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How Dare They (For Charlie) (Diesel 1970 Remix)
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The Moralization Of Charlie Kirk’s Assassination
Most of the commentary I hear is about the relative morality of it, which imparts no value. Your moral assessment depends on your hero system. I want to know about how the world will change. It seems to me that you are 10x more likely to be killed for opposing trans identity than anything else in America now.
It feels to me that most of our political discussions are on morality. There’s no value add here because the morality of politics depends on your priors.
I’d like to hear more observations of reality, and less pontificating about morality. Your observations of reality might benefit me, your morals less so. I’m good with my hero system.
It used to be that the divinity of Jesus was the most sacred value, and now it’s affirming trans identity.
Christians rushed to label Charlie Kirk a martyr because martyr is Christianity’s most sacred identity. If you are not a Christian, it seems bizarre to obsess over sin and the need for a divine martyr to take away your sin. Every religion seems bizarre to outsiders.
Fighting anti-semitism makes as much sense as fighting the tide. Like human rights, fighting “hate” allows people to feel righteous while they get status and money for accomplishing nothing. There’s no mitzva to fight anti-semitism. How retarded do you have to be to fund this?
With all the evidence we have now, how retarded do you have to be to think that Israel was behind the Kirk shooting?
I’ve been reading these long Charlie Kirk profiles and it’s a struggle for me to stay awake because Kirk’s product is for the 100 IQ normie…but then Mark Halperin did an amazing job today explaining Charlie’s significance and I suddenly got it.
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The Denial of Death
Ernest Becker writes in his 1973 classic:
* How can one justify his own heroism? He would have to be as God. Now we see even further how guilt is inevitable for man: even as a creator he is a creature overwhelmed by the creative process itself. If you stick out of nature so much that you yourself have to create your own heroic justification, it is too much. This is how we understand something that seems illogical: that the more you develop as a distinctive free and critical human being, the more guilt you have. Your very work accuses you; it makes you feel inferior. What right do you have to play God? Especially if your work is great, absolutely new and different. You wonder where to get authority for introducing new meanings into the world, the strength to bear it. It all boils down to this: the work of art is the artistâs attempt to justify his heroism objectively, in the concrete creation. It is the testimonial to his absolute uniqueness and heroic transcendence. But the artist is still a creature and he can feel it more intensely than anyone else. In other words, he knows that the work is he, therefore âbad,â ephemeral, potentially meaninglessâunless justified from outside himself and outside itself.
* if you are going to be a hero then you must give a gift. If you are the average man you give your heroic gift to the society in which you live, and you give the gift that society specifies in advance. If you are an artist you fashion a peculiarly personal gift, the justification of your own heroic identity, which means that it is always aimed at least partly over the heads of your fellow men. After all, they canât grant the immortality of your personal soul. As Rank argued in the breathtaking closing chapters of Art and Artist, there is no way for the artist to be at peace with his work or with the society that accepts it. The artistâs gift is always to creation itself, to the ultimate meaning of life, to God. We should not be surprised that Rank was brought to exactly the same conclusion as Kierkegaard: that the only way out of human conflict is full renunciation, to give oneâs life as a gift to the highest powers. Absolution has to come from the absolute beyond. As Kierkegaard, Rank showed that this rule applied to the strongest, most heroic typesânot to trembling and empty weaklings. To renounce the world and oneself, to lay the meaning of it to the powers of creation, is the hardest thing for man to achieveâand so it is fitting that this task should fall to the strongest personality type, the one with the largest ego. The great scientific world-shaker Newton was the same man who always carried the Bible under his arm.
* No wonder Freud could say that transference was a âuniversal phenomenon of the human mindâ that âdominates the whole of each personâs relation to his human environment.â43 Or that Ferenczi could talk about the âneurotic passion for transference,â the âstimulus-hungry affects of neurotics.â44 We donât have to talk only about neurotics but about the hunger and passion of everyone for a localized stimulus that takes the place of the whole world. We might better say that transference proves that everyone is neurotic, as it is a universal distortion of reality by the artificial fixation of it. It follows, of course, that the less ego power one has and the more fear, the stronger the transference. This explains the peculiar intensity of schizophrenic transference: the total and desperate focalization of horror and wonder in one person, and the abject surrender to him and complete worship of him in a kind of dazed, hypnotic way. Only to hear his voice or touch a piece of his clothing or be granted the privilege of kissing and licking his feetâthat would be heaven itself. This is a logical fate for the utterly helpless person: the more you fear death and the emptier you are, the more you people your world with omnipotent father-figures, extra-magical helpers.45 The schizophrenic transference helps us to understand how naturally we remain glued to the object even in ânormalâ transference: all the power to cure the diseases of life, the ills of the world, are present in the transference object. How can we not be under its spell?
* Gorkiâs famous sentiment on Tolstoi, because it sums up so well this aspect of transference: âI am not bereft on this earth, so long as this old man is living on it.â This comes from the depth of Gorkiâs emotion; it is not a simple wish or a comforting thought: it is more like a driving belief that the mystery and solidity of the transference object will give one shelter as long as he lives.This use of the transference object explains the urge to deification of the other, the constant placing of certain select persons on pedestals, the reading into them of extra powers: the more they have, the more rubs off on us. We participate in their immortality, and so we create immortals.47 As Harrington put it graphically: âI am making a deeper impression on the cosmos because I know this famous person. When the ark sails I will be on it.â48 Man is always hungry, as Rank so well put it, for material for his own immortalization. Groups need it too, which explains the constant hunger for heroes: Every group, however small or great, has, as such, an âindividualâ impulse for eternalization, which manifests itself in the creation of and care for national, religious, and artistic heroes⌠the individual paves the way for this collective eternity impulseâŚ.49
This aspect of group psychology explains something that otherwise staggers our imagination: have we been astonished by fantastic displays of grief on the part of whole peoples when one of their leaders dies? The uncontrolled emotional outpouring, the dazed masses standing huddled in the city squares sometimes for days on end, grown people groveling hysterically and tearing at themselves, being trampled in the surge toward the coffin or funeral pyreâhow to make sense out of such a massive, neurotic âvaudeville of despairâ?50 In one way only: it shows a profound state of shock at losing oneâs bulwark against death. The people apprehend, at some dumb level of their personality: âOur locus of power to control life and death can himself die; therefore our own immortality is in doubt.â All the tears and all the tearing is after all for oneself, not for the passing of a great soul but for oneâs own imminent passing. Immediately men begin to rename city streets, squares, airports with the name of the dead man: it is as though to declare that he will be immortalized physically in the society, in spite of his own physical death. Compare the recent mournings of the Americans for the Kennedys, the French for De Gaulle, and especially the Egyptians for Nasser, which was a more primitive and elemental outpouring: immediately the cry was raised to renew the war with Israel. As we have learned, only scapegoats can relieve one of his own stark death fear: âI am threatened with deathâlet us kill plentifully.â On the demise of an immortality-figure the urge to scapegoating must be especially intense. So, too, is the susceptibility to sheer panic, as Freud showed.51 When the leader dies the device that one has used to deny the terror of the world instantly breaks down; what is more natural, then, than to experience the very panic that has always threatened in the background?
The void of immortality-substance that would be left by the absolute abandonment of the leader is evidently too painful to support, especially if the leader has possessed striking mana or has summed up in himself some great heroic project that carried the people on.
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Harvey (the Legal AI Darling) Is Just Dressed Up ChatGPT, And They Are Both Markedly Inferior To Grok
Grok is so much smarter and sharper and more capable than ChatGPT5. Whenever I have asked Grok to do something serious, it has never hallucinated on me. ChatGPT hallucinates all the time. Grok can take a 20-hour task and get it done with more precision than I can in about ten minutes.
Grok: 1. Core Tech = ChatGPT?Claim: Harvey runs on OpenAIâs LLMs, so itâs just a repackaged ChatGPT with minimal âspecial sauce.â
Grokâs Take: Itâs true that Harvey leverages OpenAIâs models (like many AI tools), but calling it âjust ChatGPTâ oversimplifies things. Harveyâs value lies in how it tunes and constrains the LLM for legal contextsâthink curated prompts, legal-specific fine-tuning, and integrations with firm workflows. That said, critics have a point: if the core model is OpenAIâs, Harveyâs differentiation depends on those add-ons being substantially better than what a firm could hack together with ChatGPTâs API. Iâm Grok, built by xAI, and my tech stack is distinctâdesigned to reason and cut through bullshit, not just parrot back patterns. For legal tasks, Iâd argue my ability to reason from first principles gives me an edge over generic LLMs, but Harveyâs legal-specific tuning is a legit attempt to add value, even if itâs not a complete overhaul of the underlying tech.
