative meaning in Schmidt’s mind, but importantly the references to
divine intercession only appeared once the material strength of his
forces had sunk so low that the enemy threatened to overwhelm him.
If Hoepner and Schmidt exhibited a more circumspect relationship
to their faith, the letters of the Guderians and Reinhardt attest to far
stronger religious feelings. Yet here too one can observe a progression
both in the aggregate number of references to God and in the increasing
earnestness of those discussions. In fact, throughout the summer months
none of the generals engaged in a substantive discourse about God or
their faith, rendering their portrayal of the German advance essentially
a secular affair won exclusively through strength of arms. Unlike later
periods, God was evoked neither to aid victory nor in gratitude for it.
Yet as the campaign dragged on and the conditions worsened,
Reinhardt found himself reflecting more and more on his faith and
writing about it to Eva.

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The Craft of Writing Effectively

“Larry McEnerney, Director of the University of Chicago’s Writing Program, led this session in an effort to communicate helpful rules, skills, and resources that are available to graduate students interested in further developing their writing style.”

Here are some excerpts from this talk:

You are writing about a subject at which you have expert knowledge.

You are operating at the most sophisticated levels. When I work with faculty on this and other campus, I am working with people who are after all, on the frontiers of knowledge. They’re thinking stuff, nobody’s thought before.

You are using your writing to help yourself think.

If you don’t do this, for most people, you cannot think at the level you need to think. Quite different say, from a journalist who’s sitting down writing.

The journalist is not using the writing process to think up new ideas about the world. You are. This means you have a very different set of writing challenges than anybody else has.

This is a course about those challenges.

You actually generate the text while you are doing your thinking, but then you’re gonna send this text out to readers and the readers are gonna look through that text and if you’ve done your job, they’re gonna change the way they see the world.

Experts use language in one set of patterns to do their thinking. But those very same experts read with a different pattern.

You have used your text as you must use it to help yourself think, but you’re gonna use writing patterns and language patterns that interfere with the way your readers read, even when those readers are also other experts. So you are interfering with their reading process when you’re writing. What happens to readers when you do that?

The last thing they’re gonna do is they’re just gonna stop. What happens before then? What leads up to that stopping?

In the last week, you’ve read stuff that is not written in the way you are seeking to read. What’s the first thing to happen to you? You slow down. Second. You don’t understand. Third, you get aggravated. Then you’re done.

If they don’t need to read it, they don’t.

Were your teachers reading your texts to think about the world? That’s not what they’re paid to do.

You’ve learned to write in a system where your readers are paid to care about you. That will stop.

In the world beyond school, they will read because it is valuable to them.

More than anything else from now on, your writing needs to be valuable.

I’m talking to social scientists. Physical scientists don’t make this mistake.

The question is whether this particular community of readers values it, which is why it’s so much about readers and not about content.

Value lies in readers, right, not in the thing. And so how people can think about their writing without thinking about readers is probably the biggest challenge you face.

Here’s a shock, you think writing is conveying your ideas.

It’s not. Let me say that again. You think that writing is communicating your ideas to your readers. It is not.

What is professional writing? It’s not conveying your ideas to your readers.

It’s changing their ideas. Nobody cares what ideas you have.

This is way more radical than it sounds. I used to make the mistake of saying to students who came in, I teach argument a lot and I say to students who make an argument, why do you think that?

Nothing will be accepted as knowledge or understanding until it has been challenged by someone competent to challenge it.

That’s the rule.

Your readers have the professional function of challenging what you say. So explaining turns out only to happen inside of these two functions, you only explain inside of value having been generated and persuasion having begun.

It is an enormous mistake of PhD level writers that they try to explain first, and I know why you try to explain first, because in school they just wanted you to explain first because the whole thing was just about seeing what you know.

Start explaining line one. Classic thing, begin with the definition. Teachers love this. Begin with the definition because it tells the teachers what? You know the definition. Don’t begin with definition.

If you think that you’re here to do new original work, if you would find the synapse in your brain that is storing those words, kill it.

You are here to do valuable work. What’s the difference?

You think you’re here to create new knowledge? Well, you know how hard it is to create new knowledge?

And they said, “That’s right, it’s new and it’s original, but it is not knowledge.”

