Jacob Neusner: An American Jewish Iconoclast

One day circa 1992, my dad, who self-published over 40 books, brought me a brochure with books on Judaism and hundreds of the books were by Jacob Neusner. We couldn’t get over it. We’d never known anyone that productive.

One of my first rabbi friends was a Conservative rabbi with a great deal of secular education. He was tremendously kind to me. He taught me how to tie a tie. We bonded over our shared love of Dennis Prager. When I mentioned Jacob Neusner to him, he exploded. He said the man was evil, that he had threatened to destroy his career if he transferred away from the university where Neusner presided. I couldn’t believe that any professor could be so petty. When I later learned more about Neusner, I learned that my rabbi’s experience was not unique.

One of the first rabbis I learned about was Shlomo Carlebach. I was told he was this holy man. Then in 1994, I started dating a woman who used to field horny calls from the Holy Shlomo.

Early on in my journey to Judaism, I learned that Judaism loves the asking of questions, but then I quickly discovered that on a practical matter, only certain questions are wanted and others are regarded as heretical.

Shaul Magid writes for Tabletmag.com:

There are at least two ways to write a biography of an individual The New York Times called the most-published person in human history. In a little over half a century, Jacob Neusner published more than a thousand scholarly and popular books and countless essays, op-eds, and public and private letters, and was part of almost every significant American Jewish controversy since World War II. The first way to write the biography of such a person would be to write a multivolume 1,000-page tome plodding through each work, each period, each controversy, each accomplishment. The second would be a concise 300-page book that adeptly touches on the most important dimensions and contributions of this paradoxical intellectual figure (who remains the only person to be appointed to both the National Endowment for the Arts and the National Council on the Humanities), and to simultaneously honestly engage with, but not get mired in, the many controversies that he compulsively generated. To write such a biography the author would need to know how to separate the wheat from the chaff and how not to get seduced by the lure of tabloid scholarship. Thankfully, Aaron Hughes, the author of an extensive study of Neusner’s scholarly work on religion titled Jacob Neusner on Religion: The Example of Judaism, chose the second option in his Jacob Neusner: An American Jewish Iconoclast (NYU Press), which navigates through the often-turbulent waters of a complicated, colorful, and in many ways unappreciated, intellectual life.

The sad irony about Jacob Neusner is that he is arguably one of the most influential voices in American Jewish intellectual life in the past half-century—yet outside of the academy, and more specifically outside the academic study of Judaism, while many people know his name, few are actually familiar with his work. He is perhaps most widely known for his irascible, sometimes quite nasty, and often pugnacious personality, his famous excoriating reviews, sometimes book-length critiques, and his fallings-out with almost every institution he worked in, almost every teacher who taught him, many of his students—as well as the errors that scar his many translations and publications. He sued institutions he worked for and individuals who attacked his work. And yet, as Hughes shows, the importance of his contribution should not be underestimated.

There is a joke that in 200 years when scholars study Neusner they will think Neusner was a “school” and not a person. No one would imagine one individual could have produced that much work in such disparate areas, from late antique Judaism to the Holocaust, Zionism, Jewish-Christian relations, higher education, the humanities, and American politics (just to name a few). Hughes notes in his conclusion that Neusner may be “the most important American-born Jewish thinker this country has produced.” It is a huge claim, for sure, and therefore contestable, but upon reflection, it is actually quite reasonable.

Here are some highlights from this 2016 book:

* since the age of twelve, Neusner had wanted to be a rabbi.

* Whereas the traditional approach to Jewish texts took place in a vacuum and was largely mistrustful of secular learning, the young German scholars stressed context, sometimes even at the expense of the texts themselves. Scholarship was used in the service of inclusion.6 If Jews could be shown to have a history, people like Zunz reasoned, then surely they were worthy of political and legal emancipation. Even better: if Judaism could be shown to be the “midwife” of later monotheisms, both Christianity and Islam, then their own religion resided at the epicenter of the civilized world. This new type of scholarship had two objectives. One was to show non-Jews that Judaism was a religion in light of critics like Immanuel Kant who had argued that it was not; and the second
was to show Jews that their tradition was, when properly understood, a spiritually and aesthetically edifying religion, just as they imagined Protestant Christianity, their lodestar, to be.7 Their project proved untenable. The German academy, not surprisingly, was uninterested. When Zunz petitioned the state for a chair in Jewish history and literature at the University of Berlin, the disingenuous reply came back that neither the university nor the state was in the business of training clerics.8 To be a professor in a German university at this time meant that one had to be a Christian.