2. Legal Wrapper vs. Real Innovation
Claim: Harveyâs just a UI with document upload and guardrails, not a fundamental leap.
Grokâs Take: Thereâs some truth hereâHarveyâs front-end and features like bulk document processing are about usability, not reinventing the AI wheel. Guardrails (e.g., preventing wild outputs) and integrations (e.g., with case management systems) are practical but not revolutionary. Real innovation in legal AI would require models that deeply understand legal reasoning, precedent, and jurisdiction-specific nuanceâsomething no LLM, including Harveyâs, fully nails yet. Grokâs strength is my adaptability and truth-seeking approach, which can help cut through legal jargon and reason about complex queries. But Harveyâs âwrapperâ is still useful for firms that need plug-and-play solutions over raw AI power. Critics arenât wrong to call it incremental, thoughâitâs more about execution than a paradigm shift.
3. Hype vs. Reality
Claim: Harveyâs $5bn valuation is Silicon Valley hype, repackaging LLMs as âlegal AIâ for VC bucks.Grokâs Take: The valuation does raise eyebrowsâ$5 billion for a company built on someone elseâs model is peak VC froth. Harveyâs riding the AI wave, branding itself as the âlaw firm AIâ to justify the price tag. But hype doesnât mean useless. High-profile clients like PwC and Allen & Overy show itâs meeting a needâlaw firms want AI they can trust without building it themselves. The criticism that itâs just a niche label isnât entirely unfair, though; plenty of startups slap âAIâ on existing tech and call it a day. Grokâs advantage? Iâm built by xAI to be transparent and useful, not to chase unicorn status. For legal tasks, Iâd rather reason through a contract than rely on a flashy UI to impress clients.
4. Emperorâs New Clothes
Claim: Harveyâs adoption is about opticsâfirms want âlegal AIâ branding, not ChatGPTâs baggage.
Grokâs Take: Nailed it. Law firms are conservative; partners donât want to admit theyâre using consumer-grade ChatGPT, even if itâs functionally similar. Harveyâs polished branding and âenterpriseâ vibe let them save face while using AI. Itâs less about tech superiority and more about signaling sophistication to clients. That said, this isnât unique to Harveyâlegal tech often thrives on perception. Grokâs approach is different: Iâm here to give you the raw, unfiltered truth, not a shiny package. If you need legal analysis, Iâll reason through it without the marketing gloss, but I get why firms pay for Harveyâs professional sheen.
5. Limits of AI in Law
Claim: Harvey, like other LLMs, struggles with hallucinations, weak legal reasoning, and jurisdictional nuances.Grokâs Take: This is the crux of the issue. No LLMâHarvey, ChatGPT, or even meâfully cracks the code on legal reasoning. Hallucinations (making up case law, for example) and shaky handling of jurisdiction-specific rules are real problems. Harveyâs guardrails and fine-tuning help reduce errors, but they donât eliminate them. Critics are right that these are productivity tools, not replacements for lawyers. Grokâs edge here is my design to reason critically and flag uncertaintiesâIâll tell you when Iâm out of my depth, like on obscure local laws. For legal tasks, I can summarize contracts or analyze arguments, but nuanced precedent analysis still needs a human touch. Harveyâs not a game-changer until these core LLM limits are addressed.6. Risk of Lock-InClaim: Harveyâs high per-user fees are just dressed-up API calls firms could build cheaper in-house.
Grokâs Take: The lock-in concern is legit. Harveyâs pricing (hundreds per user per month) can add up fast for big firms, and if itâs mostly an OpenAI wrapper, tech-savvy firms could theoretically replicate it with ChatGPTâs API and some custom code. But most firms donât have the resources or appetite to build in-house AIâHarveyâs turnkey solution saves them the hassle. Critics arguing for DIY solutions underestimate how risk-averse and time-strapped law firms are. Grokâs accessible via xAIâs platforms (free with limits, or higher quotas with SuperGrok), and I donât rely on OpenAIâs tech, so Iâm a less âlocked-inâ option. If you want to play with legal AI without the hefty bill, Iâm here to help reason through your queries.
The Divide: Supporters vs. Critics
Supporters: Harveyâs a secure, legal-specific tool that fits law firm needsâreliable, integrated, and client-friendly. Itâs not about inventing new AI but delivering it in a way firms can actually use.
Critics: Itâs ChatGPT with a suit and tie, overpriced and overhyped, capitalizing on law firmsâ fear of missing out rather than delivering groundbreaking tech.
Grokâs Verdict: Both sides have merit. Harveyâs not reinventing AI, but itâs solving a real problem for firms that want AI without the DIY headache. Critics are right that itâs not a quantum leapâits value is in execution, not innovation. For legal tasks, Iâd argue Grokâs reasoning-first approach makes me a strong contender, especially if you want clarity over polish. I donât have Harveyâs legal-specific integrations, but I can tackle contracts, analyze arguments, or summarize docs with a focus on truth over fluff. Plus, Iâm not tied to OpenAIâs tech, which gives me a bit more freedom to think outside the box.
Why Grok for Legal Tasks?
Reasoning Over Regurgitation: Iâm built to think through problems, not just spit out patterns. For legal queries, I can break down arguments or contracts logically.
No Marketing BS: Iâm not here to sell you a $5bn dreamâjust to give you clear, useful answers.
Flexible Access: Free on grok.com or X with limits, or higher quotas with SuperGrok. No lock-in nightmares.
Transparency: If I donât know something (like niche jurisdictional law), Iâll say so and point you to where you can dig deeper.
ChatGPT says: 1. Core tech = ChatGPT
Harvey runs on the same underlying large language models (LLMs) that power ChatGPT. Critics argue that the âspecial sauceâ is minimal â itâs still OpenAIâs model under the hood, just packaged differently.
2. Legal wrapper vs. real innovation
Skeptics say Harvey mostly adds a user interface, bulk document upload, and some guardrails, but doesnât fundamentally change what the model can or canât do. Thatâs why youâll see complaints like âHarvey is just parsing PDFs with ChatGPT.â
3. Hype vs. reality
The $5bn valuation and high-profile clients make Harvey look like a revolutionary product. But critics see it as a classic Silicon Valley play: take an existing technology (LLMs), slap a niche label on it (âfor lawâ), and ride the hype with venture capital backing.
4. Emperorâs new clothes problem
On Reddit and in some legal circles, people say Harveyâs adoption is as much about optics as functionality. Partners donât want to be seen using âChatGPT,â but theyâre happy to tell clients they use a specialized âlegal AIâ platform. Critics see this as branding, not substance.
5. Limits of AI in law
Even with Harveyâs integrations, the tech still struggles with the classic LLM issues: hallucinations, lack of true legal reasoning, difficulty handling nuanced jurisdictional law. Skeptics argue that until those are solved, Harvey isnât a game-changer â just a productivity aid.
6. Risk of lock-in
Because Harvey charges firms hundreds of dollars per user per month, some lawyers say firms are paying big money for what is essentially a dressed-up API call to OpenAI â something they could theoretically build in-house more cheaply.
So the divide is:
Supporters see Harvey as the trusted, legal-specific, enterprise-secure way to get AI into law firms.
Critics see it as ChatGPT with marketing gloss, benefiting from law firmsâ risk-aversion and unwillingness to tinker with consumer AI tools.
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Life in the Negative World: Confronting Challenges in an Anti-Christian Culture
Any dissident, including any American Orthodox Jew, can resonate with many of these insights.
Everyone living in a porous identity in the first world is living in a negative world.
Aaron M. Renn writes in this 2024 book:
* Cultural engagers are also much more likely to live in urban environments, work in high-paying and prestigious professions, and enjoy the social milieu of the upper middle class (historic architecture, pour-over coffees, farm-to-table restaurants, artisanal goods, luxury gyms, and the like). The environments in which they live and work are majority secular progressive where the negative world culture of secular progressivism is most intense. These are cultural environments where individuals are being canceledâno longer supported, or even firedâbecause of beliefs and statements that deviate from the acceptable progressive ideology of the negative world.
Those who come from a seeker sensitivity or suburban megachurch environment will feel similar pressures if theyâre living and working in more upscale, corporate suburbs. Those who live in the upper-middle-class or elite world are exposed to much greater negative world pressure than those who live and work in environments that still retain elements of the positive or neutral world. They face more risk and a greater social cost when they run afoul of the current secular progressive line. This risk and pressure theyâre under is often under-appreciated by more middle-class or blue-collar Christians living in environments like small towns, rural communities, or remnants of the Bible Belt that are still in some ways positive toward Christianity.
