Why Whites Are Intimidated By Blacks?

Philosopher Michael Levin says in 1994: “Why are whites acting the way they are? Why have they handed over the world they created to a group whose only contribution to debate is anger and accusation? I believe the answers may be partially rooted in biology and evolution.

“When two groups with different social signals get together, they are going to misunderstand each other. Whites misunderstand blacks. Whites have been evolving with whites for many thousands of years. They have evolved a cooperative ethic, a more cooperative ethic than has evolved in Africa, where life is easier, it’s not necessary to hunt large animals, it’s not necessary to divide the kill and to store the meat during the winter in a way that will satisfy everybody, there has been a less evolved sense of justice. Social signals have evolved… Certain tones of voice, facial expressions, and gestures have a certain signalling function.

“For example, if you begin to scream at me, this means that you are very angry. Among whites, a certain level of anger can usually be reliably taken to indicate a real harm and a real wrong has been done and we’ve evolved a reaction when we see that expression to feel a desire to see what’s wrong and to try to make it better. These reactions were adaptive when we were living together in small groups in Eurasia. This is a reaction that whites can’t help having to anger. Among whites, it is an accurate reaction to an emotion that’s really there and it’s socially useful. But now blacks, having evolved a looser sense of cooperation and a looser sense of justice, and being more impulsive, have a much lower readiness to become angry. If you’ve heard black conversations on the street, they are the sort of conversations where you think a fight is about to break out, you’ll find it’s just joking.

“What I think has gone on in the last 30 years is that the force proximity of whites to blacks have played into this difference. Black anger is misinterpreted by whites as evidence of real harm, which in turn triggers in whites a solicitous desire to alleviate the harm (that isn’t there). This triggers further black reaction because blacks learn that anger gets these solicitous reactions from whites. The solicitous reactions from whites do not cause the black anger to go away as it does among whites. If someone is yelling at you and you mollify him, the general result will be that he’ll calm down and things will proceed as before.

“What happens in black-white interactions is that blacks get angrier and whites get more confused. This triggers their innate tendency to seek a solicitous solution. Blacks become angrier.”

“Why didn’t this happen 150 years ago in the South? The population difference was greater. There was no question which group was in charge, which group’s morals were to be observed.”

“The only way to cut through this dialectic is simply to allow whites to be by themselves for a while and to recover their forces and to not constantly subject them to this constant black rage… Whites can’t keep their balance when this goes on… They need to catch their wits.”

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JJ: Why Scottish Jews are nervous about independence referendum

Jews are often nervous when the goyim develop strong racial, national and religious identities.

Jewish Journal: “Scottish Jews are as proud of their dual heritage as any other minority in the country. But if Scotland leaves the United Kingdom, it’s a safe bet that many more of the community will head south, where they know their rights will be taken seriously by a Westminster government of whatever political complexion. I am really sad that the same cannot still be said with any certainty of the future of Jews in Scotland.”

A strong country is not created by giving minorities rights and encouraging them to develop their tribal identities. Rather, a strong country is the result of having one dominant unique culture, such as Japan, China and Germany, that then views the rest of the world as inferior.

Chaim Amalek says about American Jews: “We have one big thing going for us that the Jews in Weimar Germany did not. The German Jews were up against a nation that was 100% white, and with it, the possibilities of cohesive action that only racial uniformity permit. But in this country at this time the whites are what, 55% and declining? It is like gunpowder. 100% pure is a problem and difficult for Yidden to handle. But when we dilute it 40% with impurities, it is safe for us to handle and we can sell it to others.”

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Did The Nazis Ban IQ Tests?

Not exactly, but the Nazis did not hold with IQ tests. German Jews scored about ten points higher on average than German non-Jews.

According to Wikipedia: Adolf Hitler banned IQ testing for being “Jewish” as did Joseph Stalin for being “bourgeois”

Post: “Given the hostility of modern-day Leftists towards IQ tests, it is interesting that the Nazis too seem to have been opposed to them. I have been on an email list that discusses the matter — a list including some of the authorities on the history of IQ testing. No-one as yet however has found any documentation of a formal ban by the Nazis. It seems that the tests were frowned on by the Nazis rather than banned outright — which is also broadly true of today’s Left of course. And there was certainly some acceptance of the greater intelligence of Jews in prewar Germany.”

