Charlie Kirk, RIP (1993-2025) 9-21-25

01:00 Charlie Kirk, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charlie_Kirk
12:00 “This Is What Barack Obama Thought Was the Right Thing To Say?”, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6f-pE2tJd2I
28:30 Mike Benz on Who Funds Trantifa Terror, Charlie Kirk’s Legacy, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3h8Q1OTBWlM
34:00 The Competency Crisis at the CIA, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=163770
39:00 Mark Halperin: Why Charlie Kirk’s Life and Murder Represent Far More Than Politics to Millions of Americans, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=O7Fcd–7HmU
49:45 Helen Andrews | Overcoming the Feminization of Culture, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EWLbq7PlrIA
54:00 This Is Not Real Life by Lauren Southern, https://www.amazon.com/This-Real-Life-Lauren-Southern/dp/1069608505/
1:17:30 Why Are Intellectuals Antinomic?, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=163775
1:45:00 What’s the conservative principle behind Trump pushing American institutions back towards the middle? https://www.nytimes.com/2025/09/20/opinion/jimmy-kimmel-conservative-principle-trump.html
1:50:00 FP: Why Charlie Kirk’s White Nationalism Resonated With Some Nonwhites Abroad, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=163747
1:58:45 Fox: ‘STUNNED AND SHOCKED’: Journalist says Dems fail to grasp this pain, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B9pszN-jfnQ
2:00:35 DTG on Charlie Kirk’s murder, https://decoding-the-gurus.captivate.fm/episode/supplementary-material-37-public-murder-discourse-heterodox-psychodramas-and-generous-tit-for-tat-ers
2:16:50 There’s a new sheriff in town and the new sheriff has new rules, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5_MfGaReUA4
2:19:35 Halperin on Charlie Kirk’s legacy, https://www.smerconish.com/podcasts/the-smerconish-podcast/
2:27:00 The Secret To Living A Good Life – How To Heal Trauma, Overwhelm & Declutter Your Life | Fred Luskin, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0TM0afa57iA
2:41:50 Mischa Saul podcast: Australia with Chris Arnade, https://www.kvetch.au/p/chin-wag-on-australia-with-chris
2:56:30 Video: Jimmy Kimmel Becomes a Crisis for Disney CEO Bob Iger; Trump Slams “99 Percent Negative” TV networks
2:57:40 Video: Jimmy Kimmel “Won’t Apologize,” May Never Be on ABC Again; Kamala Harris’ Book “Angering Everybody”, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aKCHVWNgMfA
3:01:30 Adam Carolla Reacts to Jimmy Kimmel’s Show Cancellation, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yzgef_yN49Q
3:05:30 Commentary Magazine: Canning Kimmel, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U4d5p-vhH50
3:15:30 Megyn Kelly on Charlie Kirk
3:29:00 Cancel culture vs accountability culture
3:44:50 Moral Terms Mean Nothing On Their Own – They Need A Referent, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=163718
3:57:00 Song: How Dare They (For Charlie) (Diesel 1970 Remix), https://www.letras.com/diesel/how-dare-they-for-charlie-diesel-1970-remix/

Posted in America, Charlie Kirk | Comments Off on Charlie Kirk, RIP (1993-2025) 9-21-25

FP: ‘How Assassinations Became Normal Again’

Stephen Walt writes: What do the killing of influencer Charlie Kirk and Israel’s unsuccessful attempt to kill some top Hamas officials by bombing Qatar have in common? There are obvious and important differences: The former appears to have been an isolated act by an individual whose motives remain unclear, while the latter was a deliberate military action ordered by an elected government whose motives are obvious. Yet both acts can also be viewed as a symptom of the broader erosion of norms in contemporary politics, both between states and within them, and especially the tendency to see assassination as a legitimate political tactic.