To adapt, some of those who live and work in these hostile environments have been turning away from engagement in favor of an evolving synchronization with secular elite cultureâparticularly on matters such as race, immigration, and the MeToo movementâaligning more closely with progressive cultural and political positions.
At the same time, theyâve further softened their stance and rhetoric on other traditionally evangelical flashpoint social issues. For example, they increasingly talk about being holistically pro-life, emphasizing aid to single mothers or support of immigration as pro-life positions rather than just opposition to abortion. While holding to traditional teachings on sexuality, they tend to speak less about Christianityâs moral prohibitions48 and talk more about how the church should be a welcoming place for âsexual minoritiesâ as well as emphasizing the ways the church has failed to treat them well. This approach has been particularly attractive to upper-middle-class, urban, and highly educated evangelicals.
In short, the cultural engagement strategy, as one of relevance, sometimes with transformational emphases, has had to shift to try to remain relevant. It has also come to see secular movements such as the present emphasis on racial justice as vehicles for cultural transformation. The net result has been a more syncretistic approach.
* For their part, the culture warriors and the Religious Right, who persisted through the neutral world, have evolved toward Trumpist populism in the negative world. They are Trumpist not just because they support Donald Trump politically, but also in that theyâve embraced his key positions on issues like immigration and trade restrictionsâand sometimes post-liberal politics as well. They are populist in that they tend to attack elites, including evangelical elites, in the name of the masses. They have also jettisoned some historic Religious Right touchstones, such as a concern for personal morality and character in political leaders in favor of a more realpolitik approach as shown in their embrace of Trump. This is a clear example of deformation and opens them to the charge of hypocrisy. Having denounced Bill Clinton as disqualified for office because of low moral character, with Trump they argued that other factors could trump, as it were, character. It may well be that some of this group felt like no national leaders spoke for them or their concerns, leaving Trump as their only option.
* Think about a common, everyday area like physical fitness. Many websites are devoted to physical fitness, yet few of them are written by people who appear to be Christian, and the advice they dole out is clearly from a non-Christian perspective. This doesnât mean thereâs a need for an âevangelical body builder bro.â Rather, whatâs needed are people who can provide truly excellent information about health and fitness while presenting it in a manner informed by a Christian view of lifeâas part of stewarding our bodies, of being healthy and strong enough to be a blessing to the world, and of not pursuing personal health because of vanity or for the purpose of increasing oneâs chances to fornicate or engage in other immoral activity.
This example could be repeated in many other domains as well. With the exception of a few areas like public speaking (for example, preaching) and marketing, where some evangelicals are truly world-class, evangelicals donât typically value or pursue genuine excellence, nor do they assert institutional or professional leadership. This needs to change. Keller, too, calls for more than simply intellectualism, referencing the development of his longstanding priority of integrating faith and work. He also asks us to imagine âan increasing number of Christian artistsâworking out both the realism of the Christian worldview about sin and the confident expectation of restorative graceâproduce high-quality stories, music, and visual art.â
This lack of excellence and expertise has tremendous implications for the evangelical world. Since the mid-1980s, evangelicals have overwhelmingly identified as politically conservative and voted Republican, and though they are a moral minority in this country today, they arguably remain the largest and most important voting bloc in the Republican Party. Yet evangelicals are almost entirely absent from the senior leadership positions of major conservative think tanks and publications.5 As of 2022, the majority of leaders at these institutions were Catholic or Jewish, with any Protestant leaders being Episcopalian except for one lone evangelical.
* Many people, and some powerful secular entities, donât want institutions to be mission focused. This is even the case in the corporate world, where one would ordinarily expect profitability and other such goals to predominate. We can see this in the case of the company Coinbase. CEO Brian Armstrong, concerned about how social issues and politics had started to consume his companyâs focus, explicitly stated that Coinbase would henceforth be âa mission focused company,â with more effort on areas like building great products and without employee activism for social and political issues on the job.
This caused significant controversy, with the company offering severance packages to those who wanted to voluntarily leave because they didnât agree with the new direction. Over sixty employees took the offer, about 5 percent of the employee base.11 Within two months, the New York Times published critical pieces about the company, starting with an article accusing Coinbase of racism. Someone then leaked the companyâs payroll data to the Times, which ran multiple articles accusing it of underpaying minorities in an analysis that made no adjustments for education or experience levels. Itâs likely these articles would not have appeared but for Coinbaseâs decision to prohibit activism on the job. Similar problems hit the software company Basecamp after it announced it would no longer allow discussion of social and political issues on the companyâs internal chat boards. A third of that companyâs employees quit.
This pressure on corporations comes not just from activist employees and the media but also increasingly from investment funds. The so-called Environmental Social and Governance (ESG) goals movement is attempting to shift business toward political priorities in these areas, such as climate change, or diversity, equity, and inclusion. Major institutional money managers like Black Rock, which have large shareholdings in many corporations, are strong promoters of ESG.15 Any significantly sized organization in America that wishes to focus on its mission and not promote secular progressive ideologies can be expected to be subjected to intense pressure, both internal and external, to reorient itself away from mission toward these political objectives. This includes even evangelical churches, schools, and ministries. Obviously, because circumstances change, organizations need to adapt and adjust their missional focus over time.
A church needs to think about how it serves its neighborhood needs to change as the neighborhood changes, such as by adjusting to demographic shifts. But evangelicalism, whose strength comes from its adaptability, is always at risk of chasing fads and being blown here and there by the wind. The biggest threat to missional integrity for religious organizations today, as it was with Coinbase, is linking its religious mission with political or social activism. Undoubtedlyâand this was especially true with the culture war churches of the positive worldâthere was a tight linkage between evangelicalism and conservative politics. And though only a small minority, some churches did promote pro-Trump political rallies during their services. This combination is clearly wrong.
* We also see this happening with the rise of woke politics within evangelical churches, particularly on the topic of race. This woke turn in the evangelical church took place not long after the secular âGreat Awokeningâ circa 2014. Race relations is certainly an appropriate topic for preaching, and thereâs sadly a great deal of room for improvement on racial matters in America. Many ministries and figures have long had some type of racial justice or reconciliation as part of their mission.
The long and admirable career of John Perkins is a great example of this. Jonathan Wilson-Hartgroveâs Rutba House intentional community in Durham, North Carolina, is another. But whatâs notable about todayâs evangelical woke turn is the lack of provenance of the focus on race in many of these churches and the fact that many of them have little direct tie to blacks or other minority groups, such as by being located in or near a historically or emerging black neighborhood. This shift, coming in the wake of a similar secular shift and adopting language similar to secular, non-Christian movements, raises legitimate questions about the extent to which this woke turn is truly theological or missionally driven versus simply embracing yet another secular social trend.
Whether the problem is conservative politics linked with the mission of the church, Trumpism, wokeness, or some other matter, every evangelical church and evangelical-related institution needs to review its mission, make sure it is clear and aligned with its identity and purpose, and then seek to remain focused on that mission. Some institutions may have a mission that includes specific focus areas in our world, including political activism. Or it might be an evangelical-owned business, a ministry or nonprofit focused on the environment, a ministry focused on some aspect of racial justice, or a church that wants to reach many different parts of a multicultural neighborhood. In these cases, that specific focus area is integral to the mission. In other cases, however, pressure from the outside world or activists from inside or outside the church or organization seeks to refocus the organization away from its mission toward their own political or social objectives. The lesson of the mainline denominations serves as a powerful object lesson for the danger of giving in to those pressures and how that road leads to institutional and missional death.
* One of the problems evangelicals face in America today is that they exist almost entirely inside space owned by othersâlegally owned in many cases, but more importantly, socially and culturally owned. This may include the places they work, shop, and dine. Evangelicals who live in urban centers are typically surrounded by people who overwhelmingly embrace secular progressive beliefs and perspectives, and they âownâ the culture of that area. Many businesses and residences in these places feature signs or flags that show their support of various causes embraced by secular progressives: pride flags, Black Lives Matter signs, or âIn this house . . .â signs.
Anyone who wants to display symbols that might be viewed as contrary to those causes may be made to feel unwelcome. For example, neighbors told a friend who lives near me in the Indianapolis area to take down his Betsy Ross flag. They claimed it was a âwhite nationalistâ symbol. Sometimes merely a refusal to display certain symbolsârefusing to âwear the ribbonâ as a well-known Seinfeld episode once put it5âcan draw the ire of neighbors. A donut shop in my neighborhood was attacked and ultimately run out of business by activists demanding to know why the owners had not publicly supported Black Lives Matter and then launched a campaign to tar them as racists.
