Reuters: ‘Google defeats conservative nonprofit’s YouTube censorship appeal’

On February 26, 2020, Reuters reported:

Google persuaded a federal appeals court on Wednesday to reject claims that YouTube illegally censors conservative content.

In a 3-0 decision that could apply to platforms such as Facebook, the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in Seattle found that YouTube was not a public forum subject to First Amendment scrutiny by judges.

It upheld the dismissal of a lawsuit against Google and YouTube by Prager University, a conservative nonprofit run by radio talk show host Dennis Prager.

PragerU claimed that YouTube’s opposition to its political views led it to tag dozens of videos on such topics as abortion, gun rights, Islam and terrorism for its “Restricted Mode” setting, and block third parties from advertising on the videos.

Writing for the appeals court, however, Circuit Judge Margaret McKeown said YouTube was a private forum despite its “ubiquity” and public accessibility, and hosting videos did not make it a “state actor” for purposes of the First Amendment.

McKeown also dismissed PragerU’s false advertising claim, saying YouTube’s “braggadocio” about its commitment to free speech –such as “everyone deserves to have a voice, and [the] world is a better place when we listen, share and build community through our stories” — were merely opinions.

On August 8, 2019, John Samples published for the libertarian Cato Institute:

Dennis Prager recently made a case for government management of social media in the Wall Street Journal. Prager is a conservative so it might seem odd to find him plumping for government control of private businesses. But he is a part of a new conservatism that rejects the older tradition of laissez‐​faire that informed the right. What could justify Big Government regulation for tech companies? Prager argues that the companies have a legal obligation to moderate their platforms without political bias. He thinks they are biased and thus fail to meet their obligation. But the companies have no such obligation and to be charitable, it is far from clear that they are biased against conservative content…

The law also empowers the platforms to restrict content that is “obscene, lewd, lascivious, filthy, excessively violent, harassing, or otherwise objectionable.” Prager notices the obscenity part, but somehow misses the words “otherwise objectionable.” If YouTube decided Prager’s videos were neither violent nor obscene but were “otherwise objectionable,” the company could restrict access to them. In other words, the law empowers YouTube to be biased against Prager if they wish. And Prager thinks they do have it in for him and other conservatives. As you might have guessed by now, there is lot less to this claim than meets the eye.

Consider what Prager himself tells us: YouTube now hosts 320 Prager University videos that get a billion views a year. Indeed, a new video goes up every week. Not exactly the Gulag is it? He complains that 56 of those 320 videos are on YouTube’s “restricted list” which means (according to Prager) “any home, institution or individual using a filter to block pornography and violence cannot see those videos. Nor can any school or library.” In other words, YouTube has “restricted access” to materials on its site its managers consider “otherwise objectionable.”

Was YouTube biased against Prager and other conservatives? Prager himself notes leftwing sites also ended up on the restricted list. But that’s different, he says, because their videos are violent or obscene while his are not. Prager fails to mention that videos from The History Channel are restricted at twice the rate of his films. Hardly a bastion of left‐​wing vulgarity, The History Channel’s videos often discuss historical atrocities and totalitarian regimes. While these clips may be educational, Google seems to believe that the 1.5% of YouTube users who voluntarily opt‐​in to restricted mode wish to avoid even educational discussions of atrocity. Dennis Prager’s video about the Ten Commandments is restricted for similar discussions of the Nazi’s Godless regime.

It is far from unreasonable to allow parents to decide how their children are taught about such horrors. A reasonable conservative might even applaud such support for the family. Who gets to decide whether left wing videos or historical documentaries are different than Prager’s videos? The law says YouTube gets to decide.

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No Safe Spaces (2019)

According to NoSafeSpaces.com: “No Safe Spaces follows Adam Carolla and Dennis Prager as they explore the challenges to the First Amendment and freedom of thought faced in America today.”