Political killings are not a new phenomenon, of course. But as Ward Thomas showed in a seminal International Security article in 2000, for several centuries there was a remarkably effective norm against government leaders attempting to kill their counterparts in other countries…

Jettisoning the norm against assassination will discourage rivals from meeting—simply because doing so is perilous—thereby making it even harder to reach diplomatic solutions to ongoing conflicts. It will also discourage third parties from trying to aid such efforts. This is why Israel’s attack on Qatar was so foolhardy: In addition to further undermining Israel’s reputation as a responsible global actor, it will make some countries less willing to facilitate its diplomatic activities. All states must talk to their enemies on occasion, which usually requires neutral parties to facilitate the process. Violating Qatar’s sovereignty and the norm against assassination in this fashion throws more sand in the gears of international diplomacy at a time where we need more of it, not less. Israel’s willingness to attack a nominal U.S. ally without facing any discernible sanction from Washington also did additional damage to the United States’ tattered reputation in the region, though it is admittedly hard to see how it could sink much lower…

Lastly, the belief that it is perfectly OK to target and kill foreign officials with whom one is at odds makes it easier for some people to justify violent action against domestic political figures with whom they disagree. In both cases, potential targets are first demonized as the embodiment of evil and as a mortal threat to the nation. Once that label sticks, extreme measures to deal with them will seem permissible, maybe even necessary. If you’re American and are worried about the rising tide of violent political activity at home (which, contrary to the lies being uttered by Vice President J.D. Vance and other administration officials, comes overwhelmingly from the political right and not the left), then you should also worry about how the United States, some of its closest allies, and some other major powers have undermined the norm against assassination abroad.

Posted in Assassination | Comments Off on FP: ‘How Assassinations Became Normal Again’

The accumulative framing template

There seems to be a template in journalism where you catalogue a person’s mistakes and misstatements and if they reach a certain level, that defines them, particularly if you are on the right. News seems to lack a sense of proportion. I see that with coverage of Charlie Kirk which focuses on the most un-pc things he said.

ChatGPT: A lot of political journalism—especially in the opinion and “analysis” sections—uses what you could call an accumulative framing template. Instead of weighing each statement or action in proportion to its significance, reporters or columnists compile a “record” of gaffes, misstatements, inflammatory quotes, or controversial tweets. Once a figure has enough of these on the record, they’re written about through that lens: “This is who they really are.”

That method has consequences:

Loss of proportion – Some minor or off-the-cuff things are treated as equally defining as major scandals or policy stances.

Narrative cementing – Once the “pattern” is established, even neutral or positive actions are reframed as exceptions to a rule.

Asymmetry – Because figures on the right often say things that clash with dominant cultural norms (on race, gender, immigration, etc.), their record of “non-PC” statements gets amplified. Figures on the left may get similar treatment, but usually in more partisan outlets.

Identity by controversy – Someone like Charlie Kirk is often presented not by his organizational work (e.g., Turning Point USA’s campus presence) but by the most provocative lines he’s spoken. The coverage trains readers to see him only through the prism of “controversial provocateur.”

It’s not unique to Kirk or the right—plenty of left-leaning figures (e.g., AOC, Ilhan Omar) have also had their most eyebrow-raising statements catalogued to define them. But you’re right that mainstream outlets tend to apply this “greatest hits of missteps” framing most aggressively to people outside their own cultural comfort zone.

Posted in Journalism | Comments Off on The accumulative framing template

The Competency Crisis at the CIA

Edward Luttwak reviews this new book in Compactmag:

The Mission: The CIA in the 21st Century
By Tim Weiner
Mariner, 464 pages, $28

On page 48 of his book, which is replete with admiration for the CIA, for many of its officers, and for each one of its directors except for Trump’s current appointee John Ratcliffe, Tim Weiner quotes Bob Gates, the former director of central intelligence and future secretary of defense: “The reality is that on 9/11 we didn’t know jack shit about al Qaeda … we’d just been attacked by a group we didn’t know anything about.” But Weiner does not ask why there was so much ignorance, given that the CIA’s dedicated “Alec Station” a.k.a. the “Bin Laden Issue station” was in its fifth year of operation.

When I met its head Michael F. Scheuer, I discovered the probable cause: Bin Laden’s particular talent was to recruit and direct his followers with his speeches delivered in a very fine classical Arabic in plaintive rather than fiery tones—speeches in which he made a point of dropping hints of forthcoming attacks. Thus, before the October 12, 2000 attack on the USS Cole in Yemen’s port of Aden that killed 17 navy men, Bin Laden used Yemeni locutions, and wore a Yemeni recurved dagger in his belt.

But it was all lost on Scheuer, who knew no Arabic.

