NYT: The Trump Administration Floats a New Way to Humiliate the Legal Profession

Deborah Pearlstein, the director of the Princeton program in law and public policy, writes in the New York Times about her love of truth:

The state bar disciplinary system is far from perfect. Proceedings can drag on for years. Some bar authorities are reluctant to investigate Trump administration lawyers. Even disciplinary systems with the courage to move forward could have a tough time handling the sheer number of administration lawyers who have apparently lied. Still, coupled with other deterrents — the courts themselves and lawyers’ concern for their own reputations — the risk of state bar discipline remains a critical tool for protecting the truth-finding function of the federal courts. No wonder the administration is determined to go after them.
The move against state bars is of a piece with the administration’s broader strategy against universities, the media and law firms — any set of organizations capable of challenging the president’s power. And few things threaten it more than holding it to the truth.

Her article operates on two levels at once. On the surface, it argues a legal point: a proposed Trump administration rule would shield Department of Justice lawyers from state bar discipline, violating the McDade Amendment (28 U.S.C. § 530B), which requires federal lawyers to follow the same ethics rules as every other licensed attorney. The argument holds legal water, and the underlying facts she cites, the erratic briefing, the judges who have called DOJ lawyers liars, the wave of resignations, are all real. But the piece also works as coalition defense, and reading it as only a legal argument misses half of what it does.
Pearlstein writes from within the elite legal-institutional coalition. That coalition, federal judges, career DOJ attorneys, state bar associations, elite law schools, and legal academics, draws its authority from a set of shared norms: lawyers tell the truth to courts, courts can sanction misconduct, and no government is above the professional rules that govern the legal order. If those norms weaken, the coalition weakens. So when she frames the proposed rule as an attack on the “truth infrastructure” of the legal system, she uses language that does two things simultaneously. It describes a real institutional threat, and it signals to every lawyer who identifies with that coalition that the threat is existential.
The Trump administration’s incentives here follow a clear logic. Career DOJ lawyers have used professional ethics rules as a form of internal resistance, resigning rather than filing briefs they consider dishonest. Removing external discipline lowers the cost of staying for lawyers willing to work inside the new order. At the same time, de-emphasizing credentials and protecting lawyers from bar sanctions opens the door to loyalists who lack elite pedigree but carry fewer reservations. The administration moves disciplinary power from state bars, which answer to no one in the executive branch, to the Office of Professional Responsibility, which answers to the deputy attorney general. Todd Blanche, the current deputy, recently said the administration is at “war” with the federal courts. That is who would now oversee internal ethics reviews.
Pearlstein largely ignores the counter-narrative that animates the Trump coalition. From inside that coalition, the legal profession looks less like a neutral referee and more like a politically hostile guild. Career DOJ lawyers delayed or refused to execute policies they personally opposed. State bar authorities, at least some of them, show reluctance to pursue Trump-aligned lawyers for reasons that have nothing to do with the merits. Elite law schools and major law firms skew politically in a direction that makes them, in the coalition’s view, structurally adversarial to Republican governance. None of that makes the proposed rule sound policy, but it explains why the coalition treats the legal profession as an adversary rather than an institution worth protecting.
The framing of “truth versus authoritarianism” that runs through the column is coalition language, and not only in the cynical sense. Pearlstein believes it, and the underlying concern has real institutional weight. Courts depend on honest representations by counsel. If the executive branch can shield its lawyers from any external disciplinary review, judges lose one of the few tools they have to enforce the truth-finding function of legal proceedings. The Office of Professional Responsibility has historically operated like a black hole, and it has no subpoena power outside the department. State bar discipline, imperfect as it is, remains the only meaningful external check on DOJ conduct.
What the article finally reveals is less a debate about one rule and more a contest over who controls the machinery of American law. Three competing models of legal authority are in tension. Professional autonomy holds that lawyers regulate themselves through courts and guilds, independent of elected leadership. Executive populism holds that elected authority overrides professional guilds when they obstruct the will of the governed. Bureaucratic technocracy holds that career experts maintain continuity of legal interpretation regardless of who wins elections. The fight over the McDade Amendment is a proxy for that larger contest.

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Bullshit Jobs: A Theory (2018)

Bullshit Jobs: A Theory by David Graeber is a book that many people find compelling because it names something real. Everyone has sat in a meeting that could have been an email, or watched a colleague generate reports no one reads. Graeber’s central observation has genuine force: automation did not deliver the leisure Keynes predicted, and a great deal of modern work feels hollow. The book’s emotional appeal rests on that kernel of truth, and for many readers it goes no further than needing the kernel confirmed.
The problem is that Graeber builds an enormous structure on a foundation of anecdote and polemic. He defines a bullshit job as work so pointless that even the employee cannot justify its existence, and then populates this category with his five types: flunkies, goons, duct tapers, box tickers, and taskmasters. The typology is catchy but slippery. Corporate lawyers and lobbyists appear as “goons,” which tells you something about Graeber’s politics but very little about whether those jobs are economically irrational or socially superfluous. The Guardian’s Andrew Anthony put it plainly: the categories are arbitrary distinctions that add little to understanding.
The empirical base is especially thin. Graeber leans on a YouGov poll showing that 37 percent of British workers felt their jobs made no meaningful contribution. But the same survey found that 63 percent considered their jobs personally fulfilling. Graeber builds a theory of civilizational crisis on the minority finding while ignoring the majority one. A reviewer in The Times also pointed out that the average British workweek fell from 56 hours in 1900 to 31 hours by 2018, which undercuts his claim that productivity gains never translated into real relief from labor.
The academic literature has been unkind to his hypotheses. A 2021 study published in Work, Employment and Society examined data from the European Working Conditions Survey and found that the proportion of workers who consider their jobs useless was low and declining, not growing as Graeber predicted. More cutting still, the workers in his designated “bullshit” categories, hedge fund managers, lobbyists, and the like, reported high satisfaction, while manual workers and cleaners often felt their work was meaningless. The study concluded that Graeber’s theory must simply be rejected. A 2023 American study found partial support for his framework, but only with regression controls and only in heavily financialized countries, a much narrower claim than Graeber makes.
His historical argument is more interesting. He traces the Protestant work ethic and its transmutation into a secular religion of productivity, drawing on Locke and the Puritan moral economy of suffering. This part of the book has genuine intellectual substance and connects to a real tradition of cultural criticism. Max Weber covered similar ground with more rigor, but Graeber writes with more energy. His observation that a citizenry kept busy with pointless work has less motivation to revolt carries a dark political logic worth taking seriously.
The solution he offers, a universal basic income, arrives without much argument. It appears almost as an afterthought, a political preference attached to a cultural diagnosis rather than derived from it. Graeber never seriously grapples with how UBI might be structured, funded, or whether it would actually address the psychological alienation he describes, since people might feel just as purposeless with money as without meaningful work.
What Graeber actually wrote, as Andrew Anthony noted, is not much more sophisticated than the 2013 essay that launched the whole project. The book adds anecdotes, extends the typology, and decorates the argument with historical passages, but it does not develop a theory. It confirms what a certain kind of reader already believes and flatters them for believing it. That is a commercially successful thing to do. It is not quite the same as being right.

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Everything Is Incentives: Antisemitism and the Organizations That Fight It

