The Prestige Of Economics

Inflation has dropped every month under Donald Trump. Economists and media are hardest hit. Economists in particular were predicting higher inflation due to Trump’s tariffs.

They were wrong. Again.

The credibility and prestige of social science depends in large part on its ability to replicate its findings and to predict and to explain. If you can’t replicate, predict or explain, what use are you? What is your cash value? What is your pragmatic contribution to real people? If you can’t replicate, predict or explain, why should I defer to you as an expert? How much are macro-economists able to replicate their findings? Do their macro-economic predictions hold up? Do they have the most useful explanations?

Grok says:

Macroeconomics faces significant challenges in replication, prediction, and explanation, which impact its credibility compared to natural sciences. Below, I address each aspect based on available evidence and analysis.

Replication in Macroeconomics

Replication in macroeconomics is limited and often problematic:

Data and Methodology Issues: Macroeconomic studies frequently rely on large, complex datasets (e.g., national accounts, GDP, unemployment rates) that can vary across countries or over time due to revisions or differing definitions. Replicating results is difficult when data sources are not standardized or when methodologies (e.g., econometric models) are not fully transparent. A 2018 study by Vilhuber and Chang found that only about 20% of macroeconomic studies published in top journals provided sufficient data and code for direct replication.

Low Replication Rates: Efforts to replicate macroeconomic findings, such as those in the American Economic Review or Journal of Political Economy, show mixed results. A 2016 project by the Center for Open Science attempted to replicate 18 macroeconomic studies and found that only 11 (61%) produced results consistent with the originals, often with weaker effect sizes. Issues like p-hacking, selective reporting, and model specification choices contribute to this.

Structural Challenges: Macroeconomic phenomena (e.g., recessions, inflation) are influenced by unique historical contexts, making controlled experiments impossible. This reduces the ability to test findings under identical conditions, unlike in microeconomics or lab-based sciences.

Predictive Power of Macroeconomic Models

Macroeconomic predictions often struggle to hold up:

Historical Performance: Large-scale macroeconomic models, like those used by central banks (e.g., DSGE models) or institutions like the IMF, have a mixed track record. For instance, a 2014 study by Edge and Gürkaynak found that Federal Reserve forecasts for GDP growth and inflation were no more accurate than simple benchmark models (e.g., random walks) over short horizons (1-2 years). Long-term forecasts (5+ years) are even less reliable due to structural economic shifts.

Notable Failures: The 2008 financial crisis exposed weaknesses in mainstream macroeconomic models, which largely failed to predict the crisis or its severity. Post-crisis analyses, such as Blanchard’s 2018 critique, highlighted that models underestimated systemic risks and relied on unrealistic assumptions (e.g., rational expectations, efficient markets).

Complexity and Uncertainty: Macroeconomic systems are inherently complex, with nonlinear dynamics and exogenous shocks (e.g., pandemics, geopolitical events). This makes precise predictions difficult. For example, the Congressional Budget Office’s long-term GDP forecasts have error margins of ±2-3% annually, compounding over time.

Some Successes: Short-term forecasts for stable economies (e.g., quarterly GDP growth in the U.S.) can be reasonably accurate when based on high-frequency data and nowcasting techniques. A 2020 study by Giannone et al. showed that nowcasting models reduced forecast errors by 20-30% compared to traditional methods.

Explanatory Power

Macroeconomics excels at post-hoc explanation but struggles with universal laws:

Theoretical Frameworks: Models like IS-LM, Solow growth, or New Keynesian frameworks provide coherent explanations for phenomena like business cycles or inflation. However, these models often rely on simplifying assumptions (e.g., representative agents) that limit their real-world applicability.

Contested Explanations: Different schools of thought (e.g., Keynesian, Monetarist, Austrian) offer competing explanations for the same phenomena, with no consensus on which is correct. For instance, the causes of stagflation in the 1970s remain debated, with explanations ranging from supply shocks to monetary policy failures.

Context Dependence: Explanations are often specific to time and place, reducing generalizability. For example, Phillips curve models, which link unemployment and inflation, broke down in the 1970s and required significant revisions.

Broader Implications for Credibility

Compared to Natural Sciences: Macroeconomics’ reliance on observational data and inability to conduct controlled experiments make it less robust than physics or chemistry. Its replication rates (around 60% in some studies) are lower than in psychology (50-70%) or biomedical sciences (70-80%), though higher than some fields like sociology.

Public Perception: Repeated predictive failures, especially during crises, erode trust. Surveys, like a 2019 YouGov poll, show that only 25% of the public trust economists’ forecasts, compared to 60% for meteorologists.