Astonished to learn that, I was more astonished to hear him say that he had made no effort to learn any during his years on the Bin Laden detail. Why? I asked. “No need, there is Fibis.” Yes, the Foreign Broadcast Information Service translates some speeches at some level of accuracy with some delay—and with none of the tonality. And it was not until a chance encounter in Kurdistan that I discovered that Scheuer’s eventual successor, Alfreda Frances Bikowsky, whom he had specifically hired for the Bin Laden unit—and later married—also knew no Arabic, and had also made no effort to learn any, like her mentor.

But it would be unfair to single out Scheuer Mr. and Mrs. When John Brennan, Obama’s appointee as CIA director, joined an encounter with the then new FBI director Wray, during which I stressed the need to multiply the FBI’s Chinese language expertise—without relying on the Chinese-born—I noted that Brennan himself had learned his Arabic as a student in Cairo. Brennan immediately interrupted me to say that he had enjoyed his time in Egypt very much, but had learned almost no Arabic … there was always too much to do.

Nor are Scheuer and Brennan exceptions. When I was summoned to address the National Intelligence Middle East team—with at least 40 “top Middle East analysts”—I started with a really funny Cairo joke, which I had carefully rehearsed to get the Masri right. But I was immediately interrupted by raised hands: Please speak in English. So I asked how many did know Arabic and saw three raised hands. That induced me to ask about Farsi, which yielded two hands.

Weiner keeps praising the many CIA officers he names for their intense patriotism, deservedly so in regard to most of those I worked with. But it seems that in the CIA patriotism does not extend to a willingness to make the effort needed to learn languages, not even easy ones like French or Spanish, or not-hard Arabic, let alone Chinese or Korean.

Posted in CIA | Comments Off on The Competency Crisis at the CIA

The MSM’s Silly Approach To Liberal Celebrities

Why do I see so many fawning celebrity profiles/essays in the MSM like this one in the NYT: “The Interview: How Reese Witherspoon Figured Out Who She Really Is“? They would never do a headline like this over a right-winger. Anyway, you can’t figure out who you really you are because who you are changes depending on context.

NYT:

Reese Witherspoon has always been ahead of the curve. She got her first big role when she was only 14 years old, securing the lead in “The Man in the Moon” from an open casting call. By her early 20s, she was a Hollywood A-lister with hits like “Election” and “Cruel Intentions,” and a little later, “Legally Blonde.” That prodigy energy carried over into her personal life too: She met her first husband, the actor Ryan Phillippe, at 21. By the time she was 27, she was married with two children.

But after her Oscar win in 2006 for “Walk the Line,” Witherspoon struggled to find roles and went through a very public divorce. That period, she told me, forced her to change. “I had to get really frustrated and angry in my existing career, to hit the wall, to want to take on a new aspect.”

That new aspect moved her behind the camera: She co-founded a production company, Pacific Standard, focused on stories for and by women, which landed her a best-actress nomination for her performance in the film she helped produce, “Wild.” Her ambitions got larger when, under the auspices of her next company, Hello Sunshine, she created a book club and co-produced hit shows like “Big Little Lies,” “Daisy Jones & the Six” and “The Morning Show,” which just returned for its fourth season on Apple TV+. In 2021, Witherspoon sold Hello Sunshine for almost a billion dollars, though she is still involved in the day-to-day operations and is the face of its hugely popular book club. “I watch culture,” she told me. “I’ll watch TikTok almost like a scientist would watch it. I want to see where the ball is going in my business.”

So how did a precocious teenage actress end up an entertainment-industry powerhouse, and what has she learned about herself in the process? In our wide ranging conversations, we talked about her early days in Hollywood as a young mother, the road out of her professional slump, becoming a boss — and how she’s navigating the turbulent environment in Hollywood these days.

ChatGPT says: You’re picking up on two overlapping things:

1. Media positioning and audience alignment.
Mainstream outlets like the New York Times lean toward their core readership’s values and aesthetics. That readership generally skews urban, liberal, and culturally progressive. Celebrity profiles—especially of someone like Reese Witherspoon, who has successfully rebranded herself as a producer championing women’s stories—play well with that audience. The tone is meant to flatter both subject and reader: “look at this successful woman navigating identity, just like we all are.” A right-wing politician or culture figure wouldn’t get the same framing because their worldview runs counter to what the outlet assumes its audience admires. The profile would likely be adversarial, ironic, or framed in terms of controversy.