Michael Conklin, professor of Business Law, wrote in the 80th edition of the Pepperdine Law Review in 2019:

Unfortunately, the polariz-ing nature of the reviews largely fall along partisan political lines, with con-servatives praising the film and liberals criticizing it. This partisan result could have likely been minimized if the film communicated a more bipartisan tone. To further complicate things, the film does not provide a clear thesis of what it is trying to promote. Rather, it seems to jump around from topic to topic, some of which are not even tangentially related to each other…

One major problem with the film is that it does not have a well-defined theme. Even the title illustrates this point. While much of the film could be summarized as “a warning of current free-speech suppression trends,” safe spaces are only tangentially related to free speech suppression. The creation of safe spaces on college campuses as a place for students to be protected from speech they perceive as offensive may be a bad idea,5 but it does not violate the First Amendment.

At one point in the film, Carolla lectures on the dangers of a welfare state. Elsewhere, there is an entire segment on how “white privilege” is not an ac-curate term. No attempt was made to relate these two issues with the other topics in the film…

The film does not contain in-depth discussions of nuanced First Amendment issues, which is to be expected by a popular-level documentary. But even some basic free-speech principles are presented in a highly misleading manner. At one point, free speech is described as people being able to say “whatever they want” without restrictions… Public and private censor-ship is conflated throughout the film…

There is even an anecdote provided where after a kid says something “stupid,” his friends tell him to “shut up,” to which the kid responds, “Hey, it’s a free country, man. There’s freedom of speech here.” Prager considers this anecdote and responds, “He’s right!” But this is incorrect. Freedom of speech does not protect someone from having his friends tell him to “shut up…

The film could have embodied a more bipartisan tone by presenting examples of people being censored for their liberal views, instead of focusing almost primarily on the censorship of conservative views.

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Hobbes: A Biography

A.P. Martinich writes in this 1999 book:

* no matter how stupid and weak a person may be, he still has enough wit and strength to kill another person, no matter how smart and strong.

“If we consider…with how great facility he that is the weaker in strength or in wit…may utterly destroy the power of the stronger, since there needs but little force to the taking away of a man’s life, we may conclude that men considered in mere nature, ought to admit amongst themselves equality.”

Even the strongest, most intelligent person has to sleep sometime; when he does, sneak up and bash his brains out. This is the “nature red in tooth and claw” argument. Natural equality contributes to universal warfare. A corollary of equal vulnerability is equal lethality.

Hobbes emphasizes the idea of human equality in the state of nature for rhetorical purposes. He wants the state of nature to be an unpleasant place; most of his audience would have thought of equality as socially and morally disastrous and wrong.

The causes of war are roughly the same as presented in The Elements, De Cive, and Leviathan: competition for the same things, diffidence (distrust toward one’s fellowman) and the desire for glory.

* [Hobbe’s] unswerving position is that there is no private property in the state of nature… Property originates within the civil state and ultimately belongs to the sovereign.

* One sign of sovereignty is the status of being above the law.

* The practical consequences of Hobbes’ position is that Englishmen had no right to complain about any of the king’s taxes… People are sadly mistaken and in fact contribute to rebellion “when they are commanded to contribute their persons or money to the public service and think they…are not bound to contribute their goods and persons, not more than every man shall of himself think fit.

* …the effectiveness of laws depends on the fear of being punished by something with power, and that although God is the stronger power, people are usually more afraid of their fellows.

* All human creations dissolve. All civil governments are human creations. Therefore, all civil governments dissolve. In The Elements, Hobbes lists three necessary and sufficient conditions for civil war. The first is discontent… The second is the belief that one is right to be discontented. The third is the belief that one has a chance to change circumstances and to make oneself happy…

Hobbes in effect calls rebels cowards and glory seekers…

* Much of what Hobbes and Descartes said to each other has little to do with the philosophical issues. Each was maneuvering to discredit the other. They thought that the fight for glory was a zero-sum game, and originality was a necessary condition for winning.

Similarity breeds contempt. …both were vain, glory-seeking, self-absorbed, self-proclaimed geniuses.

* Hobbes’ enemies who knew about his obsession to be first used it to get his goat…

Just as praise is worth only as much as the person giving it, so is criticism. Thus, it is not surprising that having failed to win the admiration of Descartes, Hobbes discredited him.