Comment: There appears to have been no law in Nazi Germany prohibiting IQ testing. Reportedly, the few scientific journals in the domain of psychology within Germany published research based on use of IQ tests up until early 1939 or so. Orders for the initial publication of the Raven Standard Progressive Matrices were received from Germany soon after the 1938 initial publication. Some academic psychologists who were putative Nazi Party members did vigorously criticize the Simon-Binet test, for example. But at the apex of the Nazi Party there appears to have been no awareness of IQ testing and, interestingly, no awareness of the successes of the American Army Alpha /Beta tests during World War I. A cumbersome testing/assessment program was initiated in 1935 when the military draft reappeared in Germany. Since Jews were prohibited from serving in the military, the notion that intelligence testing in the Wehrmacht would have been abolished because of high Jewish IQ is just historically irrelevant. Psychology had little presence in Germany universities and where it existed, psychometry had even less presence. An exception may have been the University of Berlin? A Professor Max Simoneit headed the development of military personnel allocation testing under the Wehmacht draft. While the American specialist in military allocation testing, Robert Yerkes, contended that Simoneit’s program contained “hidden in plain sight” element of IQ testing—i.e., subtests that could be extracted to yield rough IQ scores, there is scant indication that any recourse to IQ calibration was ever
attempted. The Simoneit program was so cumbersome and descriptive that it lacked predictive efficacy. About mid 1940, General Keitel ordered it disbanded for want of evidence of efficacy. The “ban” on IQ testing in Germany was just a defacto consequence of several features of history—including that Germany just never produced a Francis Galton, a Karl Pearson, nor a Charles Spearman. With nations, as with individuals—some’s got it; some , ain’t.

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White Racism & Police Brutality On God-Fearing Black Actress Of Django Unchained

LAObserved.com wrote: “Actress Daniele Watts and her husband, chef Brian James Lucas, posted on Facebook that she was detained, handcuffed and put in the back of a police car in Studio City as a suspected prostitute last Thursday. They say it was because they are a mixed-race couple — she is black, he is white — and had been affectionate in public; the LAPD says officers were responding to a report of indecent exposure in a car. She was standing alone on the sidewalk on Ventura Boulevard, on the phone with her dad, when the police rousted her. Not sure exactly where the husband was at the time, but his account has the incident escalating to handcuffs when Watts refused to show her ID as demanded.”

I am tired of white people stereotyping honest black folks as overly sexual. No justice, no peace! God, I hope this case doesn’t turn into another farce like Trayvon Martin and Michael Brown.

TMZ now reports (though hours later, the LATimes.com still has nothing on this):

The “Django Unchained” actress who claimed she was harassed and hurt by cops after making out with her boyfriend was actually having sex in her car according to witnesses … then went on a rant with cops accusing them of racism and not knowing who she was … according to police audio obtained by TMZ.

Daniele Watts had just left CBS studios in the San Fernando Valley around 2 PM Thursday. She says she was making out with her BF, but we’ve learned witnesses from the nearby Art Directors Guild office building told cops they were watching her and her BF have full-on sex in the passenger seat WITH THE DOOR OPEN!

The eyewitnesses said the guy was sitting in the seat, she was straddling him and it was for everyone to see. One eyewitness told cops they cleaned themselves up afterward with a tissue.

TMZ obtained police audio of the incident. Watts instantly plays the race card when Sgt. Jim Parker asked for her ID. She quickly moves from the race card to the fame card — then storms off, refusing to show her ID.

While Watts was gone, Sgt. Parker had a very cordial conversation with her BF Brian.

She was apprehended by another cop a short distance away and brought back — and things got NUCLEAR!

Some of her choice comments:

– “I think I’d like to identify you … to my publicist.”

– “I serve freedom and love. You guys serve detainment. That’s cool.”

– “I hope when you’re f***ing your spouses you really feel alive.”

We’re told she plans to file a complaint with the LAPD and has hired a lawyer.

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Should Jews Sell Medical Marijuana To The Goyim?

Is it OK for Jews to sell legal medical marijuana to the goyim? The only people I know who use dope also use cigarettes and alcohol, and it is hard to figure out which harms them more. My dusky neighbor smokes so much you can almost get high just walking down the hall. Still, this nation is on track to make dope fully legal, provide voting rights to illegals, embrace gay and plural marriage, and then to fold up shop. So why not make a dollar off the goyim while you can by selling them cigarettes, booze, and drugs? It is ok if it helps pay yeshiva tuition?