With Alliance Theory and his other papers, David Pinsof’s core claim is that behavior follows incentives. Not intentions. Not moral convictions. Incentives. He calls this incentive determinism, and he sets it against what he names likability determinism, the far more popular belief that good things happen when good people prevail and bad things happen when bad people do. Most of public life runs on likability determinism. Political speeches run on it. Cable news runs on it. So do most organizations that describe themselves as fighting hate.
To understand antisemitism in America right now, and to understand the Anti-Defamation League’s response to it, Pinsof’s framework cuts through a great deal of noise.
Start with the antisemitism itself. The standard account says it rises because bad people have bad ideas, and those ideas spread when weak or corrupt institutions fail to check them. The incentive account asks a different question: what do people gain by expressing hostility toward Jews or Jewish institutions? The answer has changed, and changed recently, and that change explains more than any catalog of individual bigots.
For several decades, the incentive structure around antisemitism in American public life was sharply punishing. The Holocaust sat near enough in cultural memory to make overt antisemitism radioactive. Jews had strong alliances with the civil rights movement. Both major political parties competed for Jewish support. The ADL and similar organizations maintained enough institutional reach that being labeled antisemitic carried genuine professional and reputational cost. In that environment, crossing certain rhetorical lines was expensive. Few people did it openly.
That structure has weakened on multiple fronts at once. The Israel question fractured the progressive coalition in ways that matter enormously here. Once a significant portion of activist culture began treating Israel as a colonial project, criticism of Jewish institutions became a way to signal membership in the pro-Palestinian coalition. The signal has value. It generates approval inside certain spaces. The cost of making it, in those same spaces, dropped toward zero. Pinsof would recognize this pattern immediately: the incentive shifted, and behavior followed.
On the populist right, a different shift produced a similar result through entirely different logic. Figures who built audiences by attacking elite gatekeepers discovered that the ADL, along with other major Jewish advocacy organizations, fit neatly into the category of institutions their audiences resented. Criticizing them became a way to perform independence from the liberal establishment, to show that you would say things others would not. The audience rewards that performance. The incentive is attention and loyalty, not theology or ideology.
And then the internet collapsed the old enforcement mechanism. In the legacy media world, accusations of antisemitism could move quickly and stick. Editors and producers acted as filters. Today those filters are gone. Online communities build their own interpretive frames. The cost of being labeled antisemitic dropped for anyone operating outside mainstream institutional life, and once the cost drops, more people test the boundary, and more people follow those who test it without consequences.
These three forces, progressive coalition signaling, populist anti-elite performance, and the collapse of reputational enforcement, do not share an ideology. They share an incentive structure that, in different ways, rewards attacking Jewish institutions. The result looks like a wave of antisemitism. Some of it is. Some of it is coalition positioning wearing the clothes of moral argument. Pinsof would say the two are nearly impossible to disentangle from the outside, and that the effort to disentangle them is often itself a form of coalition positioning.
Now apply the same lens to the ADL.
The organization’s stated mission is to combat antisemitism and protect Jewish civil rights. It does this through incident monitoring, policy advocacy, institutional partnerships, and law enforcement training. None of that is controversial to describe. What Pinsof’s framework adds is the observation that any organization that survives a century does so by aligning its moral language with its institutional incentives. The ADL is no exception, and recognizing that is not the same as calling it cynical.
Its annual audit of antisemitic incidents does several things at once. It documents a real problem. It also validates donor urgency, signals indispensability to policymakers, and reinforces the ADL’s authority as the definitive interpreter of the threat. An organization that publishes the most widely cited data on a problem does not have a neutral relationship to that data. The incentive favors finding that the problem is serious and growing. That does not mean the data is wrong. It means the data is produced inside an incentive structure, like all data.
The push for broad definitions of antisemitism, including the contested claim that certain forms of anti-Zionism constitute antisemitism, follows the same logic. Pinsof predicts that coalitions define norms in ways that protect their allies and disadvantage rivals. A definition that expands the boundary of antisemitism expands the rhetorical and legal territory the ADL’s coalition controls. Critics who see this as motivated reasoning are not entirely wrong. Defenders who see it as a sincere response to genuine blurring at the boundary are not entirely wrong either. The point is that sincerity and institutional interest tend to converge, which is precisely what Pinsof argues.
The coalition architecture the ADL built over decades, inside law firms, universities, tech platforms, and police departments, is exactly what Pinsof means when he says influence flows through alliances. Embedding an organization inside powerful institutions is not merely advocacy. It creates a structure in which the organization’s definitions and priorities become defaults across a wide range of institutional decisions. That is a form of power, and like all forms of power, it eventually generates resistance.
The backlash the ADL now faces from multiple directions at once is, on Pinsof’s model, entirely predictable. When an institution holds the center of a coalition and enforces norms aggressively enough, it accumulates enemies across the ideological spectrum. Progressives accuse it of conflating Israel criticism with antisemitism. Conservatives accuse it of selectively labeling right-wing speech while ignoring left-wing hostility. Tech companies that once deferred to its content moderation guidance now face counter-pressure from free speech coalitions that treat the ADL as a symbol of the old censorship regime. The organization has not become more extreme. The incentive landscape around it shifted, and new coalitions formed to challenge its authority.
Pinsof is careful to note that none of this means the beliefs people express are false or that the causes they advocate are wrong. The ADL does fight real antisemitism. Antisemitism is a real and persistent problem. The current wave of hostility toward Jewish institutions contains genuine prejudice alongside strategic coalition signaling. His point is structural, not cynical. Moral language is the medium people use. Incentives are what move them.
What this framework offers, and why it cuts deeper than most analysis of antisemitism and the institutions that fight it, is that it forces the question of who benefits from a given framing, not as an accusation but as a method. When criticism of the ADL surges, the useful question is not whether the critics have a point, though they may, but what incentive structure rewards the timing and intensity of that criticism. When the ADL pushes a broader definition of antisemitism, the useful question is not whether the definition is defensible, though it may be, but what coalition is strengthened by the expansion.
Pinsof ends his essay with something close to optimism. If awareness of incentive structures can itself change behavior, then thinking this way might matter. The catch is that awareness is also an incentive, and the feeling of having seen through the machinery is one of the most reliable pleasures available to anyone who writes or reads about how the world works. The framework is not exempt from its own analysis. Neither is this essay.

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Decoding Oil Analyst Javier Blas (Bloomberg)

Javier Blas is an energy and commodities specialist whose reporting focuses on oil markets, commodity trading houses, and global supply chains, and that position gives him a specific lens on world events.
His real audience is the energy-financial coalition: commodity traders, oil companies, energy investors, government energy ministries, and macro hedge funds. Bloomberg Opinion draws heavily from market participants, so his columns signal less about moral narratives and more about practical information that affects oil prices and supply chains. In alliance terms, he coordinates the energy market coalition.
Blas tends to believe three things about the world. Energy markets are more resilient than pundits think. Politics matters less than physical supply constraints. Commodity traders quietly shape geopolitics. That worldview comes from years covering OPEC, oil majors, and trading houses like Vitol, Trafigura, and Glencore. He co-wrote a book about that shadow system. The World for Sale by Javier Blas and Jack Farchy describes the history and influence of the billionaire commodity traders who buy and sell the earth’s resources. It argues that these private companies shaped the modern world by providing the fuel and minerals that industrial economies require, often by navigating the gaps between international law and local corruption.
So when a war breaks out, Blas asks one question: what happens to the barrels?
His columns often puncture the dramatic geopolitical story with a market reality check. You see the pattern in phrases like “not an energy crisis yet” or “the oil market is relaxed.” He tells readers that wars often look enormous politically but smaller in commodity terms. That is a market stabilization narrative, because traders need to know whether supply is actually disrupted.
On climate, Blas quietly pushes back against the more utopian energy transition narrative. He argues that fossil fuels will last longer than activists expect and that demand remains stubbornly strong, but he does it in a technocratic rather than ideological way. His tone is market realism, not culture war. His coalition is pragmatic energy elites.
Where a Washington columnist asks whether the regime is collapsing or what a conflict means for American power, Blas asks whether tankers are moving, whether the Strait of Hormuz is open, and how many barrels per day are offline. Those are the variables that determine oil prices and global economic impact.
His deeper contribution is that he consistently highlights the role of commodity traders, firms that operate in a shadow zone between governments and markets. They buy sanctioned oil, finance risky infrastructure, and move resources during wars. His argument is that these actors quietly stabilize the global economy when governments fail. That explains why he often sounds calmer about geopolitical crises than national security analysts.
The simplest frame: Ignatius writes about power. Think tanks write about strategy. Blas writes about barrels. His columns translate geopolitics into the physical economy.
Television analysts operate inside the geopolitical attention economy, where dramatic scenarios reward them with urgency and clicks. Energy traders operate under a different incentive structure. They lose money if they panic too early. So before reacting to any war, traders ask whether physical supply is actually interrupted, whether tankers are still moving, and whether alternative flows are available. Historically the answer is usually yes. When Iranian exports faced sanctions, crude moved through ship-to-ship transfers and shadow fleets. When Russia faced an embargo, India and China absorbed huge volumes and traders rerouted the flows. Political shock does not automatically equal supply shock.
Hormuz is often described as the most important energy chokepoint in the world, with roughly a fifth of global oil passing through it. But that story has two complications. Many Gulf producers have built bypass infrastructure, including Saudi pipelines to the Red Sea and a UAE pipeline to Fujairah that sits outside the Strait entirely. And closing Hormuz is extremely difficult. Iran could disrupt shipping with mines, missiles, or drones, but permanently sealing the waterway would require sustained naval dominance, trigger overwhelming American military retaliation, and destroy Iran’s own export routes. So Iran’s incentive is harassment, not closure. Temporary disruption raises oil prices and signals strength without provoking total war. Traders understand this pattern from decades of Gulf crises and rarely assume a full blockade.
Oil markets sometimes prefer wars to peace, and that is less counterintuitive than it sounds. Markets dislike uncertainty, but they also like tight supply. A limited conflict in an oil region often produces exactly that combination. The threat of disruption pushes prices higher, but production often continues, and that creates profitable volatility. The Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s damaged infrastructure but never eliminated exports. Tankers kept sailing under naval protection. The American invasion of Iraq in 2003 spiked prices initially, but markets stabilized once traders understood that other producers could compensate. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine did not remove Russian oil from global markets. It reshuffled where the barrels went. Commodity traders thrive in these conditions because they can arbitrage price differences, arrange alternative supply routes, and finance shipments others avoid.
Geopolitical analysts focus on the dry map of territories and capitals. Traders focus on the wet map of sea lanes and port depths, and that map is much harder to break. Even if the Strait of Hormuz faces harassment, the global tanker fleet is an enormous floating buffer. Millions of barrels of oil sit on water at any given moment, providing a temporal cushion that the breaking-news cycle ignores. Politicians might announce a total embargo for a domestic audience while traders watch the cargo manifests and see the reality. Governments often quietly allow leakage to prevent a global economic collapse. The trader’s calm comes from the recognition that the world’s need for energy usually overrides its desire for a clean moral resolution to a conflict.

