The 2015 article “A Short History of International Humanitarian Law” by Amanda Alexander deconstructs the conventional narrative that humanitarian law is an ancient, evolving code. By applying my four favorite tools, we can see how this “history” is a modern construct used to sacralize legal authority and coordinate elite alliances.
The Shift from Profane War Rules to Sacred Humanitarian Law
Jeffrey Alexander’s model explains how a crisis or a shift in social meaning moves an object from the “profane” to the “sacred.” Amanda Alexander demonstrates that for most of the 20th century, the “law of war” was a profane set of technical rules. It was only in the 1970s that the term “international humanitarian law” (IHL) appeared as a way to move the discourse toward the sacred.
This created a generalization of consciousness where the law was no longer just about state interests but about universal human values. By the 1990s, IHL became a “sacred center” for international lawyers. This symbolic classification sorted the world into a binary: the “pure” humanitarian vision of law versus the “impure” and outdated “law of war”.
Alliance Theory and the Humanitarian Focal Point
David Pinsof’s Alliance Theory suggests that moralized language is a signal used to synchronize an alliance. The article shows that IHL was not a natural evolution but a product of work done by various actors pursuing different ends. The “humanitarian” label served as a focal point that allowed international lawyers and human rights organizations to coordinate against the traditional state-centric military establishment.
In the “everything is bullshit” framework, the claim that IHL is an “ahistorical code” is an adaptive deception. This narrative allows the legal alliance to maintain its reputation for moral altruism while actually pursuing a strategic “humanitarianization” of the law that expands their own authority over state violence.
Expertise as the Foundation of the IHL Paradigm
Stephen Turner’s analysis of expertise explains how a specialized class creates “liberal property” to bypass democratic legitimacy. The article highlights that the “humanitarian” vision of the law was only declared authoritative at the end of the 20th century by a specific group of international lawyers following the lead of NGOs.
These experts act as the “priests” of the IHL paradigm. They create a closure of the field by asserting that for a lawyer’s work to be “legitimate,” it must conform to this humanitarian paradigm. They use their specialized knowledge to redefine “customary international law” in ways that prioritize their own values over actual state practice.
The Ritual of the Additional Protocols
Applying Jeffrey Alexander’s concept of the “ritual of purification,” the drafting of the 1977 Additional Protocols functioned as a liminal experience. These protocols bracketed the messy, profane history of the “Good War” and the bombardment of civilians to create a new, simplified drama of “humanitarian” law.
Although the provisions were initially vague and contested, the legal cartel eventually used them to perform a “ritual renewal” of the discipline. By declaring these protocols authoritative, they demonstrated that the “deviant” qualities of the old law of war were the sources of moral threat, thereby enforcing the strength of the new “sacred center” of international humanitarianism.
ChatGPT says: 1. Alliance Theory. International humanitarian law as an elite realignment project
Alexander’s central move is to strip international humanitarian law of its self-mythology. IHL is not the natural heir of ancient restraint traditions. It is a late-20th-century elite settlement.
What happened in the 1960s–1970s was a convergence of interests among three distinct elite blocs:
• human rights activists and NGOs
• post-colonial and non-aligned states
• international legal professionals and institutions, especially the ICRC
Each bloc had different motives. NGOs wanted leverage over violence. Post-colonial states wanted legal tools against Western military power. International lawyers wanted jurisdictional expansion and moral authority.
Alliance Theory predicts exactly what Alexander documents. When heterogeneous elites converge, they require a new umbrella category that can coordinate action without resolving underlying conflicts. “International humanitarian law” became that category.
The term itself was the alliance artifact. Once adopted, it allowed actors with incompatible goals to act as though they were pursuing a single moral project.
2. Alexander’s sacralization model. How “humanitarian law” replaced the “laws of war”
Alexander is explicitly describing a sacralization process, even though she is writing as a legal historian.
Profane baseline
Before the 1960s, war law openly balanced military necessity and humanity. No one pretended otherwise. War was acknowledged as brutal and instrumental.
Normative shock
Decolonization, Vietnam, Israel–Arab wars, and aerial bombardment produced moral strain. The old language of “military necessity” became reputationally costly.
Sacralization move
The law is renamed. “Laws of war” becomes “international humanitarian law.” This is not cosmetic. It reframes the entire field as morally oriented rather than strategically constrained.
Generalization
Specific disputes over weapons, guerrillas, or proportionality are elevated into universal moral language. Humanity replaces victory as the official telos.
Ritual consolidation
The 1977 Additional Protocols function as the founding ritual. Their ambiguity is a feature, not a bug. Vagueness allows sacral language to coexist with unchanged military practice.
Alexander’s key point is devastating. The humanitarian character of IHL was asserted rhetorically before it was accepted politically or operationally. Sacralization preceded enforcement.
3. Pinsof. Why everyone suddenly agreed this was “humanitarian”
Pinsof’s signaling logic explains why this reframing succeeded so quickly and so broadly.
Adopting the language of humanitarianism signaled:
• moral modernity
• elite sophistication
• distance from colonial brutality
Rejecting it would have signaled barbarism, reaction, or bad faith.
Crucially, acceptance of the language did not require acceptance of the constraints. States could ratify selectively, delay ratification, reinterpret provisions, or rely on ambiguity.
From a Pinsof lens, this is textbook. Belief is irrelevant. Coalition signaling is everything.
Alexander shows that the Additional Protocols were treated as morally authoritative long before they were treated as binding law. That gap is not hypocrisy. It is the point.
4. Turner. Expertise capture and the exclusion of democratic judgment
Alexander’s history is also a case study in Turner’s expertise thesis.
The transformation of the laws of war into international humanitarian law happened almost entirely within expert forums:
• UN committees
• diplomatic conferences
• ICRC expert meetings
• specialist legal journals
The public was not asked whether war should be reframed as humanitarian. Democratic consent was presumed, not obtained.
Once IHL was framed as a technical legal domain, moral disagreement could be dismissed as ignorance. Military objections became “parochial.” Political resistance became “non-compliance.”
Expertise did not constrain power. It repackaged power in a morally anesthetized form.
Turner would say this is classic authority laundering. Normative decisions are recoded as professional consensus, placing them beyond ordinary political challenge.
How the four tools lock together
Alliance Theory explains why the concept emerged.
Sacralization explains how it gained moral authority.
Pinsof explains why it spread despite ambiguity.
Turner explains why it became insulated from democratic contestation.
Alexander’s 2015 paper is not a celebration of humanitarian progress. It is a genealogy of legitimation.
International humanitarian law did not tame war. It made modern war morally legible to elites who needed to fight it while claiming restraint.
Once you see this, a lot of contemporary rhetoric clicks into place. The language of humanity persists. The practice of violence adapts. And the experts insist both are compatible.