Chaim: Prohibitions on the sale and use of drugs are a tax on freedom that the strong pay to protect the weak. The closer we get to legalized marijuana (and I hope this is not back-doored in through concern for the needs of the sick), the greater the amount of it that will be consumed in the United States. Yes, levels of consumption would plateau out at some level, but where? Also, do we really want to make people from dope-smoking cultures feel more at home here by legalizing it?

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Ex-CIA Officers Loathe Israel

I can’t recall any former American intelligence officers saying good things about Israel. Whether it is Ray McGovern, Phil Giraldi, Robert Baer or Michael Scheuer, they all say that American foreign policy has been hijacked by the Israel lobby to the detriment of long term American interests. Intelligence officers can’t forget the 1967 attack on the USS Liberty, the Jonathan Pollard espionage, and the continual industrial and political espionage conducted by the Israelis. They don’t see this as the type of behavior you expect from an ally. They got angry having their advice ignored as the U.S. made decisions based on internal politics rather than national self-interest, so now that they are free to write what they want, their hatred for Israel jumps off the page.

Israel Shamir seemed like a kook in the Tabletmag article. I wonder why Ron Unz publishes him? Unz hates the neo-cons and has no sympathy for Israel.

The LA Weekly wrote in 1999:

When Ron Unz’s mother, a politically active left-wing schoolteacher from Los Angeles, was in her mid-20s, she met an older professor from the Midwest on a flight to Israel. He seemed odd, eccentric even, but clearly brilliant, too, and Esther-Laio Avrutin decided, after he‘d visited her several times when she’d returned to L.A., that she would a have a child with him. When Esther-Laio wrote to her lover to let him know about her pregnancy, the letter was opened by the professor‘s wife — the existence of this wife came as startling news to Esther-Laio — and that ended any possibility that, her sister says, they would be married. Esther-Laio’s decision as a single woman to bear Ron by a married man she‘d picked out largely for his brainpower rocked her own family.

Israel tends to have a similar role in the Jewish heart that Christ plays for Christians and therefore it is often out of bounds for rational discussion in the United States.

Here’s more from the 1999 LA Weekly article:

After Ron was born in the fall of 1961, Esther-Laio moved back in with her parents and stopped working. During Ron’s infancy, his mother suffered a series of illnesses — colds and other viruses. Ron was a troubled baby, allergic, as it turned out, to his mother‘s milk. Esther-Laio grew depressed and had trouble sleeping. She worked only occasionally, and after her father fell ill too, she applied for welfare. Throughout Ron’s childhood, the family stayed afloat thanks to the safety net then provided by the welfare state.

Although it‘s all a little fuzzy — ”It was a long time ago,“ Unz says — he remembers his great shame about being different, especially about not having a father living at home. His mother, he recalls, was quite candid, open about the decisions she’d made and the reasons she‘d made them.

Esther-Laio’s parents, working-class Jewish immigrants from Russia, were scandalized, though. ”There was massive turmoil“ at the time of Ron‘s birth, says Esther-Laio’s only sibling, Rivko Knox. ”My sister is very bright, very creatively bright, and she thinks of new ways to do things. Ours was a very Orthodox household, and she would get into big arguments with my parents. She would turn on the lights or the radio on the Sabbath, defy their rules. My sister detests rules.“

Both decisions — to have a child outside marriage and to go on welfare — were abominations to her parents, Ron and his aunt both remember. ”They thought that she had behaved very foolishly and improperly,“ Unz recalls. ”There was an awful lot of skirmishing.“ Some of the insults had to do with politics. Esther-Laio was pro–free speech, pro–civil rights and anti–Vietnam War. His grandfather ”came from a very politically liberal New Deal type of background — I imagine he never voted for a Republican in his life — but he and my mother clashed over political issues a lot during the 1960s, because he was very pro–Hubert Humphrey, pro–Lyndon Johnson, pro–Vietnam War, and she was on the other side.“