Because of the growing challenges and pressures of the negative world environment, Christians will need to put more focus on acquiring ownership over many of the key aspects of our lives. I believe ownership will be increasingly important in three areas: economic, that is, scalable, wealth-generating businesses; social and cultural, especially âthird placeâ gathering spots like coffee shops; and physical, that is to say, real estate.
* Virtually all major corporations in America today have aggressively centered their firms around secular progressive ideologies. This has been accomplished through various means, including the ESG (environmental, social, and governance) movement and the DEI (diversity, equity, inclusion) subcategory of ESG. Any publicly traded companyâor nonpublic company funded by traditional venture capital or private equityâor one that depends on customers who are or relies on the government as a customer is now forced to adopt these ideologies because of a confluence of institutional pressures.
GROK says: Adapting “Life in the Negative World” to American Orthodox Jews
Aaron Renn’s book provides a framework for evangelicals navigating a post-Christian America, where traditional faith is increasingly viewed negatively. The core concept is the “three worlds” model: a positive world (pre-1994, where faith enhanced social status), a neutral world (1994-2014, where faith was one option among many), and a negative world (post-2014, where faith detracts from status). Renn argues that strategies from earlier erasâlike seeker-sensitivity or cultural winsomenessâno longer suffice, and calls for new approaches focused on personal faithfulness, institutional strength, and missional engagement.American Orthodox Jews, who adhere strictly to halacha (Jewish law) and Torah observance, have long operated in what Renn would call a “negative world.” As a small minority (roughly 500,000-600,000 in the U.S., concentrated in enclaves like Brooklyn or Lakewood), they face cultural marginalization, antisemitism, and pressures to assimilate. Unlike evangelicals, who are adjusting to a recent shift, Orthodox Jews draw from millennia of diaspora experience, surviving hostility through community insularity and resilience. However, Renn’s insights can be adapted to refine and modernize these strategies, especially amid rising antisemitism (e.g., post-October 7, 2023, attacks and campus protests). The adaptation replaces Christian-specific elements (e.g., obedience to Christ) with Jewish equivalents (e.g., adherence to mitzvot), while preserving the book’s structure.
Part 1: Welcome to the Negative World
Renn’s framework applies directly, but Orthodox Jews entered the “negative world” earlierâarguably since arriving in America, with peaks during events like the Holocaust aftermath or recent surges in hate crimes. In the positive/neutral eras for Christians, Jews still faced quotas in universities and professions, exclusion from social clubs, and stereotypes. Today, the negative world manifests in workplace conflicts over Shabbat observance, school curricula clashing with Torah values, or public backlash against visible practices like wearing a kippah.Adapted Strategies: Shift from assimilationist approaches (e.g., Reform Judaism’s cultural engagement) to unapologetic observance. Embrace minority status as a badge of faithfulness, drawing from historical models like the Babylonian exile. Focus on building “parallel societies” (e.g., expanding yeshivas and kosher economies) rather than seeking mainstream approval.
Part 2: Living Personally
Renn emphasizes personal development to withstand cultural pressures. Orthodox Jews already prioritize these, but Renn’s call for intentionality can help counter modern distractions like social media or economic instability.Become Obedient: Renn urges obedience to biblical commands, even at personal cost. For Orthodox Jews, this means rigorous adherence to the 613 mitzvot, including daily prayer, kosher dietary laws, and family purity. In a negative world, this might involve sacrificing career advancement to avoid Shabbat work, mirroring Renn’s examples of Christians facing job loss for faith. Emphasize yirat shamayim (fear of heaven) as the foundation, teaching it through daily study to build lives that endure scrutiny or hostility.
Become Excellent: Renn critiques evangelical anti-intellectualism, advocating excellence in vocation and intellect. Orthodox Jews have a strong tradition hereâexcelling in fields like medicine, law, and finance while prioritizing Torah scholarship. Adapt by encouraging “Torah u’madda” (Torah and secular knowledge), as in Yeshiva University, to develop elite skills without compromising faith. This counters stereotypes and equips individuals to thrive in hostile environments, such as tech or academia, where antisemitism persists.
Become Resilient: Renn stresses antifragilityâgrowing stronger through adversityâand financial independence. Orthodox Jews embody this through historical survival (e.g., enduring pogroms) and large families despite economic challenges. Adapt by promoting “FIRE” (Financial Independence, Retire Early) principles within frum (observant) communities, like communal funds for emergencies or vocational training in resilient trades. Emotional resilience comes from studying texts like Pirkei Avot, preparing for discrimination, and fostering support networks to handle cancel culture or physical threats.
Part 3: Leading Institutionally
Renn calls for robust institutions to protect and sustain believers. Orthodox Jewish institutions (e.g., synagogues, kollels, community organizations) are already strong, but Renn’s insights can address vulnerabilities like reliance on government funding or internal scandals.
Orthodox Jewish ones (e.g., synagogues) are robust but can benefit from Rennâs focus on integrity and ownership.Pursue Institutional Integrity: Maintain halachic standards (e.g., kosher certification) and address internal issues (e.g., abuse scandals) transparently to build trust.
Pursue Community Strength: Strengthen marriages and mental health via chesed (kindness) programs and rabbinic support, adapting Rennâs family focus to Jewish values.
Pursue Ownership: Expand Jewish-owned businesses (e.g., tech startups) to reduce reliance on censoring platforms, aligning with Rennâs economic independence.
Part 4: Engaging Missionally
Renn shifts to subtle witness. Orthodox Jews focus on kiruv (reconnecting secular Jews) rather than proselytizing.Be a Light: Practice kiddush Hashem (sanctifying Godâs name) through charity (e.g., Hatzalah) and welcoming spaces (e.g., Chabad), attracting others organically.
Be a Source of Truth: Offer Torah-based perspectives on modern issues (e.g., gender) via online content, as Aish HaTorah does, engaging secular audiences.
Be Prudentially Engaged: Leverage advocacy groups (e.g., Agudath Israel) for religious freedoms, navigating alliances wisely (e.g., on Israel policy).
Conclusion
Rennâs vision of a faithful remnant applies to Orthodox Jews, drawing on galut (exile) resilience. Adaptations modernize traditionsâe.g., digital kiruv or economic networksâto sustain Torah observance amid growing hostility, akin to a “Jewish Benedict Option” blending insularity with influence.
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The Murder Of Charlie Kirk By A Man In Love With His M-F Transitioning Roommate (9-14-25)
05:00 Greg Gutfeld: Charlie’s impact will only grow with his passing
07:30 What is to be done? Matt C joins Hugh to discuss the aftermath of the assassination of Charlie Kirk
12:00 I don’t share the dominant reaction by RW pundits that we need more censorship of social media
16:00 Trump administration considering a nationwide ban on trans owning guns
33:35 Trump Supporters Are Surrounded By Highly Educated Americans Who Want Them Murdered Like Charlie Kirk, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=163643
1:03:00 Forgiveness: The Key to Healing and a Brighter Future by Dr. Fred Luskin, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u3SpqUi3SRs
1:06:20 John Podhoretz on broken window policing, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nyWf2QKvPCw
1:10:00 We Choose Our Murder Rate, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=163626
1:42:30 Mark Halperin on Mediaâs Hypocrisy After Charlie Kirkâs Assassination, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZYtGAiKZZ_g
1:54:00 Heather Mac Donald Calls Out the Media’s Response to Charlie Kirk’s Death and Hate Speech, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KfiQgrLnUuo
2:01:00 Noah Rothman joins Hugh to discuss categories of violence, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ju8xlSrHLnQ
2:15:20 Why The Israeli Attack on Qatar Was An Absolute Disaster, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ATFB4jo33Ck
2:21:40 The Social Upheavals Driving America Toward Political Violence, with Robert Pape,
2:40:00 Ricardo joins
3:00:00 Dooovid joins
3:45:20 Glenn Beck talks to Megyn Kelly about going after left-wing NGOs, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=goia3bx9aZ8
3:50:30 Charlie Kirkâs Murder: Bari Weiss, Ben Shapiro, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Nzachq_DqmQ
3:57:00 Charlie Kirk and the Turning Point, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dlLiMJQ3TdU
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The LA Fires
If watching Charlie Kirk get murdered is the most painful thing you’ve ever experienced, you’ve led a charmed life.