2. The myth of the “authentic self.”
Headlines like “figured out who she really is” rely on a cliché: that people discover a singular, stable core identity after a journey. In reality, as you noted, who you “are” shifts depending on context, relationships, and time. But the fixed-identity narrative is a marketable story—neat arcs sell. For celebrities especially, it’s a way of packaging brand evolution (“actress → producer → entrepreneur”) into something digestible. The media runs with it because it reassures readers that reinvention is possible and that there’s an authentic endpoint, even if philosophically that’s shaky.

So the fawning tone is partly audience-driven PR synergy, and partly a cultural habit of telling identity stories as if there’s a final answer.

Mainstream media packages these stories because they flatter both subject and audience. Readers are meant to nod along at the arc of “struggle → reinvention → triumph,” while the celebrity cements her public image as both resilient and authentic. What you won’t see is the same treatment for someone on the political right. A Republican figure “finding herself” would be written up, if at all, as hypocrisy, reinvention for power, or a cynical pivot. The cultural gatekeepers simply don’t extend the same narrative generosity.

The deeper issue is the myth of the “authentic self.” Headlines promise that, after turmoil, one can finally uncover who they “really are.” But identity isn’t a buried artifact—it’s fluid. It shifts depending on context: mother, actor, producer, entrepreneur, divorcée, billionaire. Witherspoon has inhabited all of these roles. Each one is “who she is” in that moment, until another reinvention is required. The idea of a final, true self is a comforting fiction, but it’s also marketable. It sells movies, podcasts, interviews, and book clubs.

That doesn’t make Witherspoon’s achievements less real. Building a billion-dollar media company is impressive. But we should recognize how the story is framed: less as an analysis of power in Hollywood and more as a morality play for the liberal, professional class—proof that if you lean in hard enough, your “real self” will emerge, successful and sanitized.

The irony is that real human identity isn’t neat. It doesn’t conform to act breaks. Who we are mutates as the world mutates around us. The only thing that stays the same is the media’s appetite for selling the illusion of an endpoint: that elusive moment when you can say, once and for all, “I’ve figured out who I am.”

Posted in Journalism | Comments Off on The MSM’s Silly Approach To Liberal Celebrities

The progressive epistemic bubble

Nate Silver writes:

Jimmy Kimmel and the progressive epistemic bubble. The remark that got Kimmel in trouble was this: “We hit some new lows over the weekend with the MAGA gang desperately trying to characterize this kid who murdered Charlie Kirk as anything other than one of them.” This is not merely “insensitive”, in which case I wouldn’t have Kimmel on this list. Rather, from the best evidence available, the implication that “the kid who murdered Charlie Kirk” is MAGA is false. You would call it “misinformation” if that term weren’t usually deployed so one-sidedly (the overwhelming majority of misinformation researchers are on the left) by progressives to things that conservatives say rather than the other way around.

Kirk’s alleged assassin, Tyler Robinson, appeared to confess to the murder in Discord chats. While Robinson’s motivations seem somewhat confused, as is often the case with assassins, and while we should approach any reporting on this topic with caution, the notion that Robinson was some sort of “Groyper” who killed Kirk because Kirk was too liberal appears to be wrong. “I had enough of his hatred. Some hate can’t be negotiated out,” Robinson wrote to his roommate, whom Utah governor Spencer Cox described as “a romantic partner, a male transitioning to female.” (I mention that just because high levels of trans acceptance typically isn’t a MAGA trait.) Kimmel has reportedly been obstinate in refusing to correct the record.

So where was Kimmel getting this from? Well, maybe from Bluesky. Or (gulp) maybe from Substack. As Gabe Fleisher pointed out, Heather Cox Richardson, the author of the #1 U.S. politics newsletter Letters from an American, wrote this weekend that Robinson “appears to have embraced the far right, disliking Kirk for being insufficiently radical.” Richardson presented no evidence for this; it’s wishful thinking at best. But really, it’s just a falsehood; like Fleisher, I’ll be polite and not use the term “lie” just because I don’t know what’s in Richardson’s head.4

I’m not looking to pick a fight with Richardson (I know some of you subscribe to her) or Kimmel. But the progressive epistemic bubble is getting really bad. Maybe not worse than the MAGA bubble — but bad, and progressives often rationalize bad behavior by saying whatever the other side is doing is worse. This has already had serious consequences, such as denialism about Joe Biden’s deteriorating condition last year, which they blamed on unfair media coverage. Kimmel is a relatively mainstream figure, so if this sort of misinformation about Robinson is making its way to him — and in scripted remarks, not off-the-cuff comments like Dowd’s — that suggests the bubble is expanding, slowly devouring the reality-based community, and that formerly rational commentators have trouble escaping it once they’re past the event horizon.

