Luke Ford

Abstract: Studies demonstrate a negative association between community ethnic diversity and indicators of social cohesion (especially attitudes towards neighbours and the community), suggesting diversity causes a decline in social cohesion. However, to date, the evidence for this claim is based solely oncross-sectional research. This article performs the first longitudinal test of the impact of diversity,applying fixed-effects modelling methods to three waves of panel data from the British Household Panel Survey, spanning a period of 18 years. Using an indicator of affective attachment, the findingssuggest that changes in community diversity do lead to changes in attitudes towards the community. However, this effect differs by whether the change in diversity stems from a community increasing diversity around individuals who do not move (stayers) or individuals moving into more or less diverse communities (movers). Increasing diversity undermines attitudes among stayers.

Abstract: This study examines how classroom and neighborhood ethnic diversity affect adolescents’ tendency to form same- versus cross-ethnic friendships when they enter middle school. Hypotheses are derived from exposure, conflict, and constrict theory. Hypotheses are tested among 911 middle school students (43 classrooms, nine schools) in the Netherlands. Multilevel (p2) social network analyses show that students were more likely to engage in same-ethnic rather than cross-ethnic friendships. In line with conflict theory, greater classroom and neighborhood diversity were related to stronger tendencies to choose same-ethnic rather than cross-ethnic friends, among both ethnic majority and minority students. Diversity did not hamper reciprocity, as students in more ethnically diverse classrooms were even more likely to reciprocate friendships.

MSUTODAY: For years, policymakers have attempted to create communities where a diverse group of residents not only live close to one other but also interact freely – in other words, neighborhoods that are both integrated and socially cohesive.

But that might be a lost cause, a Michigan State University sociologist argues in a new study.

As reported in the American Journal of Community Psychology, Zachary Neal found that neighborhood integration and cohesion cannot co-exist.

“Is a better world possible? Unfortunately, these findings show it may not be possible to simultaneously create communities that are both fully integrated and fully cohesive,” Neal said. “In essence, when it comes to neighborhood desegregation and social cohesion, you can’t have your cake and eat it too.”

The reason has to do with how people form relationships. Neal said people usually develop relationships with others who are close rather than far away, and similar rather than different from themselves (be it through race, religion, social class, etc.).

Neal ran computer modeling of different fictional neighborhoods and, after millions of trials, consistently found the same thing: The more integrated a neighborhood is, the less socially cohesive it becomes, and vice versa.

“These trends are so strong, it’s unlikely policy can change it,” Neal said.

He said policymakers should instead try to find the right balance between integration and cohesion, which may differ from community to community.

Neal said he started the project because past research had failed to turn up a city that is both truly integrated and cohesive – from the United States to the United Kingdom to Asia. But it’s not from lack of effort, he said.

“It’s not that local leaders and policymakers aren’t trying hard enough,” Neal said. “Rather, we now think it’s because the goals of integration and cohesion are just not compatible with each other.”

Robert Putnam: Ethnic diversity is increasing in most advanced countries, driven mostly by sharp increases in immigration. In the long run immigration and diversity are likely to have important cultural, economic, fiscal, and developmental benefits. In the short run, however, immigration and ethnic diversity tend to reduce social solidarity and social capital. New evidence from the US suggests that in ethnically diverse neighbourhoods residents of all races tend to ‘hunker down’. Trust (even of one’s own race) is lower, altruism and community cooperation rarer, friends fewer. In the long run, however, successful immigrant societies have overcome such fragmentation by creating new, cross-cutting forms of social solidarity and more encompassing identities. Illustrations of becoming comfortable with diversity are drawn from the US military, religious institutions, and earlier waves of American immigration.

USNEWS: New research indicates that integrating schools to equalize access to teachers will not significantly close student achievement gaps.

This week, Dr. John B. King Jr. stepped into the role of acting secretary of Education, following Arne Duncan’s resignation last month. As a vocal proponent of reducing inequalities in American schools and a person of color, Dr. King’s leadership may open the door for the Department of Education to take a stronger position on one of the most persistent problems in American schools: segregation. He has been a proponent of integrated schools in the past and as State Education Commissioner in New York, he promoted integration as part of the state’s school turnaround efforts.

Dr. King’s new role, in light of the upcoming observance of the holiday celebrating another Dr. King, warrants the question: Would greater school integration actually be successful in closing long-standing achievement gaps based on race and income?

Abstract: Using data from Copenhagen school registers and other sources, I test the hypothesis that
Danes are more likely to opt out of their local public school if it has a large concentration of immigrant pupils. The results suggest that, when a rich set of covariates at student, school, and neighbourhood levels is controlled for, up to an immigrant concentration of about 35 per cent in the local school, opting out decisions of Danes are not affected. But, Danes are far more likely to opt out as soon as the concentration exceeds 35 per cent.
However, only the 20 per cent of the immigrant population who speak Danish at home respond to higher immigrant concentrations by opting out. These results lend support to the native-flight-from-immigrants hypothesis and suggest that ethnic segregation across
schools is increased by Danes’ and immigrants’ differing behaviour.