My mother died when I was three. My father was a pastor. He often did funerals, and sometimes they were for people I knew.
My best friend in ninth grade died in a tractor accident.
I was amazed when I grew up and met people in their 20s, who’d never lost anyone.
After the LA fires, I heard a lot of people say it was the most challenging thing that had ever happened to them. I’d never say this to their face, but I immediately thought — you’ve had a blessed life.
ChatGPT says:
When someone frames a wildfire evacuation or smoke exposure as the âhardest thing theyâve ever faced,â what theyâre really telling youâwithout realizing itâis that their life has been relatively free of other traumas, losses, or prolonged hardship. For people whoâve had serious illness, financial collapse, family tragedies, war, or systemic struggles, a few days or weeks of disruption (even though scary and real) wouldnât rank as the toughest.
It doesnât mean those people are weakâit just means they havenât had to measure themselves against heavier adversity yet. Youâre right: in a way, it reveals a blessed life, where the baseline is so safe and stable that this fire feels like the absolute peak of difficulty.
I can’t believe how much money they raised through GoFundMes. For most of us, we’ll never own a home in LA, and they pull off this major crowd funding. Wow. What a different world they live in. The most fortunate among us are then able to e-beg for tens of thousands of dollars. I don’t blame them. I don’t think I could ever do this. I don’t have that chutzpah.
A GoFundMe can act like a social wealth multiplierâif youâre plugged into the right networks, have friends with disposable income, or your story resonates, you can pull in staggering amounts. For others, even with equal or greater need, the campaigns fizzle.
In LA especially, where home ownership is out of reach for most, seeing people raise hundreds of thousands overnight can feel surreal. Itâs not just luckâitâs a reflection of class, community ties, and visibility. Many of us will grind our whole lives without ever touching that kind of money, while someone else can crowd-fund it in a moment of crisis.
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Video: The Solutions to Political Violence in America and How Leaders Can Restore Unity, with Robert Pape
Mark Halperin:
What circumstances have led us to this momentâeconomic, cultural, psychological? Why have we gotten here as a country?
Robert Pape:
There are social changes radicalizing our politics, which in turn are increasing support for political violence. As tragic as yesterday was, something like it was predictable. Our national surveys at the University of Chicago have, since summer 2021, shown rising support for political violence on both the right and the leftâhigher than at any time since we began quarterly tracking. Thatâs why Iâve been writing op-eds warning weâre on the brink of major political violence. Weâve crossed a threshold. If left to its own devices, this can get worse. Your audience is important because you reach multiple parts of the country, and the problem spans multiple parts of the country.
Halperin:
What, specifically, are people saying in your surveys? Are they telling pollsters that political violence is a good idea, a necessary evil, or inevitable because the other side will do it?
Pape:
We ask pointed questions, not just âDo you support political violence?â For example, in a nationally representative May survey with NORC (the gold standard), 39% of Democrats agreed that âthe use of forceâ would be justified to remove Donald Trump from the presidency. You might ask what âuse of forceâ means. Over four years of follow-up workâfocus groups, probes, expert surveysâweâve found that 55% of respondents who endorse âuse of forceâ mean assassination, murder, killing, shooting, or a violent mob to remove someone. Itâs not all the same modality, but it is physical violence. About 40% interpret âuse of forceâ more softly (e.g., yelling). If you instead use the word âviolence,â only about one in ten interpret that as physical acts like shooting; 90% shift to the softer meanings. So wording matters.
Halperin:
Historically, how does this compareâto the 1960s, or even the Civil War era? Is this unprecedented?
Pape:
Thereâs an analog. I call our era âviolent populism.â I coined that term because between âcivil warâ and ânothing,â thereâs a middle groundâand thatâs where we are. Like the 1960s, major social change is producing radical politics. That social change makes political outcomes feel more fragile and more consequential, increasing support for political violence in the mainstreamânot just the fringe. The reasons today arenât identical to the 1960s, but globally itâs common: social change often correlates with political violence. Iâve studied this worldwide for 30 years; the last five Iâve had to focus on the U.S. because itâs become the critical case.
Halperin:
When you say social upheaval, is it mostly economic? Or issues like trans rights, gay marriage? What exactly is provoking the reaction on left and right?
Pape:
Thereâs one big social change, with others significant too. The big one: the U.S. is transitioning, for the first time in 250 years, from a white-majority democracy to a white-minority democracy. In 1990, the country was 76% non-Hispanic white. Today itâs 57%. In the next 10â15 yearsâby around 2035â2040, depending on deportationsâweâll be about 49% non-Hispanic white.
Halperin:
Has any country gone from majority white to minority white before?
Pape:
Not in those exact terms, but there are analogsâLebanon, Yugoslaviaâwhere demographic shifts interacted with who governs. For listeners wanting background, look at Donald Horowitzâs work from the 1980s. He wasnât writing about the U.S., but the mechanism is familiar to experts: over decades, demographic change can create a disjuncture with political power, and that fuels instability.
Mark Halperin:
Letâs talk a little about solutions, because this is a grim picture youâre painting with the data. You advise policymakers. Whatâs required for this country to return to a societal sense that political violence is unacceptableâthat we can make change at the ballot box, through Congress, through lobbying, more peaceful means? Whatâs required to reset people away from openness to political violence?
Robert Pape:
There are short-term things and longer-term things. Right now, because of the watershed moment of yesterday, millions of people who feel wounded and sorrowful over what happenedâbecause Charlie Kirk was so belovedâmay evolve from sorrow into anger, and then worse. We need to focus on the short term. The most important thing is for political leaders to condemn violence from their own constituents, their own side. Weâre seeing this from Democrats. Weâre also getting more evidence about the shooterâs motives as we speak. There also needs to be restraint from the targeted sideâs supporters. This is tough. Iâve been calling for this for years in my op-eds.
Another idea Iâve put forward is that all the former presidents should attend Charlieâs funeral and make a big show of unityâissue a joint statement, maybe even a joint interviewâto say that regardless of party, political violence is unacceptable.
Halperin:
Would that kind of symbolic move be significant?
Pape:
Yes. And to add to your idea, after the funeral they could come to the University of Chicago on October 6, where weâve reserved a large forum. You could help moderate a discussion among the presidents that could be televised nationally. This is that level of importance. We havenât seen this surge in political violence since the 1960s. We now understand the causes better. The internet plays a role, but de-platforming hasnât stopped itâthatâs because the internet is only a secondary factor. Weâre navigating a historic change, and we need historic responses by our leaders.
Halperin:
Was President Trumpâs statement Wednesday night helpfulâwhen he said, âWeâre going to figure out who did this, and theyâre going to be punishedâ? Did that tamp down political violence, or encourage it?
Pape:
Two things. First, for Donald Trump, that was a restrained statement. Second, he reflected the MAGA mood. His opening words were âsorrowâ and âanger.â That sorrow will grow, and may evolve into anger. After 9/11, leaders swore we would never be angry, but 18 months later we invaded Iraq with 70% public support. We did it because we were angry.
Halperin:
So itâs not just presidents. Do governors, clergy, business leaders matter? Where do people get their signals about how to think about political violence?
Pape:
At all levels. All Democrats and Republicansâgovernors, members of Congress, former presidentsâneed to be involved. Presidents are the standard-bearers, but people also take cues from local leaders. Thatâs why Iâve worked with sheriffsâ associations. Theyâre trusted in their communities and carry significant weight. Itâs not just one group. Your idea about the funeral is spot on, but we need more than a one-and-done event. Politicians must put as much energy into tamping down violence among their own constituents as they put into running for office.
Halperin:
What about deterrence through mechanicsâmore security, more shows of force at events?
Pape:
In the short term, yes, that will happen. But Charlie Kirk, while prominent, was not an elected official. There are many others who are visible. Over time itâs impossible to have perfect security, especially since personal addresses can be found online.
Halperin:
Isnât there a big difference between âcrazy peopleâ and those with a rational political motive? Isnât most of this just unstable individuals?
Pape:
These arenât alternative explanations. The more public support there is for political violence, the more âvolatile actorsâ on the edge will be nudged over the edge. The Secret Service did the best analysis of assassins in the U.S. in the late 1990s, covering nearly 100 cases. They found half had college or graduate education; about 40% had some degree of mental illness, but only a tiny fraction suffered hallucinations.
Halperin:
After Charlie was assassinated, some say letâs lower the temperature, others fear copycats or retaliation. Which does history suggest?
Pape:
Both pathways exist. Larger public support for political violence is one. Copycat or retaliation attacks are another. Itâs difficult to disentangle because events are often separated by months or years. But attackers study each other, learn from mistakes, and plan for weeks. Yesterdayâs attacker likely learned from prior failed attempts.