Progress and Reform: Post-2008, macroeconomists have improved models by incorporating financial frictions, heterogeneity, and behavioral factors. Open science practices, like data sharing and pre-registration, are also gaining traction, though adoption remains uneven.

Conclusion

Macroeconomists face significant hurdles in replicating findings due to data inconsistencies, methodological opacity, and context-specific phenomena, with successful replication rates around 60% in top studies. Predictive accuracy is modest, particularly for long-term forecasts or during crises, though short-term nowcasting shows promise. Explanatory power is strong in theory but weakened by competing paradigms and context dependence. These challenges undermine macroeconomics’ prestige relative to harder sciences

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2025 is the Year of Living Dangerously Between Inflation and Deflation (5-11-25)

01:00 I perform humility
03:00 The decline of Biden Inc.
10:00 Nathan Cofnas: ‘Podcast Bros and Brain Rot: The only thing worse than an expert is a non-expert’, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=161065
40:00 NYT: Trump’s No. 1 Fan in Greenland: A Bricklayer Turned Political Player
1:16:30 Batya Ungar-Sargon on Trump’s tariffs, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vqwRdQ2iRmA
1:45:10 Halperin: The Most Influential Forces in Trump’s White House are Stephen Miller and JD Vance – Here’s Why
2:21:00 ICC Charges Netanyahu To Cover Up Sexual Assault Allegations, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=161155
2:23:00 The Rule of Law, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=161147
2:24:00 Global Strategist Michael Every: Our Liberal World Order is breaking down. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DrVQT6YSiTM
2:29:00 Who Can Claim the Rule of Law? https://www.compactmag.com/article/who-can-claim-the-rule-of-law/
2:36:00 NYT: Harvard Leaders See Only Bad Outcomes Ahead as They Battle Trump, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/05/08/us/harvard-trump-court-case-negotiation.html
2:42:00 Mark Halperin on Trump’s tariff policies
2:52:00 Substack: The Pope’s neighborhood was ethnically cleansed by criminal violence:
The important facts are often found at the end of New York Times articles.
2:56:00 DTG: Gary Stevenson: The People’s Economist, https://decoding-the-gurus.captivate.fm/episode/gary-stevenson-the-peoples-economist

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ICC Charges Netanyahu To Cover Up Sexual Assault Allegations

One of the biggest surprises from my journey into Orthodox Judaism is that half of the conversion courts in Los Angeles pressure attractive women into giving sexual favors in exchange for conversion, and that half of the charismatic rabbis I’ve met are sexual predators.

From the WSJ:

* [Karim] Khan, an observant Muslim, was born in Edinburgh to immigrants from Pakistan. He rose to the upper echelons of British law, representing suspects and victims before the ICC and international tribunals in Cambodia, Sierra Leone and elsewhere. He built a reputation for being hard-charging and impulsive, able to charm and bully in the same conversation.

* Two months after the Hamas attack of Oct. 7, pressure was mounting on Karim Khan, the chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, as he considered charges against Israeli officials for their conduct of the war in Gaza.

Pro-Palestinian activists who had labeled him a “genocide enabler” and a bloc of ICC member countries in the developing world insisted that action was long overdue, pushing Khan into conflict with Israel’s staunch allies in Washington and other Western capitals.

Khan, a hard-charging British lawyer, was in New York in early December 2023 for the court’s governing body meeting at United Nations headquarters. Stung by the criticism, the 55-year-old prosecutor was increasingly lashing out at his team, according to ICC officials.

One assistant, a woman in her 30s who often traveled with him for her job, asked to meet with Khan to urge him to ease up. He called her that evening to his corner suite high in the Millennium Hilton hotel next to the U.N.

There, she said in testimony to U.N. officials, Khan began to touch her sexually, a pattern of behavior that she said had been going on for months.

She said she attempted to leave the room several times, but he took her hand and eventually pulled her to the bed. Then he pulled off her pants and forced sexual intercourse, according to the testimony.

“He always holds on to me and leads me to the bed,” she said in the testimony, which was reviewed by The Wall Street Journal. “It’s the feeling of being trapped.”

The incident is one of multiple allegations of coerced sexual intercourse that the woman has made against Khan, according to documents, her testimony and officials familiar with the allegations. The woman, who is married and has a child, alleges Khan performed nonconsensual sex acts with her on missions to New York, Colombia, Congo, Chad and Paris. Khan also did so multiple times at a residence owned by his wife where he stayed in The Hague, the headquarters of the ICC, according to her testimony.