The sharpest, most sustained exchanges centered on Ron himself. ”The circumstances of my birth,“ Unz says coolly. ”That was the main thing they argued about.“ The conflicts raged loudly, constantly, in the tiny house on a ridge in working-class Tujunga. There were only two bedrooms, and the walls were paper-thin. ”Certainly it was never violence or anything like that,“ Unz adds. A moment later, he muses, as if to take the sting out: ”What people regard as standard in family life has changed in 30 years. When you watch some of the old TV shows from the 1960s . . . the ongoing level of bickering and quarreling was considered normal and standard.“

Unz met his father only twice while growing up, the first time at a playground when he was about 4. It was an unemotional, businesslike meeting. His father seemed ”tall and old.“ Between two brief childhood visits and his attendance at Ron Unz‘s graduation from Harvard College, he had no contact at all with his son. (The elder Unz declined to speak for this story. ”I don’t want to discuss it, and I don‘t want my name in the newspaper,“ he said.)

Raised in a household with strong-willed adults, Unz was pulled in contrary directions. His grandmother took him along to synagogue with her, and he even learned enough Hebrew to be bar-mitzvahed. But he never embraced religion and didn’t really identify with his Jewishness. He also went along with his mother — to demonstrations against the Vietnam War and precinct-walking for Democratic nominee George McGovern during the presidential campaign of 1972. ”It‘s all a little fuzzy, it was a long time ago,“ Unz says again. ”When my mother took me on those anti-war marches carrying a candle, it was just sort of ’I want you to come with me, because we‘re fighting the evil Vietnam War.’“

Unz sank into a vivid imaginary life. He learned to distance himself from adult passions, listening mutely as his mother and his grandparents argued. He became a secular person unattached to the fierce religious and political views of his parent and grandparents.

This may explain Unz’s distaste for religion, Israel and things Jewish.

Is Richard F. Unz, professor emeritus of engineering at Penn State, Ron’s father? No. This article says his dad’s name is Hilel Unz, “an Israeli [physicist] who settled in the United States”.

Here’s the obituary of Hillel Unz, physicist 1929-2011:

Graveside service for Hillel Unz, 82, Lawrence, was held at B’nai Israel cemetery, Eudora, on Sunday, Aug. 28.
Mr. Unz died Saturday, Aug. 27, 2011, at Lawrence Memorial Hospital.
He was born Aug. 15, 1929, in Darmstadt, Germany, the son of Moshe and Rivka Unz.
He moved to Haifa, Israel, with his family in 1932 and graduated from the Reali High School, Haifa, in 1947.
Mr. Unz served in the Israeli Defense Forces during the Israel war of Independence (1947-1949).
He received his Bachelor of Science in electronics in 1953 from the Israel Institute of Technology, Haifa. He received his Master of Science in 1954 and his doctorate degree in 1957, both from the Electrical Engineering Department, University of California, Berkeley.
He moved to Lawrence in 1957. Since that year he had been on the staff of the electrical and computer engineering department at Kansas University, first as an assistant professor, and since 1962 as a full professor of electrical engineering. He retired after 40 years in 1997. In the following years he continued his research.
He married Ruth Adam in 1960. They had three children. They divorced. He married Carolyn J. Graham in 1975. They divorced.
He was preceded in death by his daughter Maya.
Survivors include a daughter, Tali Unz, California; and a son, Danny Unz and wife Ariela, Lawrence and their children, Alon, Amir and Eyal.

Ron Unz does not get a mention in any of Hillel Unz’s obituaries.

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The G Factor

In this 1996 speech at the American Renaissance conference, the late psychologist J. Philippe Rushton said: “Christopher Brand is a professor of Psychology at the University of Edinburgh, Scotland. He published a book about four months ago called The G Factor. It’s a all about intelligence. It is a watered down version, a gentle version of The Bell Curve, much milder than The Bell Curve. Published by John Wylie & Sons. It was published three months ago and it had sales of about 500 copies and then there was a press conference by Wylie to support Chris Brand’s sale of the book.

“At the press conference, Chris Brand was asked about the black white [IQ] differences. He said sure, there were differences in IQ points and most people believe it is mainly genetic. The newspaper said, ‘Doesn’t that make you a scientific racist?’ Chris Brand said, ‘If you want to define a scientific racist as someone who believes in black/white differences being genetic, then I guess I am.’ The next day there were newspaper headlines, ‘I am proud to be a scientific racist.’