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David Ignatius: Iran’s Islamic Republic 2.0 is coming — and it won’t be pretty

From his Washington Post column:

How Trump’s tactical victory could turn into a forever war.

Maybe the answer to the gut question “So how does this end?” in Iran is simple: It doesn’t. Not for a long while…

If there’s one lesson America and Israel should have learned in recent decades, it’s that military success doesn’t usually translate to political victory — in Gaza, Afghanistan or, now, Iran. The adversary keeps coming back. The Israelis have learned that they have to keep “mowing the grass,” the harsh phrase they use for the cycle of recurring violence. America, after avoiding an all-out clash with Iran for 47 years, may now be caught in a similar cycle.

The Iran war will be a tactical triumph in the short run, and all the encomiums about America’s unmatched military power will remain true. If the conflict ends tomorrow, Iran will have lost nearly all its nuclear facilities and scientists, most of its missiles and missile launchers, most of its weapons factories, most of its navy, and much of the command and control for its military, intelligence and security forces.

David Ignatius concedes the military operation worked. Iran has lost most of its nuclear facilities, missile infrastructure, navy, and command structure. That is an enormous admission for a columnist in his position. But the concession lasts about two sentences before the familiar frame takes over: tactical triumph, strategic disaster, forever war, Islamic Republic 2.0.
To understand why the column works this way, you need to know whose interests Ignatius represents. He is not simply a journalist analyzing events. He is a node inside the Washington national security ecosystem, drawing his sources from intelligence officials, Gulf diplomats, and the defense bureaucracy. That coalition values stability, institutional control of escalation, and long-term geopolitical management. Large disruptive wars unsettle bureaucracies. When a president launches a major military campaign outside the normal consensus channels, the ecosystem responds by reframing the victory as strategically dangerous.
The “tactical victory, strategic disaster” narrative performs two jobs at once. It avoids directly attacking military success, which would look defensive and petty. And it warns the policy world that the political consequences might spiral in ways that matter to the people who run things. If the war turns out badly, the coalition already warned us. If the region stabilizes, the column still acknowledged the military success. This is a hedging strategy, and Ignatius executes it smoothly.
His explanation for Iranian persistence is the weakest part of the column. He argues that pride and dignity explain why the regime keeps fighting. That answer feels satisfying, but it misses the simpler logic. Regimes fight because surrender is often fatal for the leadership. If the IRGC stops fighting and the regime collapses, the people at the top face prison or execution. Continuing the war preserves bargaining power and maintains internal legitimacy. That is regime survival logic, not wounded national pride.
The Islamic Republic 2.0 prediction is the most credible part of the piece. Wars tend to accelerate power consolidation inside security institutions. Pakistan shifted in this direction after repeated conflicts with India. Egypt consolidated under Nasser’s security apparatus. Russia did the same after the Chechen wars. When the dust settles, the military-security complex tends to emerge as the dominant political actor. Ignatius is right about this, but the prediction also carries a quiet political message: if Iran becomes a harder military state, the case for restraint in future U.S. operations grows stronger.
The Black September analogy near the end is a signal aimed at a specific audience. It tells policymakers that escalation might shift into covert and asymmetric warfare. It reminds readers of the intelligence community’s institutional memory about blowback. The mention of midterm elections serves a similar function. It tells Democratic politicians and foreign policy elites that there is political space to oppose escalation without looking naive.
This pattern repeats whenever an outsider president disrupts the foreign policy consensus. You saw it during Reagan’s early Cold War escalations, after the Iraq invasion, during the Libya intervention. The establishment rarely attacks the military directly. Instead it reframes the outcome as a strategic trap. The real message of the Ignatius column is not that Iran will keep fighting. The message is that the strategic environment is now unpredictable, and the people who normally manage these things were not fully in charge when the shooting started.
That framing protects the reputation of the national security establishment while preparing readers for a long and messy aftermath. It is exactly what you would expect from someone embedded in that coalition.

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In Elite Speak, ‘Grievance’ Means Illegitimate Claims By White People

In elite discourse the word “grievance” usually signals that the speaker believes the underlying complaint is exaggerated, misdirected, or illegitimate.

It is a framing device.

If an elite commentator thinks a complaint is justified, they normally use words like injustice, discrimination, harm, or inequality. Those words treat the claim as morally valid. The moment the same phenomenon is labeled grievance, the moral status changes. The complaint becomes psychological rather than structural. It sounds like resentment, bitterness, or wounded pride rather than a legitimate claim about reality.

You can see the pattern across different political camps.

When progressive elites talk about “white grievance politics,” they are saying that the complaints of white voters are not real injustices but status anxiety. When conservative elites talk about “victimhood culture” or “grievance studies,” they are making the same move toward progressive activists. The tactic is symmetrical.

The word performs three functions.

First, it delegitimizes the claim. A grievance is something people feel, not something that necessarily happened.

Second, it pathologizes the claimant. The problem becomes their psychology or identity rather than the system they are criticizing.

Third, it signals coalition boundaries. By calling something a grievance, the speaker tells their audience which complaints belong inside the moral circle and which belong outside.

This is why the term shows up constantly in elite commentary about populism. “Grievance politics” is a polite way of saying that the grievances are not morally compelling to the speaker’s coalition.

From an Alliance Theory perspective, the label helps a coalition avoid having to engage with the substance of a complaint. If the complaint is framed as resentment, then responding to it is unnecessary. The coalition can treat it as noise rather than a claim that might require concessions.

In American elite discourse the word shows up far more often in connection with white politics. Phrases like “white grievance,” “white grievance politics,” or “grievance-driven populism” became common after about 2015. In those contexts the term signals that the complaint is being interpreted as status resentment rather than a legitimate injustice.

When elites talk about the complaints of minority groups they usually switch vocabulary. You hear terms like racism, discrimination, inequality, civil rights, injustice, or marginalization. Those words assume the claim may be morally valid and worthy of redress.

So the linguistic asymmetry is real. The same emotional experience can be described in two different ways depending on how the speaker evaluates the legitimacy of the complaint.

If the coalition sees the claim as justified, it is framed as injustice.
If the coalition sees the claim as illegitimate or exaggerated, it is framed as grievance.

That logic applies across the political spectrum.

Progressive elites often talk about “white grievance politics” when referring to populist movements or right-wing voters. Conservative elites, meanwhile, use similar framing toward progressive activism with phrases like “grievance industry,” “grievance studies,” or “victimhood culture.” In that context the grievances being dismissed are usually those of minority activists or progressive institutions.

So the word itself is less about race and more about legitimacy. It signals that the speaker’s coalition does not view the complaint as morally compelling. Race enters the picture because different coalitions currently view different groups’ complaints as legitimate or illegitimate.

In other words the vocabulary reflects the moral map of the coalition using it. When a complaint sits inside that coalition’s moral circle it is injustice. When it sits outside, it becomes grievance.