Posted in America | Comments Off on The progressive epistemic bubble

‘Beliefs Are Like Possessions’

This is the favorite academic paper of Decoding the Gurus cohost Matt Browne, an Australian psychologist.

Just as we don’t choose our favorite sports teams on merit, to so too with our most cherished beliefs. We usually inherit them through our genes and circumstances.

Gemini says:

The idea that “beliefs are like possessions” highlights that people treat their beliefs with an emotional and psychological attachment similar to how they treat material possessions. This perspective, notably articulated by Yale psychologist Robert Abelson in his 1986 paper, explains why people are often reluctant to change their beliefs, as they may become part of one’s identity and are not easily discarded. This analogy extends to aspects like adding new beliefs to one’s “collection,” embellishing them, and responding defensively when they are criticized, much like someone defending their personal belongings.
Key aspects of beliefs as possessions:
Attachment and Identity:
People develop a psychological attachment to their beliefs, making them an extension of the self, similar to how possessions are connected to identity.
Reluctance to Change:
Major beliefs are difficult to change because they are familiar, comfortable, and a part of the individual’s established system.
“Collection” of Beliefs:
Individuals add new beliefs to their collection if they don’t conflict with existing ones, akin to accumulating furniture or other belongings.
Ornamentation and Display:
People may embellish or “show off” their beliefs to others who they believe will appreciate them, making beliefs a form of social signaling.
Defense and Loss Aversion:
Just as people are reluctant to give up possessions, they may also experience loss aversion with beliefs, feeling more discomfort when abandoning an existing belief than pleasure from adopting a new one.
Investment:
Beliefs, like possessions, involve a psychological or even material investment of time, effort, and resources, which makes them more valuable and harder to part with.
Utility from Ownership:
People derive utility or benefit simply from holding certain beliefs because they are their beliefs, not just for the objective truth they might convey.

ChatGPT says: This “beliefs as possessions” lens helps explain a lot of the heat in American public life right now and offers ways to cool it down:

1. Why debates feel so personal
If beliefs are like possessions, then attacking someone’s belief feels like trying to rip something out of their hands—or even out of their identity. That’s why political, cultural, or religious disagreements so often feel like personal attacks. People aren’t just defending ideas; they’re defending themselves.

2. Why facts don’t move people easily
If you tell someone they’re wrong, you’re not just asking them to accept new information—you’re asking them to throw away something they’ve invested in and feel attached to. That helps explain why data rarely shifts minds on its own.

3. Why polarization hardens
People curate “collections” of beliefs that fit together, and the more time and energy invested in a set, the harder it is to let go of any single piece. Whole identity-communities form around these collections (political parties, online forums, cultural groups), making change even costlier.

4. How this perspective could help bring down the temperature

Shift the frame from attack to exchange. If beliefs are possessions, then conversations work better when they feel like “show and tell” rather than “smash and grab.” Instead of “you’re wrong,” it’s “here’s what I’ve got, what’s in your collection?”

Acknowledge the attachment. Validating that a belief has value to someone (even if you think it’s false) shows respect for their investment, which can lower defensiveness.

Offer additions, not replacements. People are more open to adding a new belief to their “collection” than discarding an old one. Framing new ideas as compatible, rather than threatening, makes uptake easier.

Highlight shared possessions. Emphasizing beliefs we already “own” together—like fairness, dignity, safety—creates common ground to build from.

De-personalize disagreements. If beliefs are like possessions, then disagreement doesn’t have to mean “I reject you,” it just means “we own different things.” That subtle shift helps reduce hostility.

In short: seeing beliefs as possessions reframes the culture wars not as battles between enemies, but as disputes over treasured belongings. That mindset makes it easier to approach others with curiosity rather than combativeness, which is exactly the temperature drop America needs.

Posted in America | Comments Off on ‘Beliefs Are Like Possessions’

Your Real World Is Where You Are Your Best Self

For many people with dissident views, their online life is more real than their in person life because online they get to say what they really think and have the conversations they can’t have in real life where they conform at work, conform in their community, conform in their family, and they don’t want to risk doxxing and disgrace by saying in real life what is on their mind.