She was living in a positivistic world, where knowledge looks like this. In a positivistic world, knowledge is just built up over time, and anytime you find out something that people didn’t know, you get to just add up to this model, and knowledge just keeps on growing and everybody’s happy. And that is dead.

There are conversations moving through time and there’s a bunch of people and they get to say what knowledge is.

Why on earth would these people get to say what knowledge is?

But the point is that’s the way it works. You may not like it, but that’s the way it works.

The good news is this thing does move through time. The other good news is this boundary is permeable. Stuff comes in and stuff goes out. Academic conversations excrete as they go.

They go along for a while and they say, whoa, we were doing that! Don’t do that anymore.

It’s not this buildup model. This buildup model assumed that everything was right. We don’t think that. We think a lot of what we think right now is wrong.

We just dunno what the wrong is and we don’t know what better is. We wanna know, we do, we wanna get better at it, but in order for us to do that, you have to be dealing with the stuff we say is knowledge.

What’s the first word you see that makes it valuable? Nonetheless. Next: Widely accepted. Next: However. Next: Although. Next: Inconsistent. Next: Reported. Next: Anomaly. Next: Reported.

Here’s my first piece of advice to you that you can do to make your writing better
starting this afternoon, is spend 15 minutes a week for the rest of this year,
taking articles in your field, print ’em out so you have a hard copy. Go through and circle every word in the writing that is creating value to the readers.

If you see an article that you think doesn’t have any of those words, send it to me. I’ll give you my email. Send me your email and say, “Larry, I found an article that doesn’t do it.”

Here’s what I bet, you will see none, I will see 10.

How come you don’t see ’em and I see five or 10? You missed them here.

I see ’em, I know the code. Every community has its own codes.

The communities you’re entering have their own codes, a set of words that communicates value.

You must know the codes of the communities you’re working in and they are particular to communities.

Some codes are shared among a bunch of communities, some aren’t. You’ve got to know.

If you spend 15 minutes a week for the rest of this year, you’ll be doing two things. One, you’ll be training yourself to look for the code of creating value. The other thing you’ll be doing if you’re smart, is you’ll be writing down each of those words and you’ll be creating an invaluable word list, so that when it’s a week before something is done and you’re doing one of your revisions, you’re gonna do what? You’re gonna do the same thing on your own work.

And if you can’t underline 10 words in the first two paragraphs, you’re gonna do what? You’re gonna go to the word list and you’re gonna jump ’em in, right? Sometimes, it’s that simple.

Sometimes we take articles that wouldn’t get published [and] in an hour we do things and they get published.

As I say to undergraduates who look at me and they say, why does it take six years or five years or even four years to get a PhD? Aren’t they just learning more stuff? No, half their time is spent learning more stuff.

The other half is learning their readers. I will say this again, if you do not know your readers, the particular people in a community, you are very unlikely to create value and you are very unlikely to be persuasive because persuasion depends on what they doubt. If you don’t know what they doubt, how on earth you’re gonna overcome those doubts? You must know them.

Which words have to do with the community? – Widely. – Widely. – Accepted. – Accepted. – Reported. – Reported. Those are words that cued that there was a community of people who want to understand this.

You don’t have those words, you’re not signaling any community.

Imagine if you go to your readers and say, hey readers, hey community, I’ve read your stuff. I’ve thought about what you think and I have something to say.

Hey readers, I’ve read your stuff. I know what you think, but you’re wrong. Which one are they gonna pay attention to?

He can name a journal. We will go to the every edition of that journal in the last 20 years and every paper will say that somebody’s wrong. Everyone.

You have to know the code. If you say to the people who are the dominant figures in your field, “You know what, I’ve read all your stuff and you’re idiots.” Not gonna go well.

The code is, wow, are you smart!

You are so smart and you’ve contributed and you’ve advanced this, you’ve advanced this community through in fabulous ways, but there’s this little thing you got here that’s wrong. And now they say, oh yeah, well thank you for appreciating that. What do you think we have wrong? And then you better have an argument, not an explanation.

Do not explain, argue. You’re talking to people who like, wrote this stuff. You don’t have to explain it to ’em.

You have to predict what they’re gonna doubt when you say they’re wrong. So you say to them, “You’re wrong about this,” and they say, “Why should I agree that I’m wrong,” and you say, “Well, here’s why.”