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The Book of Woe: The DSM and the Unmaking of Psychiatry (2013)

Gary Greenberg’s The Book of Woe is a sustained attack on the DSM-5 and on the institutional culture that produced it. Greenberg writes as both a practicing therapist and a journalist, which gives him an unusual vantage point. He understands the clinical world from the inside, but he approaches the American Psychiatric Association and its diagnostic manual with the skepticism of a reporter who has learned not to take official stories at face value.
The book’s central argument is that the DSM is not a scientific document. It is a political one. The diagnoses it contains do not reflect discoveries about the nature of mental illness. They reflect negotiations, compromises, votes, and the accumulated weight of professional and commercial interests. Greenberg follows the making of the DSM-5, which was released in 2013, and documents the process with considerable detail. He attended conferences, interviewed key figures, and gained access to internal debates that the APA would have preferred to keep quiet. What he found was a process riddled with disagreement, ego, and institutional defensiveness masquerading as scientific rigor.
One of his sharpest targets is the concept of validity. A diagnostic category is valid if it corresponds to something real in nature, a genuine disease with a distinct cause, course, and biological signature. Greenberg argues that almost no DSM diagnosis meets this standard. The categories are reliable in the narrow sense that clinicians can agree on how to apply them, but reliability is not validity. Two doctors can reliably agree that a patient meets the criteria for major depressive disorder without that agreement telling us anything about what is actually wrong with the person or what might help them.
He traces this problem back to the DSM-III, which Robert Spitzer oversaw in 1980. That revision was a deliberate attempt to save psychiatry’s scientific reputation by replacing vague psychoanalytic concepts with specific, checklist-based criteria. It worked as a political move. It gave psychiatry the appearance of precision. But Greenberg argues it buried a deeper problem rather than solving it. The new criteria were operationalized descriptions of symptoms, not explanations of causes. Psychiatry got better at agreeing on labels while understanding no more about what produced the conditions those labels described.
The pharmaceutical industry runs through the book as a persistent presence. Greenberg does not reduce everything to pharma corruption, but he makes clear that the DSM’s expansion of diagnostic categories created enormous markets for drug treatment, and that this financial logic shaped what got included and how conditions got defined. The relationship between the APA and the drug industry is not a simple conspiracy. It is something more structural and therefore harder to address.
Greenberg also takes on the Research Domain Criteria project, or RDoC, which the National Institute of Mental Health launched as an alternative framework grounded in neuroscience rather than symptom checklists. He is skeptical of this too, not because neuroscience is worthless but because the confidence with which its proponents speak outstrips what the science can currently deliver. The brain is complicated, mental illness is complicated, and the history of psychiatry is full of moments where a new biological framework promised to resolve everything and delivered far less than advertised.
What makes the book work beyond its arguments is Greenberg’s voice. He is funny, angry, and genuinely troubled by what the medicalization of suffering has done to the way people understand themselves. He treats his own patients with care and takes their pain seriously, which keeps the book from sliding into the kind of antipsychiatry polemic that dismisses suffering along with diagnosis. His complaint is not that mental illness does not exist. It is that the DSM pretends to know more about it than anyone does, and that this pretense does real harm to real people.
Stephen Park Turner‘s framework adds something genuinely useful here, and it cuts deeper than most sociological critiques of psychiatry because it targets the epistemological foundation rather than just the institutional behavior.
Greenberg gets at the reliability versus validity problem, and Horwitz identifies the conceptual mistake of stripping context from diagnosis, but neither fully explains why the DSM project keeps failing on its own terms while the profession continues to defend it with such confidence. Turner’s concept of tacit knowledge helps explain that gap. The clinician who has seen thousands of patients develops a feel for distress that no checklist captures, and when the DSM-III tried to replace that feel with operational criteria, it did not eliminate the tacit dimension. It just made it invisible. The criteria look explicit and scientific, but applying them still requires judgment that lives below the surface of the written rules.
The circularity point is particularly sharp. Psychiatric authority validates itself through professional consensus rather than through the kind of external verification that other branches of medicine can at least gesture toward. A cardiologist can point to a blocked artery. A psychiatrist points to a committee vote. Turner would say this is not unique to psychiatry, that all expertise has this self-referential quality to some degree, but psychiatry is unusually vulnerable because it simultaneously claims biological grounding it cannot demonstrate and dismisses that vulnerability as a temporary problem that more research will eventually solve.
The epistemic prison argument, borrowed from Steven Hyman, connects well to what Scull shows historically. Each generation of psychiatrists inherits a set of tacit assumptions so thoroughly embedded that they do not register as assumptions at all. The belief that mental suffering is fundamentally medical, that it belongs to doctors rather than priests or philosophers or communities, shapes every question the field asks before any data gets collected. Turner would likely say this is how tacit knowledge operates at the institutional level. It does not just inform practice. It forecloses alternatives without anyone noticing.
Where Turner adds the most to Greenberg specifically is on the DSM’s self-defeating ambition. Greenberg treats the shift from clinical intuition to checklist criteria primarily as a political maneuver, which it was. Turner lets you see it also as an epistemological mistake, an attempt to make explicit what is by nature resistant to explicit formulation. The result is a document that looks rigorous and functions as a shared fiction, which is more or less what Greenberg concludes, but Turner gives that conclusion a theoretical backbone.
The one place Turner’s framework might need some friction is the implication that tacit knowledge is primarily a problem or a source of illegitimate authority. Tacit knowledge is also how expertise actually works in any field that deals with complex, variable phenomena. The question is not whether psychiatry relies on tacit judgment but whether it acknowledges that reliance honestly and builds its institutions around that reality rather than around a fantasy of algorithmic precision. Greenberg’s book is largely a document of what happens when an institution chooses the fantasy.
Allan Horwitz cites The Book of Woe sparingly but it fits directly into the argument he develops across his own work, particularly in Creating Mental Illness and The Loss of Sadness. Greenberg provides him with a journalistic account of the DSM-5 process that corroborates what Horwitz argues at a more analytical level, namely that the diagnostic categories produced by that process reflect professional and institutional pressures rather than scientific discovery.
The most useful thing Greenberg offers Horwitz is evidence of what happened inside the APA during the DSM-5 revision. Horwitz’s critique depends on showing that diagnostic expansion was not driven by better science but by something else, and Greenberg’s reporting on the internal debates, the resistance to reform, and the ultimate conservatism of the revision supports that claim. When Horwitz argues that the profession could not bring itself to restore the contextual distinctions the DSM-III had eliminated, Greenberg’s account of why that proved politically impossible fills in the institutional detail.
Greenberg also reinforces Horwitz’s reliability versus validity argument without using exactly that vocabulary. When Greenberg shows that the APA prioritized inter-rater agreement over any deeper correspondence to biological reality, he is making the same point Horwitz makes more formally. The two accounts strengthen each other.
That said, Horwitz does not lean heavily on Greenberg because their projects differ in kind. Horwitz builds a sociological and conceptual argument that stands on its own. Greenberg writes reported narrative. Horwitz uses him the way a scholar uses good journalism, as illustration and corroboration rather than as a primary theoretical source.
Charles Taylor‘s distinction between the buffered self and the porous self comes from A Secular Age and it adds something neither Horwitz, Scull, nor Greenberg fully develops, which is an account of how the person receiving a diagnosis experiences it and why that experience has changed historically.
The porous self is the pre-modern condition. The boundary between the self and the world is permeable. Meanings, spirits, moral forces, and social obligations flow through that boundary and constitute the person from the outside in. Madness in this framework is not simply an internal malfunction. It might be possession, divine punishment, a rupture in the person’s relationship to cosmic order. The mad person is embedded in a web of meanings that extend far beyond the skull.
The buffered self is the modern condition. The boundary hardens. The self becomes an interior space, insulated from external meanings, responsible for its own mental states, and understood primarily through the lens of individual psychology. Suffering becomes something that happens inside you rather than something that happens between you and the world. This is the anthropological precondition for the DSM project. You cannot build a checklist of internal symptoms unless you already assume that the relevant unit of analysis is the bounded individual rather than the person-in-context.
This connects to Horwitz’s central argument in a precise way. When Horwitz says the DSM stripped context from diagnosis, he describes a technical failure, a conceptual mistake made in 1980 by people who should have known better. Taylor would say something deeper is going on. The decontextualization Horwitz identifies is not just a professional error. It reflects the buffered self’s basic assumption that internal states are primary and context is secondary. The DSM did not invent that assumption. It codified it and gave it institutional authority.
Greenberg’s frustration throughout The Book of Woe is partly a frustration with this same assumption. He keeps pointing out that the DSM treats suffering as if it exists independently of the life that produces it, and that this produces absurdities like the bereavement exclusion debate, where the APA argued over whether grief after loss should count as depression. Taylor would recognize that debate immediately. A culture of buffered selves finds it genuinely difficult to think about suffering as a relational and contextual phenomenon rather than an internal one, because the buffered self experiences itself as the origin of its own states.
Turner’s tacit knowledge argument also looks different through this lens. The tacit knowledge that experienced clinicians carry includes, among other things, a feel for the person in front of them as a social and relational being embedded in a particular life. That knowledge is porous in Taylor’s sense. It crosses the boundary between the clinician’s interiority and the patient’s situation. The DSM’s explicit criteria are buffered by design. They locate the disorder inside the individual and bracket everything outside. When Turner says codifying the tacit fails, part of what gets lost in that codification is precisely the porous dimension of clinical judgment.
Scull’s historical work gains something here too. The asylum as an institution is a buffered technology. It extracts the person from their social world, places them in a controlled environment, and treats their condition as separable from the relationships and circumstances that may have produced it. The history of that institution looks different if you understand it as the expression of a particular anthropology rather than simply a practical response to social disorder.
The buffered self also helps explain why biological psychiatry has such cultural appeal despite its weak track record. If you experience yourself as a bounded interior self, the idea that your suffering has a biological cause inside your brain feels like an explanation that matches the shape of your experience. It locates the problem exactly where the buffered self already assumes problems live. An explanation that pointed outward, to poverty, isolation, trauma, or social dislocation, would require a different and less comfortable anthropology, one closer to Taylor’s porous self, where the boundary between self and world is not a fixed wall but a permeable membrane.