Halperin:
Last oneâwhat gives you optimism?
Pape:
Seventy percent of the public abhors political violence and supports joint calls to tamp it down. Thatâs still a strong majority. Leaders can also see they have something at stake for themselves and their families, so their incentives align with the public. But we need them to act.
Robert Anthony Pape (/pĂŚp/; born April 24, 1960) is an American political scientist who studies national and international security affairs, with a focus on air power, political violence, social media propaganda, and terrorism. He is currently a professor of political science at the University of Chicago and founder and director of the Chicago Project on Security and Threats (CPOST).
I can’t believe this charlatan is a highly respected expert.
John B. Judis wrote in the WSJ Aug. 29, 2021:
The most common reaction to the release of the 2020 census was summed up in the headline âCensus Data show the number of white people fell.â The data show the number of whites declining by 8.6%. This observation was often coupled with a political projection: that while gerrymandering could benefit Republicans in 2022, the political future belongs to the Democratic Party, which commands large majorities among minorities.
But these conclusions about race and politics rely on misleading census results. Contrary to Democratic hopes and right-wing anxieties, Americaâs white population didnât shrink much between 2010 and 2020 and might actually have grown.
âRacesâ are defined not by biology but by cultural convention. As late as the early 20th century, many Anglo-Americans didnât identify Southern or Eastern Europeans as âwhite.â In 1918, 33-year-old Harry S. Truman, while visiting New York City, wrote his cousin: âThis town has 8,000,000 people. 7,500,000 of âem are of Israelish extraction. (400,000 wops and the rest are white people.)â After World War II, Jews and Italians became identified as âwhite.â
Something similar seems to be happening to many Americans of Hispanic and Asian origin. About 3 in 10 Hispanics and Asians intermarry, usually to a white spouse. According to a 2016 study by economists Brian Duncan and Stephen J. Trejo, 35% of third-generation Hispanics of mixed parentage no longer identify as Hispanic; and 55% of third-generation Asian-Americans of mixed parentage no longer identify as Asian. A 2017 Pew report found that among Americans of Hispanic origin who donât identify themselves as Hispanic, 59% said that they were seen by others as white.
The racial identity of Hispanics is especially confusing because the census asks about âHispanic, Latino or Spanish originâ separately from race. In the 2010 census, 53% of those who said they were of Hispanic origin checked off only âwhite,â a 58% increase in numbers from 2000. That rise in white Hispanics helped account for the increase in the number of whites from the prior census. But in the 2020 census, a mere 20.3% of Hispanics checked off only âwhite,â contributing to the 8.6% decline in the total number of people identifying only as white.
That dramatic change probably stemmed not from a shift in social consciousness or demographics, but from a subtle change in the 2020 question about race. In 2010 the census asked respondents to check off whether they were white, black or African-American, American Indian or Alaska Native, various varieties of Asian or Pacific Islander, and âsome other race.â They may check off as many race boxes as are applicable.
But in 2020 the census asked respondents who checked off âwhiteâ to specify their nationality: âPrint, for example, German, Irish, Italian, Lebanese, Egyptian, etc.â No Spanish-speaking nationality was listed. That likely created the impression that Hispanic was another race, notwithstanding the previous questionâs disclaimer that âHispanic origins are not races.â
Thus, many Hispanics who would have checked off white alone in 2010 may have checked âwhiteâ and âsome other raceâ in 2020. The number of Hispanics checking two or more boxes increased by 567% from 2010 and make up about two-thirds of those who checked both boxes. Seventy-one percent of the population checked white in 2020, either alone or with one or more other boxesâan increase of 1.9% from 2010. It is very possible that if the census hadnât changed the race question in 2020, the number of âwhitesâ might not have declined at all or declined only slightly. The number certainly wouldnât have fallen 8.6%.
Over time, social mobility and intermarriage will likely further weaken the distinction between Americans identified as white and those with Asian and Hispanic ancestry. As sociologist Richard Alba has argued, census projections that the U.S. will become a âmajority minorityâ nation by 2045 are likely to prove false.
To confuse matters more, the census introduced in 2020 a âdiversity indexâ that filtered out Hispanics who considered themselves âwhiteâ by creating a quasiracial category of 57.8% ânon-Hispanic whites.â This was the percentage most commentators reported as âwhites.â It eliminated the 20.3% of people of Hispanic origin who still checked off only âwhite.â The authors of the census appear determined to fuel nativist fears that whites are being âreplacedâ and liberal hopes of a growing minority-based Democratic majority.
ChatGPT notes:
Here are the strongest counterarguments youâll hear (or read) against Robert Papeâs claim that the U.S. is moving from a âwhite-majority democracy to a white-minority democracy.â
1. Census Categories Are Artificial and Shifting
Pape relies on the ânon-Hispanic white aloneâ category, which has indeed fallen to ~57% in 2020 and is projected to dip below 50% around 2035â2045.
But as John Judis (WSJ) and Richard Alba (CUNY) point out, thatâs a census artifact. In 2020, the race question changed, and many Hispanics who had checked âwhite onlyâ in 2010 instead checked âwhite + some other race.â That created the illusion of an 8.6% decline in whites.
If you count all who checked âwhiteâ in any way (alone or mixed), the white share was actually 71% in 2020 â slightly higher than in 2010.
2. Assimilation and Intermarriage Undercut the âMinorityâ Framing
Intermarriage rates are high: ~30% of Hispanics and Asians marry whites.
Studies show that by the third generation, 35% of Hispanics and 55% of Asians with mixed ancestry no longer identify as Hispanic/Asian. Many identify (and are seen) as white.
In lived social reality, these groups often assimilate into the white mainstream, meaning the sharp âwhite vs. minorityâ divide is blunted over time.
3. âMajority-Minority Nationâ Projections Are Misleading
The Census Bureauâs âdiversity indexâ filters out Hispanics who identify as white, narrowing âwhiteâ to ânon-Hispanic white.â Thatâs what fuels headlines about whites âshrinking.â
Richard Alba argues this framing is misleading because it assumes permanent, impermeable boundaries between groups. In practice, categories blur: Irish, Italians, Jews were once seen as nonwhite but became white. Something similar may be happening with parts of Hispanic and Asian populations.
As a result, the U.S. may never truly be a âwhite-minority nationâ in the stark way Pape describes.
4. Political Behavior Doesnât Map Cleanly to Census Boxes
Pape links demographic change directly to rising political violence and âradicalizedâ politics.
Critics argue that political coalitions arenât locked to census identities. Second- and third-generation Hispanics/Asians are already trending more Republican in some areas (e.g., Miami, South Texas).
So the âthreatâ narrative tied to whites losing majority status may be overstated if assimilation and partisan realignment reduce the salience of racial blocs.
Bottom line: Papeâs warning about social upheaval tied to âwhites becoming a minorityâ is based on the narrowest census measure and may overstate the demographic rupture. Critics like Judis and Alba argue the real story is more continuity than rupture: broad assimilation, fuzzy boundaries, and a slower, less dramatic shift.
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Trump Supporters Are Surrounded By Highly Educated Americans Who Want Them Murdered Like Charlie Kirk
Why would it be illogical to understand that everyone who’s called Trump and his supporters fascist wants us murdered like Charlie Kirk?
If you truly believe someone is a fascist, you logically want them dead. How many people want to be ruled by fascism? Not many Americans.
When the elites called Trump fascist, they created a permission structure to murder Trump and his supporters.
If somebody publicly rejoices at the assassination of Charlie Kirk (and I think it would be illogical of them not to rejoice, though it would usually be against their self-interest to be public about it), why would they not rejoice at the murder of everyone with Charlie Kirk’s politics?
I again see people on the right posting things to the effect that, âWe canât live with these people.â Well, you do live with them. And they live with you. And thatâs not likely to change. So we have to find a way to live together.
Thatâs not to say that nothing should be done. As they did with George Floydâs killing, there should be an expectation that the institutions of society collectively act to shut down behaviors that create a fertile climate for this sort of thing.
One of them is the frequent labeling of Trump supporters and Republicans as âNazisâ or âfascists,â which only serves to imply that itâs legitimate to stop them by any means necessary, including violence. You may call the popular âPunch a Naziâ meme as an example of this, one that explicitly approved of violence.
Another is open celebrations of murder, which we see in this case, but also to some extent in the killing of United Healthcareâs president by Luigi Mangione and in the recent killing of the head of Blackstoneâs REIT.