“The Scottish nationalist members of parliament who are trying to split Scotland away from Britain were the first people to denounce Christopher Brand.”

“Wylie New York decided to recall the book and they overruled Wylie UK. As far as we know, there has never been a scientific book pulled by its publisher after it has been published for a long period of time.”

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African Games With AIDS

In this 1996 speech at the American Renaissance conference, the late psychologist J. Philippe Rushton said: “The Africans have gone through a tremendous metamorphosis. In the mid 1980s, they at first denied they had any AIDS at all because they did not want the perception to be that Africans were promiscuous and this was a stereotype they did not want the Europeans to pursue, so they at first minimized their AIDS figures. Today they are trying to inflate their figures to attract dollars.”

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When Can Others Hurt Us?

Mass email:

Many of us entertain a fantasy that some person can complete us. We don’t believe that we’re complete in ourselves. Only when we do will we become able to share in a life-enhancing partnership with another person. Only when we love ourselves can we love others realistically, instead of seeing them as fantasy figures, projections of our own desire.

No one can hurt us emotionally unless we allow the hurt. We’re full partners in everything that we do, and taking responsibility for our actions and our desires is our first step toward being fully lovable.

The only one who can save me is me.

So what does this sentence mean? “No one can hurt us emotionally unless we allow the hurt.”

It means that unless a criticism resonates with us, it won’t hurt us.

We never get hurt in areas where we feel strong and confident. I have no doubt, for instance, in my courage to write unpopular things, so if I were to be called a coward, it would have no meaning to me. If somebody said my blog was insignificant, it would have no meaning to me because I have seen so many times how much influence my writing has.

I am intensely insecure about other things, so anything there touches on tender spots and easily wounds me.

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Is There A Racial Connection To Crime?

The late J. Philippe Rushton and Glayde Whitney wrote for the magazine Population & Environment (Vol. 23, No. 6):

Crime statistics within Britain, Canada, and the United States show that people of East Asian ancestry are disproportionately under-represented while those of African ancestry are disproportionately over-represented rel-ative to those of European ancestry. For example, in Canada, a government commission found that Blacks were five times more likely to be in jail than Whites and ten times more likely than Asians (Ontario, 1996). In Britain,the Home Office (1999) found that Blacks, who were 2% of the general population, made up 15% of the prison population. (No figures were re-ported for East Asians such as the Chinese, but Asians from the Indian sub-continent were 3% of the general population and 2% of the prison population.) In the U.S., Wilson and Herrnstein (1985) and Taylor and Whitney(1999) analyzed the FBI Uniform Crime Statistics and National Crime Victimization Surveys from the U.S. Department of Justice (e.g., 1997, 1998)and found that since record keeping began at the turn of the century, and throughout the 1960s, 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, African Americans consistently committed proportionately more violent crime than did European Americans, while Asian Americans consistently committed proportionately fewer.

Victim surveys tell a similar story. The proportional differences in arrest statistics cannot therefore be attributed to police prejudice. Finer grained analyses within the United States also find race a factor. Whitney (1995) found that the best predictor of local murder rate is the percent of the population that is African American. Across 170 cities, Whitney (1995) found a correlation of r = 0.69 between the rate of murder and the percent of the population that was African American. Similarly, across the 50 states, Whitney (1995) found a correlation of r = 0.77 between the rate of murder and the percent African American. In a follow-up study, Hama (1999) found a correlation of r = 0.76 across the 50 states between violent crime (an aggregate of murder, non-negligent manslaughter, rape, robbery, and aggravated assault), and the percentage of the population that was African American. Lynn (2002a, 2002b) has examined the application of Rushton’s r-K theory to racial differences in sexual behavior and psychopathic personality.

Thus, Lynn (2002a) analyzed the annual surveys of the National Opinion Research Center for 1990–1996 and found that, compared to Whites, Blacks reported more sexual partners and a greater frequency of sexual intercourse. Similarly, Lynn (2002b) reviewed the literature on psychopathy and found that East Asians averaged the lowest rate, Blacks highest, and Whites intermediate. The attributes included: being diagnosed with child-hood conduct disorder or Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) being suspended or excluded from school, scoring low on tests of moral understanding, failing to live up to financial obligations such as paying back student loans, poor work commitment, recklessness (e.g., having traffic accidents), maintaining monogamous relationships, being responsible parents, engaging in domestic violence, and needing hospitalization for in-juries sustained through altercations.