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Andrew T. Scull vs Allan V. Horwitz On The History Of Psychiatry

Both Andrew Scull and Allan Horwitz write about psychiatry and mental illness, but they approach the subject from different angles and reach somewhat different conclusions, even when they cover similar ground.
Scull is a historian, and his work reflects that. He traces the rise of institutional psychiatry over centuries, asking how and why society came to medicalize deviant behavior and place it under the authority of doctors. His most celebrated book, Museums of Madness: Social Organization of Insanity in 19th Century England, examines the rise of the asylum in England, and his later Madness in Civilization: A Cultural History of Insanity, from the Bible to Freud offers a sweeping history of mental illness from antiquity to the present. Scull tends to be skeptical, even caustic, toward organized psychiatry. He sees the profession as having repeatedly overstated its knowledge and authority, from the 19th-century asylum keepers who promised cures they could not deliver to modern biological psychiatry’s confident claims about brain chemistry. His book Desperate Remedies: Psychiatry’s Turbulent Quest to Cure Mental Illness catalogs treatments that caused enormous harm, often carried out by well-intentioned doctors who convinced themselves that crude interventions worked. Scull does not argue that mental illness is a myth, but he does argue that the history of psychiatry is a history of professional ambition often outrunning genuine understanding.
Horwitz is a sociologist, and he focuses more tightly on the present. His most influential work, Creating Mental Illness, argues that modern diagnostic psychiatry, particularly after the DSM-III in 1980, stripped context from the definition of disorder. By eliminating the distinction between contextually appropriate distress and genuine dysfunction, psychiatry inflated the prevalence of mental illness and made normal suffering look like pathology. He developed this argument further in The Loss of Sadness: How Psychiatry Transformed Normal Sorrow into Depressive Disorder, co-authored with Jerome Wakefield, which focuses specifically on depression and argues that much of what psychiatry diagnoses as a disorder is a proportionate response to loss or adversity. More recently he has written about anxiety in a similar vein.
The two share considerable common ground. Both view the expansion of psychiatric diagnosis with suspicion. Both argue that social forces, professional interests, and institutional pressures shape what gets called mental illness. Neither is a straightforward antipsychiatry polemicist in the Thomas Szasz mold, but both question the authority and precision that mainstream psychiatry claims for itself.
The differences are real, though. Scull writes with historical depth and tends toward the dramatic. He takes the long view, which lets him show how confident each generation of psychiatrists has been about theories that later collapsed. The rhetorical weight of his work comes from that accumulated evidence of failure and hubris. Horwitz writes more narrowly and sociologically. His argument is less about institutional overreach across centuries and more about a specific conceptual mistake embedded in contemporary diagnostic categories. He wants to fix something precise: the failure to distinguish disorder from distress. Where Scull tends toward indictment, Horwitz tends toward critique and reform.
Scull also engages more directly with the experiences of patients and the material conditions of institutions. His history of madness has a human texture that Horwitz’s sociological analyses sometimes lack. Horwitz argues at a more abstract level about categories and definitions, which makes his work precise but occasionally dry.
One tension worth noting is that Horwitz, despite his critique of diagnostic inflation, still works within a framework that accepts the concept of genuine mental disorder. He wants better distinctions, not the elimination of the category. Scull is harder to pin down on this. His historical work raises deeper questions about whether psychiatric categories have ever tracked anything stable in nature, without fully resolving that question. He is more comfortable sitting with the uncertainty.
Together they make a useful pair. Scull provides the historical sweep and the sense of how deep the problems run. Horwitz provides a more targeted analytical argument about what went wrong at a specific moment and why it matters. Reading them together gives you both the long arc of the problem and a precise account of its contemporary form.

Further Reading

Thomas Szasz wrote The Myth of Mental Illness in 1961, and it remains the most radical challenge to psychiatric authority ever written. Szasz argued that mental illness is not a genuine medical category but a metaphor that society uses to manage behavior it finds inconvenient. Most serious scholars today reject his strongest claims, but the book forced psychiatry to defend assumptions it had never examined, and its influence on Scull and Horwitz is real even when they distance themselves from it.
Michel Foucault’s Madness and Civilization is essential despite its historical unreliability. Foucault argued that the confinement of the mad in the 17th century represented a great silencing, a moment when reason expelled unreason and defined itself against it. Historians have picked apart his evidence for decades, but his central insight about how psychiatry constructs and controls the mad rather than simply discovering and treating them shaped an entire generation of critical scholarship.
Robert Whitaker‘s Mad in America: Bad Science, Bad Medicine, and the Enduring Mistreatment of the Mentally Ill and its successor Anatomy of an Epidemic: Magic Bullets, Psychiatric Drugs, and the Astonishing Rise of Mental Illness in America make a more empirical argument about biological psychiatry and psychiatric drugs. Whitaker examined the long-term outcomes for people treated with antipsychotics and antidepressants and found the evidence for their benefit far weaker than the profession claims. He is a journalist rather than an academic, and his critics argue he cherry-picks evidence, but his work raises questions that mainstream psychiatry has not answered cleanly.
Erving Goffman’s Asylums: Essays on the Condition of the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates deserves a place here. Goffman spent a year observing St. Elizabeths Hospital in Washington and developed his concept of the total institution, a place that strips individuals of identity and remakes them according to its own logic. The book is sociology rather than history, but it permanently changed how researchers think about institutional life and the relationship between diagnosis and social control.
Edward Shorter’s A History of Psychiatry: From the Era of the Asylum to the Age of Prozac argues the opposite of Scull. Shorter is a genuine believer in biological psychiatry and treats its history as a slow, painful progress toward scientific truth. The book is useful precisely because it makes the strongest case for the other side. Reading Shorter alongside Scull gives you a genuine debate rather than a chorus.
Anne Harrington’s Mind Fixers: Psychiatry’s Troubled Search for the Biology of Mental Illness is more recent and more measured. Harrington, a historian of science at Harvard, traces psychiatry’s repeated attempts to ground mental illness in biology, from 19th-century brain anatomy to the neuroscience revolution of the late 20th century. She argues that each attempt has run into the same wall: the brain is too complex and mental illness too heterogeneous for the reductive models psychiatry keeps reaching for. The book is sympathetic to psychiatry’s ambitions while being honest about its failures.
Gary Greenberg’s The Book of Woe: The DSM and the Unmaking of Psychiatry is a sharp and often funny account of the making of the DSM-5. Greenberg, a practicing therapist and writer, got unusual access to the process and documented the politics, fights, and compromises that produced the manual. It reads like journalism but carries serious analytical weight and connects directly to Horwitz’s argument about diagnostic inflation.
Christopher Bollas and David Sundelson wrote The New Informants: The Betrayal of Confidentiality in Psychoanalysis and Psychotherapy, a narrower book about confidentiality and the state, but it touches on larger questions about what psychiatry owes its patients versus what institutions demand of it.
Finally, Nikolas Rose’s Governing the Soul: The Shaping of the Private Self and his later Our Psychiatric Future bring a Foucauldian lens updated for the neoliberal present. Rose argues that modern psychiatry and psychology do not simply treat suffering but produce new kinds of subjects, people who understand themselves through psychological categories and manage themselves accordingly. His work is dense but rewarding, and it connects the history both Scull and Horwitz write to broader questions about governance and selfhood.

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What incentive structures make attacking Jews attractive or useful for certain actors in the United States?

If you take David Pinsof’s incentive determinism seriously, the first step is to stop explaining antisemitic attacks in terms of “evil people” or “irrational hatred.” Pinsof’s point is that behavior follows incentives. People do what their environments reward or make emotionally satisfying.