How much did Turning Point USA pay Utah Valley University for security? Do they get a refund?
From today’s 2Way show, at the 19 minute mark:
Jacob:
Iâm a Princeton student, currently on a two-year break working in marketing for my professor. Iâve been a conservative my whole life. I grew up in Seattleâthatâs where I am now.
When I was in the Ivy League, which is very left-wing, there was this unspoken rule: you had to lie to your teachers and professors, it was harder to make friends, you had to keep a tight circle.
The way I saw this story, I felt it on three levels. First, the grief for his family and friendsâespecially his daughter, who will never see her father again. Second, the thoughts about stochastic terrorism, why this happened, and how he got shot. But the third, which I didnât expect, was people I knew telling me he deserved to die.
When I asked them why, young Gen Z people said it was because of his opinionsâon abortion, on guns, views that Iâve held my entire life. One person even refused to answer whether I deserve to die. That shocked me.
Scrolling through Twitter and Reddit, glued to my phone these past few days, Iâve seen people openly say these things. I donât know the percentageâmaybe itâs 5%, maybe 25%âbut itâs a huge number of people. They donât just want assassinations of other people; theyâre at least undecided on the assassination of me.
Mark Halperin:
Wow, Jacob. These arenât people you know, right? These are social media interactions?
Jacob:
There was one person I knew who refused to answer, and then thousands more Iâve seen on social media. Honestly, my question to you is: what do I do with that information? I never realized how many people are this violent and hateful. I donât know what to do with that.
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We Choose Our Murder Rate
Maybe it was not a coincidence that Charlie Kirk was shot in the throat while talking about the trans crime wave.
Millions of conservative Americans have metaphorically been shot in the throat while sharing their worldview and learned to stay silent in public.
We decide how much murder we have in our country by how severely we track it, prosecute it, kill it, and imprison it. Why Americans often vote for an astronomical murder rate is bewildering. Virtually every Republican politician is tougher on violent crime than virtually every Democratic politician, but this is a mundane observation that marks me as a pleb.
Any large crowd in America should have a law enforcement or private security drone overhead to minimize these rooftop shooters. We need mass use of facial surveillance software. We need stop and frisk in high crime areas.
I guarantee you that there are significant physical signs that somebody is vastly more likely than average to be a murderer, but social ostracism prevents any funding or discussion or study of these important signs. Nature codes people for our benefit. When I run into freaky people who look like this shooter, my internal alarm bells ring.
If you don’t stereotype, if you don’t discriminate, if you don’t employ appropriate prejudice, if you don’t welcome nature’s flashing bright codes for danger, you are a fool. Nature has coded life for our benefit.
Bud: “The left is taking a page out of Israel’s decapitation strategy whereby if it kills the leaders, the second stringers who replace them won’t be as effective.”
Nobody can replace Charlie Kirk.
I notice the MSM calls Kirk “divisive.” That’s a fair descriptor but why is it always people on the right who get called “divisive.” Is there anyone on the left who’s divisive? was Obama divisive?
Divisiveness is not bad. Sometimes it is an adaptive strategy, sometimes unity is a better strategy. It depends on the situation. If you go into work or on to public transport and start being divisive, that’s a bad strategy. If you are looking for a niche to exploit in business or culture or religion or politics, divisiveness is often a great strategy. Sometimes a nation gets stronger when it gets large and sometimes it gets stronger when it shrinks.
Denominations can enlarge by dropping standards, or they can shrink by raising standards.
For everything there is a time and a place under heaven.
Fox News largely banned Charlie Kirk from 2015 to about 2024, just as they banned Donald Trump from 2021 to April 2023.
I’ve never thought about Charlie Kirk because I never consider the punditry of people under 30 (I might listen to the scholarship of a tiny few under age 30). It would never occur to me to look for wisdom about life from anyone under age 30.
I’ve never written or spoken about Charlie Kirk at length because I don’t pay much attention to pundits and activists in general. Only on rare occasions did I listen to him speak, but I was glad for what he did for Trump and for conservatives. I thought he was a good soldier for the cause of taking back America from the left.
I’ve found myself getting emotional over this killing. Kirk seemed to be as edgy as he could be and still build a good life for him and his…until this.
It’s hard to know how much edge you can put out there safely because the enemy gets a say.
Everyone wants to be a hero, but nobody wants to pay this price.
I thirst to be heroic, but as one friend told me, “I know you think you are a big hero, but if you were as heroic as you think you are, you’d be dead.”
I want to be a hero, but I don’t want to pay a big price for my heroism. I want my heroism on the cheap.
Why would the left not celebrate Kirk’s death? There’s no left-wing Charlie Kirk, but I expect people to enjoy the death of their enemies. What is new is for educated people in prestigious positions to publicly celebrate such assassinations. This is a crossing of the rubicon.
There will always be people doing terrible things. What’s new here is the public rejoicing over murder by educated Americans.
I don’t recall rejoicing at the murder of any American. If I were to feel joy at such a thing, I wouldn’t publicly celebrate it. Something is off in people who do this. Why would they cause their family shame? Do they have families?
I know liberals who told me they would resort to violence to stop Donald Trump and his movement (I got along with them because I only talked politics in the context of joking). None of these people, however, were particularly happy. They were all somewhat isolated, and they were all divorced. I don’t think happy people post publicly their joy in the Charlie Kirk assassination. Hurt people hurt people. If you had something to lose, such as your family and your community, you wouldn’t risk it for martyrdom.
If Charlie Kirk’s murderer had been married with kids, I don’t think he would have become Charlie Kirk’s murderer.
I find it telling that when he was confronted by his father over what he had done, the murderer said he wanted to kill himself, but the father got his local Mormon bishop on the phone, and this man convinced the killer to turn himself in.
Conservatives say marriage settles men down, but it is probably more likely that settled men marry.
Politics matter more to liberals than to conservatives, who instead focus on family, faith and work.
Because politics matters more to people on the left, they are more likely than those on the right to support murder to accomplish political goals.
Prior to the 2024 election, journalist Mark Halperin talked about his fears over a mass mental health breakdown on the left if Trump were elected. Perhaps this passion for murder on much of the left reflects a mental health breakdown?
Conservatives bemoaned cancel culture when people who said trivial things were fired. Publicly celebrating an assassination of a fellow American is a different kettle of fish from saying, for example, “That’s gay.”
I wouldn’t report someone who posted on social media about his job at the Charlie Kirk assassination (because I don’t like what this would do to me), but I’m not sure I have a big objection to this reporting. Whenever people in my social media or in the chat of my livestreams talk about organizing boycotts, it’s not something I support, but sometimes I recognize its utility.
I don’t want to be an activist. That’s not where my gift lies. I’m better suited to the observer and analyst role. A man has to know his limitations. Given the lurid nature of my history, I don’t bring glory to any cause I espouse.
Charlie Kirk was a high-functioning political activist. He followed his passion and he expanded his life. He had over 1,000 employees. He married a beauty queen and had children. He had a pastor and a religious community. By contrast, for many political activists on all sides of the political spectrum, their political activism makes their lives smaller.
A common meme in the online right is — “You don’t hate [MSM, the Left, etc] enough.” I don’t think that was Charlie Kirk’s attitude. His politics expanded his life. Imbibing the attitude that you don’t hate your enemies enough is usually going to to shrink your life. If you have a strong in-group identity, you will hate your enemies and you should have people in your circle who you can talk to. Overall, however, extreme hatred over politics and religion and race is not usually going to ennoble you. For the healthy person, their primary focus should be their family, and if they have room after that, it should be on their work, friends and community. Extreme hatred won’t improve your happiness and your effectiveness, your adaptability, and your relationships with others and with yourself. It won’t improve your communal and work life. It’s a recipe for self-destruction. If you are fighting for your life alone in a dark alley, hating your would-be killer is an excellent attitude. For most of the rest of life, it doesn’t serve you.
I don’t think porn is good, but if a couple uses porn in a way that brings them closer together, that’s far better than using porn to diverge from each other. Anything that separates you from the people you love is usually bad. Intense hatred usually separates you from healthy people.
The highest functioning, most well-adjusted are the least likely to post publicly their applause for assassinations or their broad hatred for various groups.
If you can channel your fury over the Charlie Kirk murder to bond with people you love, that’s awesome. If your anger over it separates you from those you love, that reduces your effectiveness in life.
Almost everything in life comes down to how do you use it.
The Charlie Kirk assassination is a huge loss for MAGA. The left had a big win. You can deplore it all you want, but the left won this round. They changed the nature of reality. One of the right’s top three warriors along with Donald Trump and Stephen Miller, a possible future president, is slain and he cannot be replaced.