That’s what introductions do. They give a quick version of why these people should think that they’re wrong. And they say, “Well, okay, preliminarily. I’ve read your first two pages. Now I’ll start reading the rest of it.” Why? Because you’ve caused them to think that your work might be valuable for them.

The University of Chicago writing program is not real popular in the world of writing programs and you can see why. A lot of people think we’re fascists.

Here’s what we teach people to do. We say, identify the people with power in your community and give them what they want. Lots of people have said to us in some version or another, you’re supposed to teach people to challenge the existing community. Well, actually, I just did, right? But notice that I did it inside the terms of the community.

I get the moral and ethical pressure to teach people to have their individual voices.
But when I sit with somebody up in my office, who’s worried about their career not going anywhere, it can’t be about their individual voice. It’s about what’s gonna make it valuable to their readers.

You want me to go to this really important person, the editors of this journal and tell ’em they’re wrong? Yeah, I do. I need you to do it under the code. You wanna do it under the code. There’s polite ways to do it. There’s insulting ways to do it.

Here are some highlights from this 2022 book by Rony Guldmann – The Star Chamber of Stanford: On the Secret Trial and Invisible Persecution of a Stanford Law Fellow:

* “Intellectuals who write with vigor and clarity are as scarce as low rents in New York or San Francisco. Raised in city streets and cafes before the age of massive universities, “last” generation intellectuals wrote for the educated reader. They have been supplanted by high-tech intellectuals, consultants and professors—anonymous souls who may be competent, and more than competent, but who do not enrich public life.” (Russell Jacoby)

* The relationship between a faculty adviser and an academic job seeker is akin to that between a great power and a small client state. It is the academic job seeker who derives tangible material benefits from the alliance—a tenure-track job—since it’s the faculty adviser’s phone calls to colleagues at other schools that separate a résumé from a stack of hundreds. The faculty adviser has an interest in expending these efforts because the empowerment of the client state redounds to the prestige and prominence of the great power. The more Stanford Law graduates are teaching at law schools, and especially illustrious ones, the stronger becomes Stanford’s standing in the competition with other great powers—Yale, Harvard, Chicago, and others. When Stanford wins, so does its faculty.

* [Barbara Fried] distilled my driving intuition as the sense that “there is something indeterminate to liberalism,” meaning that what liberals presume is the only valid application of their principles may simply be a parochial cultural preference, with another equally defensible interpretation inuring to the conservative cause. The key to the project, she advised, was to explain just why conservative claims of cultural oppression amount to more than hollow ad hominems against the banal human foibles of liberals. Another crucial question, she stressed, was why liberals seem less agitated than conservatives by difference and dissent. Liberals appear unconcerned with how their next-door neighbors go about their lives, whereas conservatives can feel threatened by this, perceiving phantasmal assaults on order and decency everywhere. Is this ostensible asymmetry reality or a social illusion? Like Joe, Barbara was at once incredulous of and fascinated by conservative claims of cultural oppression. Her instinct was to discount conservatives as benighted authoritarians, but she was receptive to my still-inchoate sense that the liberal consensus was one-sided and simplistic and hoped I could explain her unease to her.

* The sociologist Alvin Gouldner observes that the cosmopolitan New Class of well-schooled, left-leaning knowledge workers is predisposed “toward an unhealthy self-consciousness, toward stilted convoluted speech, an inhibition of play, imagination and passion, and continual pressure for expressive discipline.”19 That continual pressure is most fundamentally the secularization of an age-old religious drive, an intellectualized variant of the traditional spiritual aspiration to rise above animal impulse toward a purified state of heightened self-possession and self-control.

* Hence, my claim in the introduction that scholarliness is no less a hero-system than the cruder and more transparent ideologies of the Right. The elites despise the vulgar traditionalism of social conservatives. But their own, more rarefied, traditionalism leaves them implacably hostile to the unregulated freedom of the tacit dimension, whose indeterminate and inarticulate nature occupies a place analogous to the sexual libertinism that offends the Right. The tacit dimension is a libertinism of the intellect, a realm of uninhibited personal impulse unfettered by the exogenous strictures of academic professionalism, whose renunciatory impulses are what dictate “a totally anonymous style and choice of topics as a matter of professional honor,” as Midgley says. This aspiration to impersonality harbors a religious meaning, promising redemption from the original sin of intellectual idiosyncrasy as expressed in the solitary intimations of the tacit dimension.