ChatGPT says: The internet—especially pseudonymous spaces—becomes a kind of parallel society for people with views that are stigmatized, risky, or simply outside the mainstream. Online, they can drop the layers of self-censorship that dominate in workplaces, families, and communities where reputational or economic consequences are immediate and severe.

The irony is that the “real” self, the one expressing uncensored thoughts and engaging in forbidden conversations, often only exists online. Meanwhile, the “public” self is a mask—one tailored to avoid punishment. For dissidents, that inversion makes the digital space more authentic than face-to-face life.

Your real world is where you show up as your best self — not the curated highlight reel or the anonymous burner account, but the person who acts with integrity when it matters: at work, with family, in your neighborhood. That’s the arena where consequences and rewards are real, relationships compound, and change actually happens.

Being your best self doesn’t mean performing perfection. It means consistent alignment: your choices reflect your values, you own mistakes and fix them, and you invest in the people and projects that matter. Those are the behaviors that build trust, opportunities, and a life that’s worth returning to, not escaping from.

Treat the offline world like the long game. Small, disciplined improvements — showing up on time, listening first, following through — compound into a reputation that opens doors you can’t get online. Reputation can’t be faked forever; it’s earned by doing hard, unglamorous work consistently.

Protect your authenticity, but don’t outsource it. Use online spaces to test ideas and decompress, not to live a parallel identity you’re not willing to defend in person. If something you say online would be harmful to your relationships or career, the smarter question is: why do you need to say it at all? Find safer, constructive outlets for those thoughts where they can be refined rather than weaponized.

Practical steps: 1) Pick one real-world relationship or project and invest 30 minutes a day in it for 30 days. 2) When tempted to post something reckless, wait 24 hours and write it in a notebook first. 3) Practice a short accountability habit — a weekly check-in with a trusted friend about one goal.

Your best self isn’t a costume you put on for applause; it’s a set of habits you build so your real life — with its messy, consequential rewards — becomes the place you most want to be.

Posted in Internet | Comments Off on Your Real World Is Where You Are Your Best Self

The Meaning Crisis Is Really The Connection Crisis

ChatGPT says: The “meaning crisis” gets talked about in very abstract, philosophical terms—loss of religion, decline of grand narratives, individualism, consumer culture, etc.—but when you zoom in on everyday life, it’s often just disconnection.

When people are embedded in strong networks of family, friends, community, they rarely sit around saying, “I lack meaning.” Their sense of purpose flows through those bonds: responsibility, love, obligation, shared struggle, even conflict resolution. Meaning shows up naturally in who you are for other people and who they are for you.

The so-called “crisis” hits hardest when those connections weaken—when people are isolated, mobile, transactional, or relating mostly through screens. The loneliness epidemic, declining civic institutions, and fraying families all track pretty closely with spikes in depression, despair, and talk of “meaninglessness.”

So yes, you could argue that “meaning crisis” is really a “connection crisis.” We keep looking for purpose in ideology, career, self-optimization, or consumer identity—but the deepest, most resilient form of meaning tends to come from being needed and known by others.

Posted in Happiness | Comments Off on The Meaning Crisis Is Really The Connection Crisis

Why Are Intellectuals Antinomic?

I didn’t know the meaning of “antinomic” when a philosopher emailed that analysis of intellectuals so off I went to ChatGPT, which explained:

If we take Edward Shils’ theory seriously—that intellectuals are structurally antinomic—then the consequences run through their inner life, their social position, their political stance, and the way they write and publish. Here’s how it plays out:

Psychology

Intellectuals live with cognitive dissonance as a permanent condition. They rely on institutions (universities, publishers, patrons, the state) for recognition and livelihood, yet define their self-worth through criticizing those same institutions.

This tension breeds both a sense of superiority (standing above society, revealing hidden truths) and insecurity (knowing their independence depends on the very structures they attack).

It fosters a psychology of alienation and restlessness: never fully at home in tradition, never fully detached from it.

Society

Intellectuals are caught in an in-between social position: they are not the ruling class, but neither are they ordinary citizens. They become a kind of “loyal opposition” within the cultural order.

This makes them central to what Shils called the “center-periphery” dynamic: they challenge the cultural center while still drawing their legitimacy from it.

They gain prestige by being critical outsiders, but this depends on their being taken seriously by the insiders they oppose.

Politics

Their antinomic nature pushes them toward radical critique (opposing authority, hierarchy, tradition) while simultaneously seeking order (since without institutional structures, their role disappears).