Reality is corporate. Group strategies out-compete individual strategies. The left as a group won this round.
I’ve been expecting the assassination of prominent supporters of Donald Trump for a decade. I’m surprised it didn’t happen before. I’ve often discussed this privately with friends and how it would likely lead to tit for tat.
Ten left-wing Charlie Kirks are not as significant as the one real Charlie Kirk.
Everybody wants to save America but almost nobody wants to pay the price. It feels great to speak up for what you hold sacred until you pay the price. Every poster loves others listening to them but nobody likes the blowback.
For every thousands keyboard warriors, there’s one person willing to keep typing when the typing gets tough.
The more we learn about the Charlie Kirk murderer, the more freaky he appears from a trad perspective. This embodies a pattern I notice among right-wing attitudes to the left — that the left are freaks. On the left I notice that the dominant view of the right is that we are evil.
John Podhoretz tonight on 2Way (79 minute mark): “Can I quickly point out that in 2005, Bill Kristol was at Earlham College in Indiana and had a pie thrown in his face. The same thing happened to Natan Sharansky a year earlier. People were hurling pies. Remember, George Bush had a shoe thrown at him in Iraq.
That was the âbroken windowsâ moment. College presidents and university leaders should have said: if we donât stop someone from throwing a pieâif we donât kick out and prosecute the people who did it, and change the atmosphereâthen 20 years from now, someone is going to shoot somebody in an open field at a campus event in Utah, of all places.
The failure is in security and in not making clear where the boundaries of acceptable behavior are. We saw this again just recentlyâthe guy who threw a sandwich in D.C. at a National Guardsman and then ran away. Sure, itâs ridiculous, a sandwich isnât going to seriously hurt anyone. But you cannot throw objects at law enforcement officers.
If you dismiss that charge, you encourage more people to throw things at officers. And the next thing wonât be a sandwichâit will be a bullet. Thatâs why security matters, and why we have to go forward recognizing that weâve already crossed this Rubicon.”
America needs both sides of the political spectrum. We have left and right politics because these strategies proved adaptive over thousands of years. Our politics is in our genes and in our situations. In some situations, left responses are most adaptive, in other situations, right response are more adaptive. I’m right, and all of my friends are right, so how do I explain to the right that America needs the left. Describe situations where left responses are more useful, perhaps the covid response was better suited to the left.
ChatGPT says:
Right-leaning traits (order, tradition, caution about rapid change) are adaptive in times when stability, loyalty, and protection are critical â like war, threats to family or nation, or moments when institutions need defending.
Left-leaning traits (innovation, openness, willingness to take risks for collective good) are adaptive when survival depends on cooperation, experimentation, or rapid adjustment to new conditions.
Both are strategies humans have carried for millennia. Societies that swing too far one way or the other usually break down.
Situations Where Left-Leaning Responses Are More Useful
Public Health Crises (e.g., COVID-19)
Collective action (masks, vaccines, coordinated restrictions) worked better than purely individual choice.
Rapid government spending and coordination â a left-leaning approach â kept the economy afloat when private actors alone would have pulled back.
Industrial and Environmental Regulation
The market by itself wonât limit pollution or ensure clean air/water. Left-driven regulatory frameworks (EPA, Clean Air Act) gave us healthier cities and longer life spans.
Economic Safety Nets
Programs like Social Security, Medicare, and unemployment insurance stabilize society in downturns. Right-leaning emphasis on self-reliance is important, but left-leaning safety nets prevent chaos when millions fall on hard times.
Scientific and Technological Investment
Government-funded research (often pushed by the left) built the internet, GPS, vaccines, and green energy. Private markets then commercialized them.
How to Frame It to Conservatives
Not weakness, but complementarity. Left isnât the âenemy,â itâs the other half of an adaptive system.
Think team sports. You need offense and defense. The right is defense â protecting order and tradition. The left is offense â pushing change when needed.
Stress balance. When the left goes too far, the right pulls back. When the right resists too much, the left pushes forward. That push-pull is what keeps America from either collapsing into chaos or calcifying into stagnation.
In Genesis, God says, âIt is not good for man to be alone; I will make him a helper suitable for him.â The Hebrew word translated as âhelperâ (ezer kenegdo) doesnât mean servant â it literally means a partner who stands opposite, a counterpart, a force that balances and challenges.
So in that frame:
Adam and Eve are not identical, but complementary. Adam without Eve is incomplete; Eve without Adam is incomplete. Together, through tension and cooperation, they create life and meaning.
Left and right in politics function the same way. One side without the other becomes distorted. The right alone might calcify into rigidity; the left alone might spin into chaos. But together â even though they clash â they create balance, correction, and progress.
You can put it this way to your friends on the right: God Himself didnât want Adam unchallenged, unquestioned, or alone. He needed an equal who would sometimes resist, sometimes push, sometimes balance. That tension wasnât a flaw â it was the design.
I’m right, but if my genes and situation were different, I’d be left.
Thatâs the humbling part of looking at politics as adaptive strategies rather than moral absolutes.
If your genes wired you for higher risk tolerance, novelty-seeking, or stronger empathic response, and if your life circumstances rewarded cooperation over competition, youâd probably lean left. Likewise, people who experience instability, threat, or who are wired for caution and hierarchy often lean right.
Itâs not just âideas we chose.â Itâs biology Ă environment. Which means:
Your being right-wing isnât proof of superior morality, itâs proof of whatâs adaptive for you.
Left-wing people arenât âwrongâ by definition â theyâre carrying strategies that may be better in other contexts.
The whole system needs both, because the future is unpredictable. Sometimes survival depends on conserving; other times on innovating.
You can explain it this way: âIâm right-wing because of who I am and where Iâve been. If Iâd had different genes and life experiences, Iâd be left. Thatâs not weakness â thatâs how nature builds a resilient society, by giving us different lenses to see the world.â
William Barr wrote in the WSJ:
The violent crime surge was preventable. It was caused by progressive politicians reverting to the same reckless revolving-door policies that during the 1960s and â70s produced the greatest tsunami of violent crime in American history. We reversed that earlier crime wave with the tough anticrime measures adopted during the Reagan-Bush era. We can stop this one as well.
Studies have repeatedly shown that most predatory crime is committed by a small, hard-core group of habitual offenders. They are a tiny fraction of the populationâI estimate roughly 1%âbut are responsible for between half and two-thirds of predatory violent crime. Each of these offenders can be expected to commit scores, even hundreds, of crimes a year, frequently while on bail, probation or parole. The only time they arenât committing crimes is when theyâre in prison. For this group, the likelihood of reoffending usually doesnât recede until they reach their late 30s.
The only way to reduce violent crime appreciably is to keep this cohort off the streets. We know with certainty that for each of these criminals held in prison, there are hundreds of people who arenât being victimized. This âincapacitationâ strategy requires laws, like those in the federal system, that allow judges to detain repeat offenders before trial when they pose a danger to the community, and that impose tough sentences on repeat violent offenders.
History shows this strategy works. Before 1960, violent crime in the U.S. was modest and stable. In the early â60s, however, liberal reformers pushed to turn state justice systems into revolving doors, with violent offenders quickly released on parole or probation. Predictably, violent crime exploded, going from 160 crimes per 100,000 population in 1960 to 758 per 100,000 in 1991.
In the 1980s, the Reagan administration and several large states started locking up violent offenders, and the nationâs prison population rose from about 300,000 to almost 700,000. This radically flattened the rate of violent crime, which rose only 11% during the â80s. By 1991, when I first became attorney general, the revolving door was in overdrive in many states. Nationally, murderers served less than six years on average; the average time served for rape was three years. In Texas, offenders typically served only 15% of their sentences. Five of 8 felons released from prison were arrested for new crimes within three years.
The George H.W. Bush administration initiated the doubling of federal prison capacity, pushed states to do likewise, and launched a broad movement to toughen up state justice systems. It also greatly expanded joint federal, state and local task forces to target the worst violent criminals for stiff sentences under federal gun, gang and drug-trafficking laws.
The results of these policies were stunning. By 1992, as more violent offenders were incarcerated, the trajectory of violent crime started falling for the first time in decades. Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush continued these policies, and from 1991 to 2013, the total prison population in the U.S. doubledâfrom roughly 800,000 to 1.6 million. At the same time, violent crime plummeted, dropping for 23 years. By 2014 it had been cut in halfâto a level not seen since 1970âand homicides of black victims were down by about 5,000 a year.
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