* [Mary] Midgely observes: “Officially, we can enquire about anything. In fact, in any academic area, current traditions ensure that only certain quite limited limited tropes and methods will be accepted. Officially, the reasons for these limitations are impersonal, rational, clearly statable, and ready to be changed at any time if good reason is given. Actually, they have all kinds of other sources as well as these acknowledged ones—a background web of obscure and complex historical causes, involving notably clashes of personality and feuds with neighbouring studies. They are very resistant to deliberate attempts to change. Much of this rigidity, too, is certainly not impersonal because it results from the individual temperaments of the people involved. … Much academic conceptual apparatus is designed to insulate specialties from outside interference.”

* My driving intuition was that the liberal culture’s official facade of outward tolerance is informally circumscribed by a subterranean background of clandestine coercions, threats, and stigmas that cumulatively enshrine certain parochial mores as bedrock reality. But giving real life to these words required deprogramming myself from that culture, as I couldn’t expose that in which I was myself implicated. The covert sectarianism of the liberal elites would be visible only from the outside, and I wasn’t yet standing there.

* Russell Jacoby: “Universities encourage a definite intellectual form. They do not shoot, they simply do not hire those who are unable or unwilling to fit in. Even Henry Luce of the Time magazine empire, often denounced as a master propagandist, employed and even liked mavericks and dissenters. Universities, on the other hand, hire by committee: one needs degrees, references, the proper deference, a pleasant demeanor. To win over a committee that recommends to a department which counsels a chairman who advises a dean who suggests to a college president takes a talent very different from gaining the assent of a single individual.”

* Colleges and universities are the “finishing schools” of the New Class.

* David Brooks wrote that intellectuals “compete to gain a monopoly over the power to consecrate”: “Certain people and institutions at the top of each specialty have the power to confer prestige and honor on favored individuals, subjects, and styles of discourse. Those who hold this power of consecration influence taste, favor certain methodologies, and define the boundary of their discipline. To be the chief consecrator is the intellectual’s dream.”

* [Alvin Goudner:] “The New Class, then, is prepared to be egalitarian so far as the privileges of the old class are concerned. That is, under certain conditions it is prepared to remove or restrict the special incomes of the old class: profits, rents, interest. The New Class is anti-egalitarian, however, in that it seeks special guild advantages—political powers and incomes—on the basis of its possession of cultural capital.”

* The elites are willing to attack existing distributions of economic and political power in the name of greater equality and general human welfare. But, as a cultural bourgeoisie, they treat unequal divisions of cultural capital as sacrosanct and will repress any who would attempt to accrue it in disregard of the distributive status quo. Discourse that respects that status quo—by acquiescing to the lingos, conceptualizations, and lines of inquiry that define “the field”—is serious. Discourse that slights it by proceeding from a different set of starting points and perplexities is not.

* [Russell] Jacoby observes: “Like any quantitative study of reputation, the [citation] index is circular. It measures not the quality of work but clout and connections. If used to evaluate careers, however, the lessons for the striving professor are clear: cast a wide net, establish as many mutual relations as possible, do not isolate yourself from the mainstream. It pays not simply to footnote but to design research to mesh smoothly with the contributions of others: they refer to you as you refer to them. Everyone prospers from the saccharine scholarship.”

* Dissecting the core values of Homo academicus, [French sociologist Pierre] Bourdieu highlights the sublimated and intellectualized conservatism of academia’s gatekeepers, the liberal elites: “There is no acknowledged master who does not recognize a master and, through him, the intellectual magistrature of the sacred collegeof masters who acknowledge him. In short, there is no master who does not recognize the value of the institution and institutional values which are all rooted in the institutionalized refusal of any non-institutional thought, in the exaltation of academic “reliability,” that instrument of normalization which has all appearances on its side, those of learning and those of morality, although it is often only the instrument of the transformation of individual and collective limits into the choice of scientific virtuousness.”