The woman, a lawyer from Malaysia, stayed at the job because she didn’t want to leave one of the most important offices in human-rights law and worried she wouldn’t be able to pay the medical bills of her mother, who was dying of cancer, according to her testimony and ICC officials. She also came to fear retaliation from Khan, according to interviews with current and former ICC officials.

The accusations facing Khan have become entwined with the international conflict over Gaza. Just 2½ weeks after Khan learned of the allegations against him last spring, he surprised Israeli and U.S. officials by announcing the most dramatic arrest warrant in the court’s history—for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

It was the first time in the ICC’s history that the court’s prosecutor sought a warrant for a Western-aligned democratically elected leader, a move the U.S. had been working to avert for months.

The timing of the announcement has spurred questions about whether Khan was aiming to protect himself from the sexual-assault allegations. The day before announcing the warrant application, Khan abruptly canceled a trip to Israel and Gaza that he had previously said was important to make his decision.

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The Rule of Law?

There are serious criticisms to make about this new Trump administration, but repeating incantations about democracy and free trade and the rule of law are not serious critiques.

Notes Wikipedia: “An incantation, spell, charm, enchantment, or bewitchery is a magical formula intended to trigger a magical effect on a person or objects.”

Judicial supremacy is not the rule of law. Judges don’t get to adjudicate every decision of the executive branch. Judges and lawyers need to stay in their lane. There is not one overarching narrative for all of life. Law is not the sole standard for executive action.

If you are losing an argument with the glib, accuse your opponent of being reductive (to democracy or liberalism or expertise or authority or free trade or the rule of law). The world is so complex that to have a discussion or to create a predictive or explanatory model, we always have to reduce variables.

Asking “What then?” or “So what?” are useful prompts for clear thinking.

Political science professor Darel E. Paul writes:

In the view of his opponents, Donald Trump’s single greatest threat is to something called “the rule of law.” The president’s executive order disciplining lawyers and law firms that “abuse” the legal system and federal courts? Violation of the rule of law. The administration’s withholding of billions of federal dollars from Harvard University? Violation of the rule of law. Shutting down the Voice of America? Violation of the rule of law. Banning natal males in female sports? Violation of the rule of law. Refusing to extract Kilmar Abrego Garcia from the Salvadoran prison to which he was mistakenly deported? Again, violation of the rule of law.

Trump is hardly alone in assuming this role. Americans and Europeans alike condemn right-wing populists in Poland, Hungary, Germany, France, Italy, and beyond for their inveterate threats to what is universally referred to as the rule of law. The concept is even used as a synonym for democracy. In the recent words of the German Foreign Office, placing the right-wing populist party Alternative for Germany (AfD) under the highest level of government surveillance was an expression of “democracy” not because it was done by the German national legislature but because it was done by an “independent” expert agency motivated to defend the “rule of law.” Stateside, even stalwart centrists like David Brooks now insist we are all either in the Resistance or abetting the road to fascism.

In the struggles of contemporary liberals against right-wing populism, the rule of law is presented as the sum of all good things, a principle no right-thinking person could either limit or qualify. Yet the rule of law is but one among many virtues a legal system might embody. It is not the same thing as justice, or legal equality, or human rights. It is certainly not a synonym for democracy. In overruling the acts of legislatures, in fact, the rule of law at times turns out to be positively anti-democratic. Is the rule of law simply an empty slogan fit only for the editorial page? Does it have any content beyond “Hurrah for this!” and “Down with that!”?

Advocates of the rule of law often define the concept as a set of political ideals around the limitation of the exercise of power, in particular demands for the exercise of reason, the achievement of predictability, and the elimination of arbitrariness in the law. Thus an American federal judge ruled in February that the Trump administration may not enforce its executive order against DEI programs because the order’s vagueness “invites arbitrary and discriminatory enforcement.” Likewise, Harvard University has sued the Trump administration for acting in an “arbitrary and capricious manner” by freezing billions of dollars in federal funding to all parts of the university system.

Rule of law advocates also define the concept by the doctrine of the separation of powers, with particular emphasis on judicial independence. The European Union long targeted the Polish government precisely for its supposed violations of judicial independence and the separation of powers. In December, Justice John Roberts strenuously defended “the independence of judges on which the rule of law depends.” In March, Justice Sonia Sotomayor equated the rule of law with “fearlessly independent” courts. Responding to Trump administration calls to impeach federal judges who have ruled against it, the American Bar Association proclaimed, “The ABA will defend our courts because we support the rule of law.”