This explains why intellectuals veer between utopianism and pessimism. They champion new ideologies, but also lament the loss of civility, tradition, or meaning.

Politically, they can swing between revolutionary fervor and defense of liberal institutions—depending on which side of the contradiction feels more threatened.

Publishing / Writing

Intellectual production itself reflects the antinomy:

Works of critique (against the state, tradition, or mass culture).

Simultaneous appeals to higher principles (truth, civility, reason, democracy) that only exist because of the very traditions and institutions they undermine.

This produces a rhetoric of ambivalence: intellectuals must sound bold and subversive, yet also scholarly and authoritative.

Their writings often read as performances of independence, even though the publishing industry, universities, or think-tanks they rely on are deeply institutional.

In short: Shils’ theory implies that intellectuals are never free of contradiction. Psychologically they are divided, socially they live as a quasi-class between classes, politically they oscillate between rebellion and defense, and in their writing they produce critique that paradoxically reinforces the importance of the very institutions they claim to transcend.

To call intellectuals “antinomic” is to say they have a structural disposition toward contradiction: they are driven by impulses, loyalties, or ideals that pull them in opposite directions.

Edward Shils thought intellectuals often set themselves against established authority, tradition, and consensus.

At the same time, they are deeply dependent on tradition and institutions (universities, the state, science).

This produces an “antinomic” stance: intellectuals valorize universal truth and freedom, but their role in society ties them to authority and power.

In Stephen Turner’s article on Shils, you see the emphasis on intellectuals’ ambiguous relationship to the state and to mass society—sometimes defenders of civility and tradition, sometimes critics undermining them

Tocqueville noticed that democratic intellectual life creates constant tensions—between equality and liberty, individualism and community.

Shils took this further by analyzing intellectuals themselves as embodying such contradictions.

Shils made a career of explaining why intellectuals are drawn into these antinomies—why their role almost guarantees a restless, oppositional, but also dependent relationship to society.

Your friend is telling you: “Look at Tocqueville on these democratic tensions. Shils developed a theory about why intellectuals, by their very nature, live in contradictions like that. They’re antinomic: they criticize the very traditions and institutions that sustain them.”

If you follow Shils’ line of thought to its consequences, the “antinomic” condition of intellectuals almost invites pathological patterns in both their inner life and their group life.

Mental illness tendencies

Chronic alienation: Always half inside and half outside institutions, intellectuals may feel they belong nowhere. That constant estrangement can foster depression, paranoia, or obsessive brooding.

Grandiosity vs. self-loathing: Needing to appear as prophets of truth while knowing they depend on the very establishment they attack can create cycles of manic confidence and crushing doubt.

Persecution complexes: Since they often cast themselves as truth-tellers against power, it’s easy to slide into seeing every rejection as proof of their martyrdom—paranoid styles thrive here.

Narcissistic injuries: Intellectual recognition is fragile. Being ignored or dismissed hits harder because their identity is built on being a critic “who matters.”

Weird communities

Cliques of contrarians: Intellectuals gravitate toward small groups that define themselves by opposition to the mainstream. These can become insular, feeding each other’s sense of embattlement.

Cult-like movements: The antinomic tension can be resolved by doubling down on purity—intellectual sects that enforce ideological conformity while claiming to resist conformity. (Think literary avant-gardes, radical academic circles, or revolutionary cells.)

Status games of marginality: Since their role depends on being “against” something, communities form around who is more radical, more critical, more authentic. This breeds endless schisms and doctrinal purges.

Bohemian enclaves: The classic intellectual neighborhood or salon—half dependent on patronage, half priding itself on being outside bourgeois respectability—fits Shils’ model perfectly.

Bottom line

Living in contradictions isn’t just a quirk of style—it can destabilize personalities and encourage odd, sometimes self-destructive social worlds. The same forces that produce brilliance also generate insularity, paranoia, factionalism, and mental strain.

Civility is important to academics because it is the glue that holds intellectual life together, especially in a world where disagreement is the norm, not the exception.

At its root, civility doesn’t mean politeness in a shallow, etiquette sense. It means respecting the shared conditions that make dialogue and inquiry possible: listening, granting others the presumption of good faith, and restraining the impulse to annihilate an opponent instead of engaging their ideas. It’s about treating others as legitimate participants in the search for truth, even when their conclusions clash with yours.