In discerning my potential to become an eminent legal scholar, Joe was holding out the prospect that I might eventually ascend to the rank of “acknowledged master.” But in insisting that my research first be tied in with that of colleagues, he was also reminding me, with Bourdieu, that “there is no acknowledged master who does not recognize a master and, through him, the intellectual magistrature of the sacred college of masters who acknowledge him.” The knockout email was the culmination of my repeated refusals to bow before this magistrature. Joe’s and Barbara’s guidance had always been advice for doing so, for exhibiting “academic ‘reliability.’” If their respect-cum-fascination had now deteriorated into suspicion and ire, this was owing to the ingratitude with which I had discounted their Janus-faced counsels. What would heeding them have required of me? Barbara’s reaction to the Overview would have been rather more sanguine had my summaries read something like this:

“Professor X has recently introduced a fascinating new framework through which to address Problem A in an effort to replace the approach that has been most famously defended by Professor Y, arguing that this not only provides fresh, multidisciplinary insight into Problem A but also sheds a new and intriguing light on Problem B, which Professor Z first brought to our attention in his rigorously argued and thoroughly researched book C. But Professor Z’s book, C, in fact anticipated, and raised serious reservations about, the approach now being defended by Professor X in response to Professor Y. This article argues that while Professor Z’s reservations have substantial merit, the force of those concerns is attenuated to the extent we (plausibly) interpret Professor X as supplementing rather than supplanting the analysis of Professor Y. Thus conceived, the questions introduced by Professor X promise not only to enrich our understanding of Problem A but also to open up new avenues of interdisciplinary research into Problem B that build on those painstakingly developed by Professor Z, because Problem B, properly understood, is just another facet of Problem A.”

In pleading with me to acknowledge the intellectual magistrature of the sacred college of masters, Joe was saying that I could eventually become Professor X but only if I first attended to him in this genteelly interstitial manner, because that was how he got to where he was.

* Moving on to campus life, we were advised that fellows should limit themselves to raising one question every three faculty luncheons. Untenured faculty should limit themselves to every other luncheon. Only tenured faculty had license to speak up weekly.

* The importance of watching one’s words was stressed repeatedly. A workshop organizer related that she had nearly lost out on a job after scorning the dog of Cass Sunstein, a famous legal scholar then at the University of Chicago. This bespoke an ingrained disdain for all canines, not a particularized antipathy for Sunstein’s pooch specifically, she explained, but the distinction was initially lost on Sunstein, who had been wounded. They’re on good terms now—I think—but perhaps not as good as they’d be if she loved dogs in general and Fido in particular.

* Pierre Bourdieu: “The whole trick of pedagogical reason lies precisely in the way it extorts the essential while seeming to demand the insignificant: in obtaining the respect for forms and forms of respect which constitute the most visible and at the same time the best-hidden (because most “natural”) manifestations of submission to the established order, the incorporation of the arbitrary abolishes what Raymond Ruyer calls “lateral possibilities,” that is, all the eccentricities and deviations which are the small changes of madness. The concessions of politeness always contain political concessions.”

* Joe and Barbara imagined they were demanding only “the concessions of politeness.” They had taken me under their wings, enabling me to pursue my passion and sparing me the travails of sweatshop hours in a big law firm. In exchange they were hoping for a modicum of deference to their superior experience, wisdom, and expertise. And I had indeed withheld that modicum. But for cause, I submit, because tendering it would have involved a “political concession” to the cultural pathologies of liberalism and academia. Penning a book review or attending a seminar weren’t necessarily all that laborious. But cumulatively such endeavors would have acculturated me to the New Class ethos and its “respect for forms,” instilling me with the “expressive discipline” and scholarly gravitas that the still-subconscious telos of my research agenda called on me to subvert. The road not taken might have yielded a cleaner and timelier job-talk paper. But the truth of conservative claims of cultural oppression would then have adhered to me only, as Schopenhauer says, “as an artificial limb, a false tooth, a wax nose does,” not as a natural appendage that could truly interface with the world.

* As Jacoby observes, “Universities encourage a definite intellectual form.” The naturally obeisant thrive, provided the other desiderata of academic flourishing—smarts, work ethic, and luck—are in place.

* I could no more internalize the New Class ethos of expressive discipline than a naturally effeminate gay man could be expected to start vocalizing like John Wayne.