Two fundamentally different models have been put forth to explain why the races differ in average rate of crime and other socially valued out-comes: (1) the “discrimination” model, and (2) the “distributional” model(Herrnstein, 1990). The discrimination model focuses on social and institutional practices that discriminate against members of one group (or favor members of another), thus tilting the “playing field.” The crucial assumption of this model is that in the absence of such discrimination, crime rates would be about equal for all populations. Factors hypothesized under this model include relative poverty, anti-Black bias by police, a lack of access to legitimate channels of upward mobility, and inadequate family socialization due to the legacy of slavery.

On the other end of the model, criminologists as early as the 1920s explained the under-representation of East Asians in U.S. crime statistics by hypothesizing the East Asian “ghetto.” This “ghetto” was seen as a response to external prejudice that protected members from the disruptive tendencies of the outside society. It was also claimed that bias against East Asian migration (“yellow peril”) resulted in only the wealthiest or hardest-working East Asians gaining entry into White-majority countries.The alternative distributional model explains the overlapping of the populations and their differing averages in terms of differential population characteristics—for example, Rushton’s (2000) r-K life-history theory, or Sowell’s (1994) theory of socialization through subtle cultural traditions.Other factors hypothesized to underlie the distribution model include deep-rooted cultural values and family structures endemic to populations, as well as biological variables including body type, percent of age of cohort, hormonal levels, exposure to toxic chemicals such as lead which may have different effects based on constitutional differences in metabolism, and personality and temperament. Thus according to the distributional model, the population differences are expected to occur more universally.

The two models may each be partially correct (Ellis & Walsh, 1999). To test whether the race differences in crime found within Britain, Canada, and the U.S. occurred more universally, Wilson and Herrnstein (1985)and Rushton (1990, 1995) collated data from INTERPOL Yearbooks (1980to 1990) and found that Pacific Rim countries reported less violent crime (an aggregate of murder, rape, and serious assault) than did European countries.

Rushton’s theory of r-K race differences was examined in relation to the rate of murder, rape, and serious assault per 100,000 population and Gross Domestic Product per Person for 74 countries from the 1993–1996 International Crime Statistics published by INTERPOL and the 1999 CIA World Fact Book. Each country was assigned to one of the three macro-races East Asian, European, and African. The results corroborated earlier findings that violent crime is lowest in East Asian countries, intermediate in European countries, and highest in African and in Black Carib-bean countries. The median number of violent crimes per 100,000 population were:7 East Asian countries—34; 45 European countries—42; and 22 African and Black Caribbean countries—149, respectively. The median Gross Domestic Product per Person was highest in East Asian countries ($12,600), intermediate in European countries ($7,400), and lowest in African and Black Caribbean countries ($1,900).

Across the three population groups there was an “ecological correlation” of −.96 between crime and wealth (wealthier countries had less crime). Finer-grained analyses, however, found that while wealth was negatively related to crime across European or East Asian countries, it was positively related to crime for the African and Black Caribbean countries (i.e., the wealthier an African or Black Caribbean country, the greater its rate of violent crime). Future research needs to examine genetic factors in addition to cultural factors as well as their interactions.

J. P. Rushton (2000) has proposed an evolutionary life-history theory to account for racial differences in a host of demographic, populational, and environmental variables. The theory proposes a gene-based Negroid-Caucasoid-Mongoloid gradient of r/K reproductive strategies. Drawn from sociobiology (Wilson, 1975), the r-K continuum defines a genetically-coordinated group of traits that evolved together to meet the trials of life—survival, growth, and reproduction. At one end of this scale, r-strategies are characterized by high fertility, low-investment parenting, fast maturation,and low intelligence and learning ability. K-strategies, on the other hand,are characterized by low fertility, high-investment parenting, slow maturation, and high intelligence and competitive ability.