* Fast-forward to West Hartford, Connecticut, and July 28, 1932, the birthplace and date of Jacob Neusner. America was not Germany. The case no longer needed to be made that Jews could be productive and loyal citizens.

* The one place where it was virtually impossible to study Jewish postbiblical texts was in the secular context of the university. It was most certainly impossible to do so in departments of religious studies, today the primary place to study Jews and Judaism in a secular setting. To study rabbinic texts, even academically, it was assumed that one would have to receive years of technical training at a yeshiva. One certainly would be neither a woman nor a non-Jew. Neusner was to change all of this.

* At the time of his entry [1950] into Harvard as an undergraduate, there was, for all intents and purposes, no such thing as Jewish studies within the American academy.

* Prior to the 1970s the major place in the United States where Judaica was taught from a nondenominational perspective was in departments of Semitics. The texts studied, however, were in the Old Testament, rarely if ever the Mishnah or the Talmud. Those who taught courses in such departments were often Jews funded by local Jewish communities. They were more like scholar-rabbis than scholars. They enjoyed the largesse of American Jews, many of whom perceived university recognition as the pathway to attain social and cultural inclusion.

* Jewish Messenger in 1874 hails appointment of a Jewish professor of Hebrew at Cornell: “again demonstrating that the Jew has higher ideas that mere moneymaking.”

* The towering figures of Jewish studies in the mid-twentieth century—for example, Gershom Scholem at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Harry Austryn Wolfson at Harvard, Salo Wittmayer Baron at Columbia, and Alexander Altmann at Brandeis—were products of the Old World. None of them were particularly interested in the academic study of religion or the place of Judaism within this fledgling field. They instead represented a different ideological world, epitomized perhaps by the adjective “European,” in which Jews were discriminated against, and that meant that Jewish topics were insular and, for the most part, “ghettoized” in the non-Jewish academic world. The natural reaction was to engage in apologetics or to show, as Wolfson and Altmann did, the filiations between Hebraic and other Western inflected rationalisms.

* Many remember Jacob, even at a young age, as a stubborn child who never wanted to do what other kids were doing. Writing in 1981, when Richard Lyman, then chair of the National Endowment for the Humanities, encouraged the younger Neusner to resign due to “irregular attendance,” Fred [brother of Jacob] remarked, “. . . you are a feisty, trouble-making rascal, and you have always been one since the time you were able to walk.”

* Among his fellow classmates—the class of 1954—a few stood out, such as the novelist John Updike, with whom he maintained a lifelong friendship.

* Although he considered himself a Democrat, and went on to work on Edward Kennedy’s 1962 senatorial campaign, he eventually became disillusioned with what he considered to be the culture of entitlement of the Democrats and switched allegiances to the Republican Party, where he would remain for the rest of his life and for which he worked tirelessly.

* From Italy, Neusner made his way to Germany, to Frankfurt, to visit a friend whom he had met while at Harvard. Meeting his friend’s father for the first time, he was asked if he was a Protestant or a Catholic. Afraid to speak the truth, he said he was Protestant, reckoning that this rubric could include Reform Judaism. For the next ten days his friend’s family introduced him to the German upper-middle class, individuals who had worked for and supported Hitler. Although critical of Hitler’s “excesses” with the Jews, they nevertheless deplored them. One man told Neusner that the Jews “even took our names.”

As disturbing as the visit was, Neusner realized that Germans were not unlike Americans, the only difference lay in their anti-Semitism.

* ‘Theology is created in Germany, corrected in England, and corrupted in America.’

* In a review article of Neusner’s Talmud translation published shortly after Lieberman’s death in 1984, [Saul] Lieberman strongly criticized what he perceived to be Neusner’s lack of scholarship and ignorance of the canons of rabbinic scholarship. In a private letter to Neusner, Rabbi Bernard Mandelbaum, president of JTS between 1966 and 1971, suggested that Lieberman had penned the nasty review as a way of getting back at Neusner because of a nasty footnote about Ginzberg and Finkelstein in an article that Neusner had published in the collection of Sam Friedland Lectures that were delivered at JTS. Neusner never forgot this review, and it seemed to haunt him throughout his career.

* The time he had spent in the elite institutions of Harvard and Oxford, combined with his love of academic learning, would make it virtually impossible for the young Neusner to become a modern rabbi, someone who is defined more by social work and counseling than anything resembling intellectual activity.