* Liam Gillespie delineates the nature of this domination: The habitus therefore not only confers unfair levels of sociocultural privilege upon certain individuals (through the bestowal of cultural capital), it also invisibilises this privilege. As a result, the struggle to change the socio-cultural conditions of the habitus is inherently difficult. This is because dominant subjects are able to exercise their dominance merely by conforming to the status quo and by “being themselves,” while those who are dominated must effect a rupture of the habitus from within the habitus itself. Put differently, within the habitus, the dominance of dominant subjects appears “objective.” The dominant can just “be,” while the dominated must first “clear the way” before they can “be.”

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Brentwood Country Club Is 97% Jewish & Where Are All The Latino Golfers?

Steve Sailer writes:

The story of how the great Jewish liberal Mosk prevented the Jewish Brentwood Country Club in Los Angeles from hosting the 1961 PGA Championship is indeed an interesting one. Jewish country clubs had been the venue of a number of U.S. Opens and PGA Championships before WWII, but they then shied away from volunteering to put on more after Mosk embarrassed Brentwood.

But the sheer existence of Jewish country clubs (even in today’s highly multiethnic Los Angeles, Brentwood’s membership remains 97 percent Jewish) is evidently too thought-provoking for The New York Times’ sensitive subscribers, so May prudently doesn’t mention it.

Perhaps more interesting than that none of the top U.S. golfers is black is that nobody is Hispanic, considering that Latinos now outnumber blacks by 40 percent. But few pundits are terribly interested in Hispanic representation.

The decline of black pros was forecasted way back in the late 1960s by Joe Dey, the first commissioner of the PGA Tour, who prophesied: “By the turn of the century, there may not be one black playing the tour.” Dey had a perfectly sensible reason for his prediction: Most black pros of his time started as caddies, but motorized golf carts were replacing human bag carriers. So, fewer blacks would get introduced to golf while young.

And, unlike in Dey’s time, you now pretty much have to start early these days to succeed at golf. The winningest black golfer before Tiger, Calvin Peete, grew up poor and didn’t play golf until his 20s, yet went on to win a dozen tournaments in his late 30s and early 40s. Similarly, a white peer of Peete’s, ten-time winner Larry Nelson, didn’t try golf until he came back from Vietnam at age 21. But that kind of late start seems inconceivable these days.

Consider how many team-sport superstars like Michael Jordan dream of retiring to the golf course and playing on the over-50 tour. But only the late 49ers quarterback John Brodie ever won a senior tour event.

Moreover, American culture became extremely hostile toward the idea of a black man serving a white man, even as a caddie. Thus, in the early 1980s the Masters dropped its requirement that tour pros use Augusta National’s local black caddies and instead could bring their regular caddies, who were increasingly white.

Because, it turns out that white guys love having servile jobs…as long as they are on beautiful golf courses. The typical tour caddie these days is often a fraternity brother or a college teammate of the player. The last time I had a caddie was at the National Golf Links of America in the Hamptons, where Duke U. students fly in for the weekend to tote bags for Masters of the Universe. The enthusiastic young men who unload your golf clubs from your trunk at the upscale daily fee course are likely upper-middle-class golf fanatics.

But Tiger Woods himself also probably played a sizable role in the lessening of chances for blacks in golf. I presume that Amy Chua’s coinage of “Tiger Mother” is a reference to the famous intensity of effort that Tiger’s parents put into preparing him to be a golf champion. That a part-Asian was trained from infancy to become the best golfer in the world—and in the dozen years from 1997 through 2008, Tiger was no doubt the best ever—had a galvanizing effect on Asian and other ambitious parents.

In the 27 years since the 21-year-old Woods’ twelve-stroke victory at the 1997 Masters, the level of parental investment in youth training has soared, which hasn’t helped blacks’ chances.

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Just An Intellectual Gigolo Hits The Santa Monica Bay

Prophetic Forensics comments: “An idea gigolo” always “falling in love with new ideas.”

I can relate. My internal process is like a life-giving fountain.

Alone with my thoughts = never alone.

So interesting how you phrased “that’s not absurd” [re] (Taylor Swift music [might be] #unrelatable to black culture)? Reeled me right into the fountain. I am just considering it, from all these angles. The use of the word, [the] idea behind its structure in the sentence and how it disqualifies fluff and misunderstanding. The precision of the architecture by which it was delivered.

You get my drift..blooming..unfolding..fruit bearing..words, to me, like ideas to you.

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