* 1651-1653. He lived in London for two reasons. He wanted to enjoy his fame and to be where the action was.

* …much of his life was spent in fear of war.

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We’re Losing Our Freedoms! (4-5-23)

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It’s The Most Important Election Ever!

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Dennis Prager: Could It Happen Here? It Is Happening Here. (4-4-23)

01:00 Tucker on the unveiling of the indictment
18:00 Trump’s speech
37:00 35 Cognitive Behavioral Therapy Tools
41:00 Could It Happen Here? It Is Happening Here., https://dennisprager.com/column/could-it-happen-here-it-is-happening-here/
1:16:00 Dennis Prager says public schools are poison

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The Onrushing Collapse Of Shadow & Regional Banking (4-3-23)

01:00 FT: Shadow banks could yet cause trouble, https://www.ft.com/content/c6406773-087e-4fde-81af-28d41dcfe660
04:00 FT: US regional banks reduced cash buffers ahead of run on deposits, https://www.ft.com/content/89994a64-42af-4549-b915-faa417009f9f
18:00 Prager: Ends justify the means, https://www.youtube.com/@thedennispragershow2017
21:00 Stephen J James: Talking about Luke Ford with Claire Khaw, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mWJB3YRY9dU
26:00 Tucker: In the Alvin Bragg-George Soros justice system, criminals are a protected class
32:00 CNN has lost 60% of its viewers since Trump left office
36:00 How come politicians didn’t tell George Floyd protesters to control themselves? Only Trump supporters?
39:00 NYTimes: Trump’s Prosecution Has Set a Dangerous Precedent, https://www.nytimes.com/2023/04/01/opinion/trump-prosecution-precedent.html
41:00 NYT: The Solution to Israel’s Crisis, https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/31/opinion/israel-protests-united-states-constitution.html
45:00 WSJ: U.S. Research Scientists Are Blind to China’s Threat: Eager for collaboration, the NIH and NIAID won’t acknowledge concerns about national security, https://www.wsj.com/articles/research-scientists-cant-be-trusted-with-national-security-biosecurity-energy-department-nih-china-gene-editing-wuhan-covid-efa30391
52:00 Rising oil prices
56:00 Wignats vs Jews
1:08:50 John Fetterman’s depression
1:11:00 Media ignore black homicide
1:20:00 WSJ: The Cost of Biden’s ‘Democracy’ Fixation, https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-cost-of-bidens-democracy-fixation-autocracy-summit-freedom-house-ideology-foreign-policy-middle-east-86638fc5
1:42:00 Luke: 90% chance that Biden will beat Trump in 2024

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Examining Hero Systems & Conservative Claims Of Cultural Oppression (4-2-23)

01:00 Do people with a 70 IQ have a hero system?
02:50 Rony Guldmann’s hero system
06:00 Typical right-wing American hero systems
07:30 Hero systems of the Left
15:00 Moving will change your hero system
18:00 Orthodox Judaism as a hero system
36:00 Rony’s memoir: The Star Chamber of Stanford: On the Secret Trial and Invisible Persecution of a Stanford Law Fellow, https://readersfavorite.com/book-review/the-star-chamber-of-stanford
38:30 The Sam Bankman-Fried connection to Rony’s memoir, https://ronyguldmann.com/faq/
40:00 Mark Latham refuses to apologise for homophobic tweet, https://www.theguardian.com/australia-news/2023/apr/01/nsw-environment-minister-renews-calls-for-mark-latham-to-apologise-over-unacceptable-tweet
41:00 Mark Latham’s tweet, https://twitter.com/Wahya77/status/1641277909263609856
59:00 The more individuated you are, the weaker
1:16:00 Rony wishes he was more captivated by the news
1:20:00 How does living in a multicultural society affect the intensity of one’s hero system?