This all sounds very high-minded. Certainly everyone wants a court system with a basic degree of autonomy to render decisions on specific cases free from executive, legislative, or societal pressure. But who ultimately decides the definitions of “arbitrary,” “capricious,” and “reason”? Who decides how much judicial independence is sufficient? Judges do. The most elevated meaning of the rule of law comes when it is juxtaposed to its opposite, the rule of men. Yet excepting only when we enforce the law upon ourselves, the law always requires particular men (and women) to interpret it and to enforce it. Even under the rule of law, we are necessarily subject to the rule of men. The difference is that these men—judges—rule us in the name of the law.

This can quickly morph into judicial supremacy, a condition in which the highest judges are themselves the law. In a common-law system such as the United States, courts make law all the time through the normal process of judicial review. Political actors know as much and craft their lawsuits precisely to evade congress and legislate through the judiciary. Can’t overturn state bans on contraception and abortion? Invent a new right to privacy through Griswold and Roe. Can’t convince the state to allow you to own a handgun? Lock in an individual constitutional right to bear arms through Heller. Can’t get national legislation incorporating gender identity in US civil-rights law? Have the Supreme Court do it through Bostock.

In debating the requirements for the rule of law, advocates always mention the role of courts in balancing the power of both executives and legislators. But who balances the power of judges? What is the check on their power?

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Are there any major economists, pundits, politicians, academics or public intellectuals in Europe who support Trump?

Grok says:

There is limited evidence of prominent European economists, pundits, politicians, academics, or public intellectuals openly supporting Donald Trump. His policies, particularly on trade, immigration, and international relations, have often been viewed skeptically in Europe, where free trade, multilateralism, and liberal democratic norms are widely endorsed.

Economists

No major European economists have been widely documented as explicitly supporting Trump. European economists tend to favor free trade and global economic integration, which clash with Trump’s protectionist tariffs and “America First” policies. For instance, a 2016 letter signed by 370 economists (many from Western institutions, including Europe) called Trump a “dangerous, destructive choice” for the U.S. economy, citing his trade and fiscal policies. While this was primarily U.S.-focused, it reflects a broader academic consensus in Western economics, including Europe, critical of Trump’s approach.

Politicians

Some European populist and nationalist politicians have expressed sympathy for Trump’s style or policies, particularly his anti-establishment rhetoric, immigration stance, and skepticism of international organizations like NATO or the EU. Notable examples include:

Nigel Farage (UK): The former UKIP and Brexit Party leader has been a vocal Trump supporter, appearing at Trump rallies and praising his outsider approach. Farage shares Trump’s skepticism of globalist institutions and immigration policies.

Matteo Salvini (Italy): The former Italian Deputy Prime Minister and League leader has expressed admiration for Trump’s nationalism and tough stance on immigration, though his support is more rhetorical than policy-driven.

Viktor Orbán (Hungary): The Hungarian Prime Minister has openly backed Trump, particularly during his 2024 campaign, praising his “strong leadership” and aligning with Trump’s anti-immigration and conservative cultural stances. Orbán’s government has hosted Trump-friendly events, like CPAC Hungary.

Geert Wilders (Netherlands): The leader of the Party for Freedom has voiced support for Trump’s populist and anti-immigration rhetoric, seeing parallels with his own platform.

These figures are often on the right-wing or populist spectrum, and their support for Trump tends to focus on shared ideological themes rather than detailed policy endorsement.

Pundits and Public Intellectuals

Some European pundits and intellectuals, particularly those critical of the EU, globalization, or progressive cultural trends, have expressed cautious or partial support for Trump’s ideas:

Douglas Murray (UK): The conservative author and commentator has not endorsed Trump outright but has defended aspects of his appeal, arguing that Trump’s rise reflects legitimate grievances against elite overreach and political correctness. Murray’s focus is more on the cultural dynamics Trump represents than on his specific policies.

Éric Zemmour (France): The far-right commentator and former presidential candidate has praised Trump’s anti-establishment energy and nationalism, drawing parallels to his own critiques of French and EU elites.

Spiked Online Contributors (UK): Some writers for this libertarian-leaning outlet have expressed sympathy for Trump’s rejection of progressive orthodoxy and globalist policies, though they often critique his inconsistencies.

However, mainstream European pundits and intellectuals, especially in liberal or centrist circles, tend to view Trump critically, focusing on his perceived undermining of democratic norms and international alliances like NATO.

Academics

There is little evidence of prominent European academics openly supporting Trump. European academia leans left or centrist, and Trump’s policies—particularly on trade, climate, and governance—have drawn criticism. A 2023 study highlighted divisions among conservative academics in the U.S., with some embracing Trump’s populism and others rejecting it, but no parallel study exists for Europe. Anecdotally, some conservative or contrarian academics in fields like political science or sociology might sympathize with Trump’s anti-elite rhetoric, but they are not prominent or numerous enough to constitute a major trend.

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