So the useful question becomes: what incentive structures make attacking Jews attractive or useful for certain actors in the United States?

1. Status and signaling inside ideological coalitions

In polarized movements, attacking Jews can function as a signal of loyalty to the group. On the far right, antisemitic conspiracy theories about “globalists” or Jewish control serve as identity markers for white nationalist subcultures. On parts of the far left, the framing of Israel as a “settler-colonial state” sometimes morphs into rhetoric that treats Jews collectively as oppressors. This framing makes attacking Jews appear morally justified inside those circles.

The incentive is simple. If attacking Jews earns applause from your ideological peers, people who want status in that group will do it.

2. Online attention incentives

Social media platforms reward outrage and shocking content. Antisemitic memes, conspiracy theories, and threats often generate engagement, which can translate into followers, notoriety, or influence. Reports show that most Americans who witness antisemitism now encounter it online, illustrating how digital platforms amplify the phenomenon.

For a fringe activist, attacking Jews may bring far more attention than ordinary political commentary.

3. Coalition-building incentives in political activism

Sometimes antisemitism is not the primary goal. It emerges as a side effect of coalition politics. Activists trying to mobilize large movements may adopt narratives that unify supporters against a symbolic enemy. Jews or Israel can become that symbol because they are already embedded in historical narratives about power, colonialism, finance, or media.
In Pinsof terms, moral rhetoric often functions as coalition glue. It binds allies by defining a villain.

4. Low-risk targeting incentives

Another structural factor is perceived vulnerability. Jews are a small minority in the U.S. but highly visible through institutions like synagogues, schools, and community centers. Attackers may perceive these targets as symbolically powerful yet physically accessible. This helps explain why Jews make up a tiny percentage of the population but account for a large share of religion-based hate crimes.

When the perceived cost of targeting a group is low relative to the symbolic payoff, attacks become more likely.

5. Moral framing incentives

In many movements, the key incentive is moral self-image. If a narrative convinces people they are fighting oppression or defending civilization, hostility toward Jews can be reframed as righteous activism. Once that moral frame is established, extreme behavior becomes psychologically easier. This is why antisemitism often appears across ideologically opposed groups. Each coalition embeds Jews into its own moral story.

6. Event-trigger incentives

Antisemitic incidents spike around highly visible events involving Israel or global crises. For example, U.S. antisemitic incidents increased sharply after the Hamas attack and the war that followed. These events activate pre-existing narratives and create opportunities for mobilization.

Instead of asking “why do people hate Jews,” the incentive model asks:

What rewards does attacking Jews provide?

Common answers:

status within an ideological tribe
attention online
psychological relief through scapegoating
coalition solidarity
moral self-justification
low perceived risk

Once those incentives exist, some individuals will inevitably exploit them.

The uncomfortable implication of Pinsof’s approach is that reducing antisemitism requires changing incentives, not just condemning hatred.

That means altering what social groups reward, what platforms amplify, and what narratives confer moral status. Without those changes, the same patterns tend to reproduce themselves.

7. In academic or bureaucratic environments, Jews often represent a meritocratic standard that conflicts with newer equity-based hiring or promotion models. Attacking Jewish influence or institutional presence allows competitors to de-legitimize existing hierarchies to make room for their own advancement. This provides a material reward for professional actors who might otherwise have no personal animosity toward Jews.

8. The “middleman minority” position. Jews in the United States often occupy visible roles in retail, real estate, and professional services within urban areas. For local political leaders or activists, Jews serve as a buffer. Directing the frustration of a disadvantaged constituency toward Jewish landlords or shop owners diverts anger away from the state or more distant corporate entities. This provides a political safety valve for leaders who cannot or will not provide systemic economic improvements.

The data on hate crimes highlights the incentive of low-risk, high-visibility targeting. While Jews make up approximately 2.4% of the U.S. adult population, the FBI consistently reports they are the targets of over 60% of all religion-based hate crimes. In 2023, the Anti-Defamation League recorded 8,873 antisemitic incidents, a 140% increase from the previous year. These numbers suggest that for those seeking to make a public statement, the Jewish community offers a target that ensures immediate national media coverage.

9. Narrative simplicity. Complex geopolitical or economic problems are difficult to communicate to a mass audience. Jews have been used as a shorthand for “the elite” or “the oppressor” for centuries. Using an existing, recognizable villain reduces the “cost” of storytelling for a movement. It is easier to mobilize a crowd against a specific, identifiable group than it is to explain the interplay of global capital or historical grievances.

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Passionate Marriage: Keeping Love and Intimacy Alive in Committed Relationships By David Schnarch