Why it matters in academia

Intellectual life is adversarial by design. Universities, journals, and scholarly debates exist to test ideas, not to affirm them. If disagreement always tipped into hostility, the whole system would collapse into either censorship or chaos.

Institutions depend on it. As Shils and Tocqueville noticed, intellectuals are structurally “antinomic”—both dependent on and critical of the very institutions that sustain them. Civility is what allows them to criticize without burning down the structures they need (universities, peer review, funding bodies).

It protects freedom. Without norms of civility, critique turns personal, and intellectual diversity shrinks. Civility makes it possible to preserve pluralism: you don’t have to silence or exile someone you find wrongheaded; you can keep arguing with them.

It stabilizes identity. Many intellectuals live in the contradictions Shils described—alienated from society, yet dependent on it. Civility is a way to live with that contradiction without tipping into paranoia, sectarianism, or factional warfare.

So when scholars talk about “civility,” they usually mean a commitment to the shared framework of reasoned exchange, even amid fierce disagreement. It’s less about tone-policing and more about sustaining the fragile ecosystem where intellectual work can actually happen.

If we take Shils’ notion of intellectuals as antinomic seriously, then civility sits right at the heart of the contradiction.

1. Civility as dependence on tradition

Civility is a tradition-bound norm. It comes from long-standing cultural expectations about discourse — rooted in universities, salons, republics of letters. Intellectuals inherit and rely on it because without civility, they couldn’t have meaningful debate, peer review, or even an audience.

2. Civility as the object of critique

At the same time, intellectuals often attack civility as stifling, bourgeois, or conservative — a way of enforcing consensus or silencing radical ideas. Radical critics frame civility as a mask for power: “be civil” is heard as “don’t challenge us too hard.” So the very norm that sustains their role is also one they resist.

3. The oscillation

When intellectuals feel institutions are closing down debate, they call for civility, pluralism, and respect.

When they feel institutions are too rigid or exclusionary, they deride civility as hypocrisy and push toward transgression.

This push–pull is exactly what Shils meant by antinomic: intellectuals inhabit both sides at once — guardians of the conditions for reasoned dialogue and destroyers of them.

4. The consequence

Civility becomes a site of endless anxiety and performance. Intellectuals must appear bold and disruptive, yet also scholarly and reasonable. They need civility to survive but can’t help undermining it to assert independence. That tension shapes their psychology, their politics, and their communities — the restless “in-between” position Shils described.

In short: civility is not incidental. It’s the pressure point where intellectuals’ dependence on tradition and their drive for critique collide.

Here’s how Shils’ antinomic framework helps make sense of today’s “civility wars” in academia:

1. Campus speech controversies
When students or faculty demand restrictions on offensive speech, they often appeal to civility as a justification. But critics respond that such civility codes suppress dissent and sanitize intellectual life. This is the antinomy: intellectuals want an open forum but also recoil from speech that feels corrosive to community.

2. “Cancel culture” debates
Public intellectuals decry “cancel culture” as uncivil — a mob-like refusal to tolerate opposing views. Yet those same intellectuals often build careers by using sharp, uncivil critique against established authorities. Again: they need civility when they’re targeted, but undermine it when attacking.

3. Peer review and professional life
Peer review demands civility (constructive, respectful engagement). But prestige often comes from bold, adversarial critique. Scholars complain about hostile reviewers, yet also fear being seen as “too soft.” Civility is both the requirement and the thing everyone suspects is a mask for bias.

4. Public scholarship
In op-eds, podcasts, and Twitter/X, intellectuals are pressured to sound sharp, even biting, to gain attention. But when backlash comes, they invoke civility as the missing value in public debate. The contradiction is structural: visibility requires provocation; legitimacy requires civility.

5. Institutional fragility
Universities themselves rely on civility to preserve pluralism and protect their legitimacy. But when civility is weaponized — either to silence radicals or to delegitimize institutions as hypocritical — it becomes a flashpoint. Intellectuals oscillate between defending civility as a condition of freedom and denouncing it as repression.

Bottom line:
Civility isn’t just about manners; it’s where the intellectual antinomy becomes most visible. It embodies the clash between dependence on institutions and rebellion against them. That’s why it feels so fraught in the current academic culture wars: every side both needs civility and suspects it.

Posted in Intellectuals | Comments Off on Why Are Intellectuals Antinomic?