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Why I No Longer Listen To Dennis Prager (4-2-23)

01:00 Dennis Prager on the indictment, https://www.youtube.com/@thedennispragershow2017
05:00 Trump ceded the high ground on president indictments, https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/other/trump-ceded-the-moral-high-ground-on-presidential-indictments-long-ago/ar-AA19mkUE
30:00 Like Many Right-Wing Pundits, Dennis Prager Has Been Consistently Awful With Regard To Covid, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=142220
45:00 William Barr on the Trump indictment
50:00 Pigger calls in with remonstrance for Luke
1:29:00 Elliott Blatt calls in, spectacle vs testicle
1:40:00 Does livestreaming enhance or detract from the host’s life?
1:43:00 Virtually You: The Dangerous Powers of the E-Personality, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=121464
1:53:00 EB: Luke goes out of his way to alienate his audience
2:22:00 Most people shouldn’t speak out on politics or anything controversial

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Ethnic Diversity and Social Trust: A Narrative and Meta-Analytical Review

Here are some highlights from this 2020 paper in the Annual Review of Political Science:


* Does ethnic diversity erode social trust? Continued immigration and corresponding growing ethnic diversity have prompted this essential question for modern societies, but few clear answers have been reached in the sprawling literature. This article reviews the literature on the relationship between ethnic diversity and social trust through a narrative review and a meta-analysis of 1,001 estimates from 87 studies.

* Does ethnic diversity erode social trust? This question is the quintessential derivative of the wider debate about whether the positive interpersonal ties characteristic of socially cohesive societies can be preserved when societies’ inhabitants to a decreasing extent share a common ethnic background. The answer to this question is crucial for understanding the potential challenges that developed societies are facing from increasing ethnic diversity stemming from immigration and refugee settlement. It also provides a potential explanation for the challenges to governance in countries that have historically been ethnically heterogeneous (Alesina et al. 1999, Alesina & Glaeser 2004). Further, because social trust stimulates cooperation between individuals (Gächter
et al. 2004), the link between ethnic diversity and trust provides a plausible explanation for why ethnic diversity has been found to inhibit the enactment of redistributive welfare policies…

* One account posits that mere exposure to people of different ethnic background erodes social trust (Dinesen & Sønderskov 2015). This approach does not impose any assumptions regarding the mode or form of interaction between people in a given context. It is simply “being around” interethnic others that is proposed to influence trust, although this influence might be accentuated or mitigated by specific forms of interactions (e.g., competition or positive contact). This account builds on the assumption that people display heterogeneity—or out-group—aversion (Alesina & La Ferrara 2002, Olsson et al. 2005). That is, they trust those who are different from themselves less than those who are more similar, because similarity is an indicator of shared norms and other behavior-regulating features relevant for trust. By implication, because ethnicity is one—often highly visible—cue of similarity, social trust is predicted to be lower in ethnically diverse settings, where cues of dissimilarity are more frequent.

* In his much discussed “constrict theory,” Putnam (2007) presents an argument for why ethnic diversity may erode social trust, independent of the specific target. This is premised on the idea that ethnic diversity leads to social isolation. That is—using Putnam’s famous metaphor—people “hunker down” in more ethnically diverse areas. Because ethnic diversity is expected to induce such general anomie, this mechanism predicts that ethnic diversity lowers all forms of social trust, including both out- and in-group trust. As such, constrict theory is the most daring and wideranging account suggested to link ethnic diversity and social trust.

* First, as a consequence of people’s inherent preference to interact with people like themselves (i.e., homophily) (Lazarsfeld & Merton 1954), ethnically diverse settings might be less socially integrated (e.g., in terms of density of acquaintanceship and friendship networks). This reduces both the flow of information and the potential for sanctioning freeriders, which lay the foundation for trusting others. Second, ethnic diversity might result in preference diversity (i.e., fewer shared collective goals), thereby lowering people’s expectations that collective endeavors are possible while also creating incentives to manipulate process and agenda (Page 2008). Both set people further apart. Third, ethnic diversity with its associated linguistic and cultural differences might inhibit communication—and ultimately coordination—which makes trusting others more risky. Importantly, other people who live in such disintegrated environments are considered less trustworthy,
irrespective of whether they are in- or out-group members themselves, because their behavior is not constrained by the social structure in the local environment. These inferences may—in an attenuated form—extend beyond the local area to trust in specific groups as well as to trust in other people more generally.

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