More people have told me that they found this book particularly painful to read than any other book mentioned to me.
It will rock your world, and not in a pleasant way.
Passionate Marriage by David Schnarch has a strong and durable reputation in the world of couples therapy. Published in 1997 and reissued by W. W. Norton, it earned praise from William Masters himself and won a nomination for the “Books for a Better Life” award. Therapists cite it regularly, and Schnarch received major recognition from both the American Psychological Association and the American Association for Marriage and Family Therapy. Within clinical circles, it holds real weight.
The central idea is differentiation: that healthy intimacy requires two people who maintain distinct selves rather than merging into each other emotionally. Schnarch argues that marriage is not something you are ready for but something that makes you ready, a kind of pressure chamber he calls the crucible. The book treats sexual monotony and conflict not as problems to fix with better technique but as symptoms of arrested emotional development. That is a serious and challenging argument, and it has influenced a generation of therapists.
The painful reading experience has two sources. The first is the content itself. Schnarch argues that our emotional growth goes exactly as far as our ability to manage anxiety, and he pushes readers to confront the possibility that their relational behaviors, including sexual ones, are mostly anxiety management in disguise. That is uncomfortable material. The second source of pain is the prose. What some readers encounter is what one reviewer called the Schnarchian Swirl: lyrical paragraphs about love, ten pages of therapy memoir, rapid-fire advice, and folksy allegory, with the central argument not clearly stated until roughly seventy pages in.
The book’s core move is to tell the reader that whatever is wrong in the marriage, you are probably more implicated than you think. Schnarch keeps redirecting the lens back at the person holding the book. Most people pick up a relationship book with at least some hope that it will confirm their suspicion that the other person is the problem, or at least the bigger problem. Schnarch refuses that comfort systematically.
The differentiation framework makes this worse, from the reader’s ego perspective. A less differentiated person, by Schnarch’s logic, actually needs the partner to behave in certain ways to manage their own anxiety. So the controlling spouse, the withholding spouse, the one who picks fights or goes cold, all of them are revealed as people running from their own underdevelopment. That is a hard thing to sit with when you came to the book convinced you were the more emotionally mature one in the relationship.
There is also something specific to the way educated, self-aware people read it. They tend to be the ones who most trust their own psychological insight, who have a vocabulary for their partner’s dysfunction, and who expect a therapist-author to eventually validate their diagnosis of the relationship. Schnarch never does. He treats that very confidence as part of the problem.
The chapter on normal marital sadism probably produces the most resistance. The idea that ordinary, non-abusive spouses routinely use their partner’s vulnerabilities against them, not out of malice but out of the same defensive smallness, is not what most readers want to find staring back at them from the page.
Schnarch’s framework sits in deliberate opposition to the attachment-based models that dominate modern couples therapy, which tend to emphasize empathy, emotional attunement, and the healing power of a responsive partner. Where attachment theory locates the problem in early wounds and the solution in a partner who meets your needs, Schnarch locates both the problem and the solution inside the individual. You cannot be rescued by your partner’s responsiveness. You have to grow yourself up.
Attachment theory sits at the top of the field right now and has for roughly two decades. Its clinical expression, Emotionally Focused Therapy developed by Sue Johnson in the 1980s, reports strong outcome numbers, and the model has become the default framework in graduate training programs, popular books, and couples therapy more broadly. It is genuinely influential and not without real evidence behind it.
That said, the criticisms have grown more pointed. The foundational problem is one of translation. Attachment theory was developed from John Bowlby’s work and Mary Ainsworth’s observations of one-year-old infants in a controlled setting, and the leap from infant-caregiver bonds to adult romantic relationships carries assumptions that not everyone accepts. Adult relationships involve decades of accumulated experience, agency, and chosen behavior that infant attachment studies were never designed to address.
The clinical claim that troubles skeptics most is the idea that therapy can actually change a person’s attachment style. The argument requires accepting that attachment is entirely environmentally constructed, with the caregiver’s behavior as the sole cause of anxious or avoidant patterns. Behavioral genetics complicates that picture considerably. Critics also note that building trust with a therapist over months or years does not reliably translate to more secure functioning in other relationships the rest of the time.
There is also a cultural critique gaining ground. The theory carries Western assumptions about what a secure relationship looks like, and has sometimes been used to pathologize relational styles that fall outside that norm.
None of this has dislodged it from its dominant position. But the gap between the theory’s popularity and the strength of its evidence base is real, and Schnarch’s framework looks more interesting against that backdrop. Where attachment theory tells people to find a more responsive partner or become one, Schnarch tells them to become a more differentiated person. Those are genuinely different bets about what makes relationships work.
Charles Taylor‘s buffered self is the modern, bounded individual who experiences the self as a stable interior space, protected from external forces, including other people’s emotional states. The porous self, which Taylor associates with pre-modern experience, has no such membrane. It bleeds into its environment. Other people’s moods, spirits, and needs enter you directly rather than being processed at a distance.
Attachment theory, whatever its clinical intentions, reinforces a porous model. The whole architecture rests on the idea that your emotional regulation depends on another person’s responsiveness. A secure attachment means you have an accessible, emotionally present partner who functions as what Bowlby called a safe haven. Your nervous system literally co-regulates with theirs. The therapist’s job is to help you find or become that regulating presence. That is a porous self treated as the healthy ideal.
Schnarch goes the other direction entirely. Differentiation is essentially a program for building a buffered self without losing the capacity for genuine intimacy. The goal is someone who can self-soothe, hold their own identity under pressure, and stay emotionally present with a partner without needing the partner to manage their anxiety. That is Taylor’s buffered self, applied to marriage.
What makes this framing useful is that it suggests the two therapeutic models do not just disagree about technique. They disagree about what a healthy human being looks like. Attachment theory pathologizes the person who cannot find security through another. Schnarch pathologizes the person who needs to. Those are opposite anthropologies dressed up as competing clinical methods.
I see buffered identity as a useful fiction, but it is clearly a fiction. The neuroscience alone makes it hard to defend the buffered self as a literal description of how people work. Mirror neurons, emotional contagion, the degree to which our nervous systems are genuinely shaped by proximity to other nervous systems, all of that suggests the porous self is closer to the biological reality. We are not sealed units who choose when to let others in. We leak, constantly.
Taylor himself would not entirely disagree. He treats the buffered self as a historical achievement, something the modern West constructed rather than discovered. It is a way of experiencing selfhood that emerged from specific intellectual and religious conditions, not a finding about human nature. So even its most sophisticated defender frames it as a cultural accomplishment rather than a fact about persons.
Where it gets interesting is that useful fictions do real work. The person who operates as though they have a buffered self, who behaves as if their emotional state is their own responsibility and not their partner’s job to manage, tends to function better in relationships than the person who experiences themselves as fully porous and expects the partner to regulate them. Schnarch’s clinical results, whatever their limits, seem to bear that out. The fiction produces better behavior than the truth does, at least when the truth becomes an excuse for emotional dependency.
The harder question is whether the buffered self stops being a useful fiction and becomes a damaging one when it gets used to justify emotional unavailability or to pathologize the very real human need for co-regulation and comfort. Some people use the language of differentiation the way others use stoicism, as a sophisticated rationale for keeping everyone at arm’s length. The fiction curdles when it stops being a discipline and becomes an identity.
Taylor uses disenchantment in Weber’s sense: the modern world stripped of spirits, magic, and forces that could act on you from outside. The buffered self is both a product of that process and a mechanism that sustains it. Once you experience yourself as a sealed interior, the world outside loses its power to penetrate you. Things and people can only affect you if you let them. That is disenchantment lived from the inside.
Schnarch does something structurally similar to intimate relationships. He strips marriage of its romantic mythology, the idea that the right partner completes you, that love should feel effortless, that desire is something that happens to you rather than something you generate yourself. Those are all enchanted notions, and he refuses every one of them. His marriage is not a haven or a merger or a homecoming. It is a pressure system that exposes your limitations and forces growth if you can tolerate the heat. That is a cold and demanding picture, whatever its clinical merits.
The attachment model by contrast is re-enchanting in a quiet way. It restores the partner to something like a magical function. The responsive other becomes the source of regulation, safety, and selfhood. You need them the way the porous self needed the world to be full of presences that held you. Johnson’s language about safe havens and secure bases carries a warmth that is almost devotional.
So the debate between Schnarch and attachment theory might be, at a deeper level, the same argument Taylor traces through modernity. Whether the self is fundamentally alone and must build its own ground, or whether it is fundamentally relational and finds its ground in others. Most people want the second to be true. Schnarch insists on the first, which is a large part of why the book hurts.
David Pinsof‘s core argument is that most of what people call desires, values, and self-narratives are status competition in disguise. We don’t just want things; we want to have more, or be more, than the people around us, and we hate admitting this. The need to cover it up is, in his view, a primary engine of human bullshit. Everythingisbullshit He extends this to happiness itself, arguing that we don’t want happiness as an end so much as we pursue fitness proxies, social and competitive goods, and then dress those pursuits up in the language of fulfillment and meaning.
Attachment theory’s appeal might owe something to the fact that it frames dependency and the need for a responsive partner as healthy and natural rather than as status anxiety or emotional underdevelopment. It gives people a flattering story. Schnarch’s framework is painful partly because it strips that story away, but Pinsof might add that Schnarch’s differentiated self could become its own status game, the person who has done the harder psychological work, who needs less, who maintains selfhood under pressure. That too is a position of superiority dressed up as growth.
Pinsof acknowledges the trap himself. The anti-bullshit project is also a status game, one you play because you think you stand a good chance of winning it. Nobody gets out clean.
Where he most directly adds to the buffered versus porous argument is in suggesting that the appeal of the porous self, the attachment model’s safe haven, might be less about genuine human need and more about the fact that needing people and being needed by them is a way of securing social position. The enchanted partner who regulates your nervous system is also someone over whom you have leverage. That is an uncomfortable thought that neither Taylor nor Schnarch quite says out loud.
Daniel J. Siegel has not retreated on his veneration of attachment theory. He has expanded. His response to the pressures on attachment theory has been to widen the frame rather than defend the old one, and his 2022 book IntraConnected: MWe (Me + We) as the Integration of Self, Identity, and Belonging is the clearest sign of that move.
The book argues that the bounded individual self, what he calls the solo-self, is a cultural delusion that modern Western life has imposed on us. He argues that who we are extends beyond the brain and beyond the body, and is fundamental to social systems and the natural world. He coins the term MWe to describe what he sees as the proper unit of identity, something that holds both the Me and the We together rather than treating them as opposites in tension. The self is not a container with walls. It is a node in a web.
This is a significant move in our terms. Siegel is essentially conceding Taylor’s point about the porous self being more biologically and relationally accurate than the buffered one, and then building an entire therapeutic and philosophical program on that concession. Where critics of attachment theory say it overreaches, Siegel responds by overreaching further, pushing the relational self out past the family, past interpersonal neurobiology, and toward something closer to an ecological or even spiritual identity.
The Schnarch contrast here is sharp. Schnarch’s differentiated self holds its ground precisely against the pull of the relational field. Siegel’s MWe dissolves the ground entirely and calls that health. Siegel frames healthy development as requiring both differentiation and what he calls intraconnection, but the gravitational center of his work pulls hard toward the We. Happily Family The balance he claims to offer reads, in practice, as re-enchantment through neuroscience, the porous self rehabilitated with brain scans and quantum physics references as supporting evidence.
That last detail matters. Some reviewers have noted that IntraConnected reaches toward quantum physics and broad systems theory in ways that outrun the evidence, which is a pattern critics have flagged in Siegel’s work before. The prose also reportedly circles the same ideas repeatedly without resolving them, which is a complaint that will sound familiar from our earlier discussion of Schnarch.
Daniel Siegal seeks status and influence in the academy and in the broader public. On the academic side, Siegel holds a clinical professorship at UCLA, edits the Norton Series on Interpersonal Neurobiology, and publishes technical work on brain development and attachment. He has cultivated the apparatus of scientific credibility carefully: the institutional affiliation, the peer review adjacency, the dense citation practices, the neuroscience vocabulary. When Jerome Kagan challenged him publicly at a conference, Siegel demanded of his colleague whether he had actually read the attachment research, a response that assumed the posture of the empiricist defending hard-won findings against a skeptic. That is an academic status move, performed in front of an audience of therapists who largely treated attachment theory as settled science.
On the popular side, the operation looks different. He has multiple New York Times bestsellers, a global workshop circuit, the Mindsight Institute, branded concepts like mindsight and MWe, and blurbs from Gabor Maté and contemplative authors. IntraConnected draws on quantum physics, indigenous wisdom traditions, and pandemic metaphors in ways that would not survive serious peer review but work well for a general audience hungry for a scientific imprimatur on spiritual intuitions about interconnection. The Gabor Maté blurb calling the solo self a delusion is not academic language. It is revival meeting language wearing a lab coat.
The dual game works because the two audiences rarely audit each other. Therapists in weekend workshops do not read the behavioral genetics literature that complicates attachment theory’s core claims. Academic critics do not typically bother engaging with trade books aimed at parents and meditators. Siegel moves between the two registers fluidly, citing neuroscience to popular audiences who find it authoritative, and claiming clinical and cultural relevance to academic audiences who might otherwise dismiss him as a self-help author.
Pinsof’s framework fits here with some precision. The status game in the academy requires different signals than the status game in the wellness market, but Siegel plays both simultaneously, and the branded vocabulary, mindsight, MWe, intraconnection, serves both. Invented terms do double work. They sound technical enough for therapists and evocative enough for general readers, while also being proprietary in a way that plain language is not. You can build an institute around MWe. You cannot build one around “we are connected to each other.”
The vulnerability in this position is that it depends on the two audiences staying separate. When critics like the Psychology Today piece we looked at earlier start making the case that attachment theory overpromises and underdelivers, they address both audiences at once, and the gap between Siegel’s scientific claims and his therapeutic and spiritual ones becomes harder to manage.
Chris Kavanagh and Matthew Browne, the anthropologist and psychologist who host the podcast Decoding the Gurus, identify a fairly consistent set of features that mark a secular guru. These include: the invention of proprietary vocabulary that sounds technical but resists falsification; cosmic scaling, the habit of starting with a clinical observation and expanding it until it explains everything from brain development to the fate of civilization; credential performance that moves fluidly between hard science and spiritual intuition depending on the audience; and what they call semantic gliding, where key terms shift meaning depending on what the argument needs them to do at that moment.
Siegel hits most of these. Mindsight, MWe, intraconnection, interpersonal neurobiology, the integration of differentiation and linkage: these are proprietary terms that carry the weight of neuroscience branding while remaining loose enough to mean different things in different contexts. The cosmic scaling in IntraConnected, which moves from infant attachment to quantum physics to indigenous wisdom to the survival of the planet, is a near-perfect specimen of what Kavanagh and Browne flag in figures like Iain McGilchrist or Gabor Maté, who notably blurbed Siegel’s book. The Maté connection would itself register on the gurometer, since Maté is a figure they have decoded and found to exhibit many of the same patterns.
Where Siegel might score lower than a Jordan Peterson or a Teal Swan is on the persecution narrative. He does not position himself as a dissident or an exile from the mainstream. He is the mainstream, institutionally speaking, which makes him a different type. Kavanagh and Browne have increasingly noted that the guru move is not exclusively a fringe phenomenon. It also runs through credentialed academic figures who leverage institutional legitimacy while making claims that exceed what their evidence supports. Siegel is a cleaner example of that variant than of the iconoclast type.
The most damaging reading from their framework would focus on what they call the unfalsifiability shield. When critics push back on attachment theory’s evidentiary limits, Siegel’s response, as seen in IntraConnected, is not to defend the specific claims but to expand the frame until the criticism seems small. You object that attachment style may not be as malleable as claimed? Siegel replies that the self is broader than the brain and bigger than the body. That is not a rebuttal. It is a category escape. Kavanagh and Browne have a name for that move too, though they usually deliver it with more Irish and Australian warmth than I just did.
Nobody serious would want a blurb from Gabor Maté. That’s the tell about Daniel Siegel’s direction. I’m just a blogger and I would shrivel with embarrassment if Gabor Maté praised me.
The blurb list for IntraConnected reads like a map of the wellness-spirituality circuit rather than a map of the academy. Gabor Maté, Thomas Hübl, Joanna Macy, Shelly Tygielski. These are figures whose authority derives from retreats, podcasts, and trauma workshops rather than from research programs. When a book with genuine scientific ambitions seeks validation from that community rather than from, say, developmental psychologists or cognitive neuroscientists, it signals where the book actually lives.
A serious scholar seeking peer validation goes to people who could find holes in the work. You want the blurb from the person who might otherwise write the critical review, because that endorsement means something. Siegel’s blurb choices suggest he is not especially worried about that kind of scrutiny, or has concluded it is less valuable than market positioning among the therapeutic and contemplative communities where his brand already has traction.
The Maté connection is particularly interesting because Maté himself occupies a similar position, a credentialed physician who has moved steadily toward a popular audience by making large claims about trauma, addiction, and the body that outrun his evidence while wrapping them in personal narrative and compassion. His own blurb economy runs in the same direction. They essentially blurb each other into a mutual legitimacy that neither could obtain from the scientific community they nominally represent.
David Pinsof would recognize this instantly. It is an alliance structure. They protect each other’s status games by treating the wellness and trauma circuit as a credentialing body in its own right, one that operates parallel to the academy and increasingly rivals it for public influence, even as it remains invisible to serious researchers who simply do not read the same books or attend the same conferences.