Typically, the K-strategy requires more complex nervous systems and bigger brains. It has been hypothesized that r-selected species are more adapted to non-competitive environments of resource abundance whereas K-selected species are adapted to more competitive environments of resource scarcity. Because the components of life-history (differential fertility, rates of maturation, sexual behavior, and parenting) are critical determinants of demography, r/K theory could have important implications for understanding human variation. Rushton extended r/K theory to human race differences and found it predicts a wide spectrum of characteristics including fertility, infant mortality, rates of physical maturation, IQ scores, brain size, dizygotic twinning,crime, sexual potency, sexual precocity, number of sexual partners, and hormone levels. Mongoloids tend toward the K end of the r-K gradient. On average, they devote resources to producing fewer children, invest more heavily in them, and provide them with greater parental care. Negroids, on average, lie more toward the r end of the gradient. They tend to devote resources to producing greater numbers of children, invest less heavily in them, and provide less parental care. Caucasoids tend toward being inter-mediate, though closer on the r-K gradient to Mongoloids than to Negroids.

One test of Rushton’s gene-based theory is whether the racial differences in British, Canadian, and U.S. crime statistics are generalizable inter-nationally (Neapolitan, 1998; Rushton, 1990, 1995; Lynn, 2002b). Do East Asian populations from China, Japan, Korea, and Vietnam (sometimes called Orientals, or more technically, Mongoloids) generally average lower rates of violent crime (e.g., murder, rape, and serious assault) than do European populations (Whites, Caucasoids)? In turn, do Europeans and their descendants generally average lower rates of violent crime than Africans and their descendants (Blacks, Negroids)? The answers may shed light on the extent to which observed racial differences are the result of local conditions within Britain, Canada, and the United States (e.g., anti-Black racism;selective migration from Pacific Rim countries) versus conditions endemic to the populations (e.g., cultural values, family structures, genetic and bio-logical factors). Crime statistics within Britain, Canada, and the United States show that people of East Asian ancestry are disproportionately under-represented while those of African ancestry are disproportionately over-represented relative to those of European ancestry. For example, in Canada, a government commission found that Blacks were five times more likely to be in jail than Whites and ten times more likely than Asians (Ontario, 1996). In Britain,the Home Office (1999) found that Blacks, who were 2% of the general population, made up 15% of the prison population. (No figures were re-ported for East Asians such as the Chinese, but Asians from the Indian sub-continent were 3% of the general population and 2% of the prison population.)

In the U.S., Wilson and Herrnstein (1985) and Taylor and Whitney(1999) analyzed the FBI Uniform Crime Statistics and National Crime Victimization Surveys from the U.S. Department of Justice (e.g., 1997, 1998)and found that since record keeping began at the turn of the century, and throughout the 1960s, 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, African Americans consistently committed proportionately more violent crime than did European Americans, while Asian Americans consistently committed proportionately fewer. Victim surveys tell a similar story. The proportional differences in arrest statistics cannot therefore be attributed to police prejudice.Finer grained analyses within the United States also find race a factor. Whitney (1995) found that the best predictor of local murder rate is the percent of the population that is African American. Across 170 cities, Whitney (1995) found a correlation of r = 0.69 between the rate of murder and the percent of the population that was African American. Similarly, across the 50 states, Whitney (1995) found a correlation of r = 0.77 between the rate of murder and the percent African American. In a follow-up study, Hama (1999) found a correlation of r = 0.76 across the 50 states between violent crime (an aggregate of murder, non-negligent manslaughter, rape,robbery, and aggravated assault), and the percentage of the population that was African American.

Lynn (2002a, 2002b) has examined the application of Rushton’s r-Ktheory to racial differences in sexual behavior and psychopathic personality. Thus, Lynn (2002a) analyzed the annual surveys of the National Opinion Research Center for 1990–1996 and found that, compared to Whites,Blacks reported more sexual partners and a greater frequency of sexual intercourse. Similarly, Lynn (2002b) reviewed the literature on psychopathy and found that East Asians averaged the lowest rate, Blacks highest, and Whites intermediate. The attributes included: being diagnosed with child-hood conduct disorder or Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD), being suspended or excluded from school, scoring low on tests of moral understanding, failing to live up to financial obligations such as paying back student loans, poor work commitment, recklessness (e.g., having traffic accidents), maintaining monogamous relationships, being responsible parents, engaging in domestic violence, and needing hospitalization for in-juries sustained through altercations.