Abstract: The current paper focuses on White British students in lower secondary education and investigates the effect of school ethnic diversity on their levels of trust and inclusive attitudes towards immigrants. Use is made of panel data of the Citizenship Education Longitudinal Study (CELS) to explore these relationships. Ethnic diversity is measured with the proportion of students in a grade identifying with a minority. In agreement with contact theory, the paper initially finds a positive relation between diversity and inclusive attitudes on immigrants. However, this link disappears once controls for social background, gender and prior levels of the outcome are included in the model. This indicates that students with particular pre-enrolment characteristics have self-selected in diverse schools and that inclusive attitudes have stabilized before secondary education. Diversity further appears to have a negative impact on trust, irrespective of the number of controls added to the model.

Abstract: Unreciprocated aid among co-ethnics and the emotional intensity of ethnic conflict have long been explanatory challenges to evolutionary science. J.P. Rushton’s theory of assortative ethnic affiliation–altruism, mating and friendship directed towards fellow ethnics–derives from his more general theory of genetic similarity (GST). GST proposes that humans give preferential treatment to others in whom they detect genetic resemblance and that such behavior enhances genetic fitness. The theory coincides with W.D. Hamilton’s theory of inclusive fitness as applied to relations between populations. GST helps explain core features of ethnicity, including its basis in putative kinship and correlation with gene frequencies. Ethnic nepotism due to similarity is a weak social force compared to social identity. However its pervasiveness makes it a potential driver of evolutionary and social change, a potential borne out by sociological studies of the impact of ethnic diversity on social cohesion and public altruism. Genomics confirms the theory for interactions within populations with sufficient genetic diversity, such as ethnically mixed societies. GST applied to ethnicity is promising for further research in evolutionary social science because it unifies evolutionary and behavioral mechanisms in a single theory.

Abstract: Relatively little is known about what determines whether a heterogenous population ends up in a cooperative or divisive situation. This paper proposes a theoretical model to understand what social structures arise in heterogeneous populations. Individuals face a trade-off between cultural and economic incentives: an individual prefers to maintain his cultural practices, but doing so can inhibit interaction and economic
exchange with those who adopt different practices. We find that a small minority group will adopt majority cultural practices and integrate. In contrast, minority groups above a certain critical mass, may retain diverse practices and may also segregate from the majority. The size of this critical mass depends on the cultural
distance between groups, the importance of culture in day to day life, and the costs of forming a social tie. We test these predictions using data on migrants to the United States in the era of mass migration, and find support for the existence of a critical mass of migrants above which social structure in heterogeneous
populations changes discretely towards cultural distinction and segregation.

INTRODUCTION:

Ethnic, linguistic, and religious heterogeneity are associated with a variety of politico-economic problems, including low growth, low provision of public goods, and conflict. Yet the effects of diversity are not uniform: some heterogenous populations manage to avoid societal conflict and are economically successful. In some cases, diversity can even have positive effects on growth, productivity, and innovation.1 Seeking to explain this puzzle, recent work finds that social cohesion plays an important role in how well a population ‘deals’ with its heterogeneity. For example, more segregated populations are found to have lower quality of governance, lower trust between citizens, and worse education and employment outcomes, compared to similarly heterogenous populations that are better integrated.2

Despite its clear importance, relatively little is known about what determines whether a heterogenous population ends up in a cooperative or divisive situation. In this paper we propose
a model that allows us to study this question. We ask, first, what social structures can arise when society is composed of heterogeneous groups, and second, what features influence which
social structure arises in a particular environment. Understanding this is crucial in an increasingly mobile world in which immigration and social cohesion are frequently at the forefront of
political agendas.3

In our model, individuals from two distinct groups – natives and immigrants – living sideby-side, make choices over activities to engage in, and who in the community to interact with. Some activities, such as language choice, are ‘cultural actions’, in the sense that each group will start with an ex ante preferred language, and there is a cost to switching to any other choice.
Other activities are ‘non-cultural’: there is no group-specific reason why one activity is more costly to engage in than another.4 For example, there may be no group-specific reason why one
sport should be more costly to engage in than another.5
Interaction provides opportunities for economic exchange, and so individuals can benefit from forming social ties with others in the
population. Since interaction requires some degree of commonality of actions, we assume that the benefit of a link is increasing in the number of shared activities, with a fixed (per-link) cost
of formation. The fundamental trade-off is that an individual prefers to maintain his cultural practices but doing so can hinder opportunities for interaction and exchange with those who
adopt different practices.6