Further Reading

There is no single canonical book on exactly this phenomenon of people starting out as serious scholars and then descending to the point where they’d use a blurb from Gabor Maté, but several works circle it.
Public Intellectuals: A Study of Decline by Richard Posner is the most direct treatment. Posner, a federal judge and legal scholar, argues that public intellectuals trade rigor for reach, and that the further they move from their area of expertise toward broad cultural commentary, the less reliable they become. He is specifically interested in what happens to academic credibility when scholars chase large audiences, and he is fairly merciless about it.
The Last Intellectuals: American Culture In The Age Of Academe by Russell Jacoby is an earlier and more elegiac version of a related argument. Jacoby mourns the disappearance of the independent public intellectual and blames the university for absorbing everyone into professionalized academic careers. But the book also diagnoses what happens in the other direction: when academics do cross over into public life, they often shed the discipline that made them worth reading.
Fashionable Nonsense: Postmodern Intellectuals’ Abuse of Science by Alan Sokal and Jean Bricmont is the hardest version of the critique. Sokal’s famous hoax, where he published a deliberately nonsensical paper in a humanities journal, was followed by this book examining how established intellectuals, Lacan, Baudrillard, Kristeva, used scientific terminology loosely enough to impress non-scientists while remaining unaccountable to the scientists. The pattern maps directly onto what Siegel does with neuroscience in his popular books.
The closest thing to a sociological account of moving from credentialed insider to wellness-market celebrity while keeping the institutional affiliation as cover, might be found in pieces rather than books. Andrew Scull‘s work on the history of psychiatry documents this pattern repeatedly in that field, where serious researchers become public figures and their claims inflate in the process. His book Madness in Civilization touches on it. But nobody has written the definitive study of the Siegel-type figure specifically, the credentialed scholar who builds a parallel career in the guru economy while holding onto the institutional address as a legitimizing prop. That book probably needs writing.

Passionate Marriage by David Schnarch. The clearest clinical argument for differentiation as the engine of both desire and personal growth in long-term relationships.
Sources of the Self: The Making of the Modern Identity by Charles Taylor. This is the long version of the argument behind the buffered and porous self distinction. Taylor traces how the modern interior self got constructed historically and philosophically. It is not an easy read but it is the primary source.
A Secular Age by Charles Taylor. This one extends the buffered/porous argument into a full account of how modernity changed the conditions of belief and experience. The relevant sections on the self are worth the considerable surrounding effort.
Attached: The New Science of Adult Attachment and How It Can Help You Find–and Keep–Love by Amir Levine and Rachel Heller. This is the popular attachment theory book, and it is worth reading precisely because it shows the model at its most confident and its most limited. It presents the porous self as the healthy ideal without ever noticing that it is doing so.
Hold Me Tight: Seven Conversations for a Lifetime of Love by Sue Johnson. This is the clinical and popular statement of Emotionally Focused Therapy. Johnson writes well and the book makes the strongest available case for the attachment model in couples work.
The Divided Self: An Existential Study in Sanity and Madness by R.D. Laing. Laing wrote about ontological insecurity, the terror of having a self so porous it might be consumed by another person, decades before attachment theory dominated the conversation. It anticipates Schnarch in some surprising ways and reads the pathology of merger far more darkly than either side of the current debate tends to.

Posted in Buffered, Daniel Siegel, Marriage, Porous | Comments Off on Passionate Marriage: Keeping Love and Intimacy Alive in Committed Relationships By David Schnarch