Two fundamentally different models have been put forth to explain why the races differ in average rate of crime and other socially valued out-comes: (1) the “discrimination” model, and (2) the “distributional” model (Herrnstein, 1990). The discrimination model focuses on social and institutional practices that discriminate against members of one group (or favor members of another), thus tilting the “playing field.” The crucial assumption of this model is that in the absence of such discrimination, crime rates would be about equal for all populations. Factors hypothesized under this model include relative poverty, anti-Black bias by police, a lack of access to legitimate channels of upward mobility, and inadequate family socialization due to the legacy of slavery. On the other end of the model, criminologists as early as the 1920s explained the under-representation of East Asians in U.S. crime statistics by hypothesizing the East Asian “ghetto.” This“ghetto” was seen as a response to external prejudice that protected members from the disruptive tendencies of the outside society. It was also claimed that bias against East Asian migration (“yellow peril”) resulted in only the wealthiest or hardest-working East Asians gaining entry into White-majority countries. The alternative distributional model explains the overlapping of the populations and their differing averages in terms of differential population characteristics—for example, Rushton’s (2000) r-K life-history theory, or Sowell’s (1994) theory of socialization through subtle cultural traditions. Other factors hypothesized to underlie the distribution model include deep-rooted cultural values and family structures endemic to populations, as well as biological variables including body type, percent of age of cohort, hormonal levels, exposure to toxic chemicals such as lead which may have different effects based on constitutional differences in metabolism, and personality and temperament. Thus according to the distributional model, the population differences are expected to occur more universally. The two models may each be partially correct (Ellis & Walsh, 1999).To test whether the race differences in crime found within Britain, Can-ada, and the U.S. occurred more universally, Wilson and Herrnstein (1985) and Rushton (1990, 1995) collated data from INTERPOL Yearbooks (1980to 1990) and found that Pacific Rim countries reported less violent crime(an aggregate of murder, rape, and serious assault) than did European countries and much less than did African and Caribbean countries. Summing the crimes, and averaging across years, Rushton (1990, 1995) found statistically significant differences per 100,000 population of: 44 (Pacific Rim), 74 (European), and 143 (Afro-Caribbean) total crimes, respectively. These results did not depend on the selection of countries because when only ethnically more homogeneous sets were chosen, for example, by limiting countries to those from northeast Asia, central Europe, and sub-Saharan Africa, the proportionate differences remained the same—or became even greater.Nor did the pattern alter for other sets of countries. For example, in the Caribbean data set, six mainly White/Amerindian countries averaged 72per 100,000 whereas eight mainly Black countries averaged 449 violent crimes per 100,000 population (Rushton, 1995)…

These data speak to one of the most important issues facing the field of criminology in showing there are significant differences in murder, rape,and serious assaults in East Asian, European, and African countries that parallel those found within Britain, Canada, and the United States. More-over, the crime differences cannot simply be attributed to “poverty” for such an explanation does not fit the finer-grained analyses found within African countries where violent crime increased with GDP. This could be because only wealthier nations have the infrastructure to gather and report crime statistics comparable to those for East Asia and Europe. It is also possible that there are some gene-culture interactions when opportunities become available for engaging in behavior not otherwise affordable. In Africa, for example, there is a link between wealth and AIDS: wealthier males turn their resources into sexual partners (Rushton & Bogaert, 1989). Lynn (2002a; 2002b) recently noted the relation between race differences in sexual behavior and psychopathic personality and Rushton’s r-K theory. He therefore called for a paradigm shift in the analysis of a number of population and environment issues. Most notably, while HIV/AIDS is a serious public health problem for all racial groups, it is especially so for Africans and people of African descent (currently almost 9 out of every 100 Africans are infected with HIV/AIDS; the rate is 2.2% in the Black Carib-bean; in the U.S. about 2% of African Americans are living with HIV/AIDS compared to 0.4% of European Americans and less than 0.1% of East Asian Americans (UNAIDS/WHO, 2001). Since there is little cultural contact be-tween the various African descended populations, the explanation is most likely a genetic one.Taken together, these results support the distributional model rather than the discrimination model of why the races differ in average rate of crime and other socially valued outcomes. However, we do not suggest that racial differences are 100% genetic, but rather that they are due to genes, cultures, and their interactions. Genetic factors involve brain size and intelligence (Jensen, 1998; Rushton & Ankney, 2000), and hormone levels like testosterone (Ellis & Nyborg, 1992). Cultural factors involve socialization practices, including of deep-rooted values transmitted by families (Sowell, 1994).

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