* Although Neusner seems to have spent six very productive years at JTS, his relationship with the Seminary and its leadership quickly soured as he prepared to graduate. There was little he could do as a young rabbinical student, but as his academic and journalistic career flourished, he became increasingly frustrated by what he regarded as its major shortcomings—and frequently criticized them both in private and in public. His disapproval seems to have stemmed from two major areas. First, he was critical of what he considered to be the noncritical and unsystematic nature of the JTS curriculum. This would only be exacerbated in the coming years. The JTS faculty—Lieberman, then David Weiss Halivni and Shaye Cohen—came to symbolize, for Neusner at any rate, the holdouts to full acceptance of his own critical method. Since he defined his own method against that of JTS, the latter and all those who worked there were thus guilty by association and had to be wrong on all counts. Second, he grew increasingly frustrated with the Conservative movement—epitomized by its poor treatment of people like Heschel and Kaplan—and its desire to try to situate itself as the definer of American Judaism. He seems also to have put himself in this category of creative minds alienated by the Seminary. JTS and the Conservative movement, then, became emblematic for Neusner of all that was wrong with American Jewry on intellectual and ideological grounds.

* When Neusner was invited, years later in 1979, to give the Samuel Friedland Lecture at JTS, virtually no faculty members attended. To get back at his perceived enemies at the Seminary, Neusner donated a copy of every single book that he published to their library. This meant that although the faculty there might ignore him, young graduate and rabbinical students researching rabbinics would most certainly come across his books and ideas, although he believes that, despite his efforts, the faculty and students at JTS still largely ignored his work.

* Of [Salo] Baron, Neusner complained that he “contributed nothing, being himself, intellectually vacuous. He made his books by paraphrasing sources he never troubled to criticize and by paraphrasing the opinions of other scholars he never fully understood.”

* Many of his [Neusner’s] works were read and celebrated in non-Jewish contexts, particularly in Europe, even as they were simultaneously often overlooked or criticized in more specifically Jewish contexts, such as in Israel or even at JTS.

* When Neusner put in a request with the 1960s version of Inter Library Loan—a truck that ran weekly to the well-stocked Madison library—to bring back twenty-five to fifty volumes a week, he was refused. The reason that the director gave was that Neusner could not possibly read so many books in a week.

* Neusner was a master of taking larger issues and framing them in simple terms for all to understand. These pieces also established Neusner as an important public intellectual in the national Jewish media. He would spend the rest of his life writing for newspapers and magazines because, having worked as a journalist since he was an adolescent, he realized how to get his points across, not just in the academy, but also among the general reading public.

* One could not be intellectually responsible, Neusner argued, by studying Jews as if they were a people apart, existing in isolation from non-Jews.

* Neusner refused to make the Jews special or chosen. To him they represented but one social group trying to make sense of their immediate situation in light of a host of ideas and textual strategies developed in relation to other social groups.

* Neusner’s relationship to Isaac Twersky, [Harry] Wolfson’s successor at Harvard in the Littauer Chair, was not nearly as productive. Neusner recalled that when, after finishing his dissertation at Columbia, he asked Twersky what he should do next, Twersky’s main reply was that Neusner should begin studying Torah. He thought that Neusner, who was studying the Persian framework of the Bavli at the time, was wasting his time.8

* Neusner had first met [his future wife] Suzanne, who was eight years his junior, at Camp Ramah—then located in Connecticut before its move to Palmer, Massachusetts, in the mid-1960s. As a young rabbinical student at JTS, Neusner went to Camp Ramah in the summer of 1955 to improve his Hebrew, work as a librarian, and teach a class on the biblical book of Jeremiah. Suzanne decided to buck the trend among her camp mates and take a class with Neusner instead of a class on Amos that all her friends were taking, taught by a young Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi, later a historian at Columbia.9

One of three students in Neusner’s class, Suzanne thought Neusner a wonderful teacher, especially when compared to those who had taught her at home in Paterson. Proclaiming him the first good teacher she had ever had… Neusner remarked that he was “enchanted” by the young student. Several years later, around 1960, “when the law no longer prohibited it” to use his words, they would spend time with one another. He was interested in getting married, but Suzanne at the time wanted to receive an education and continue with her art training. They went their separate ways, and after she received her education and traveled to Paris and Jerusalem,10 she returned to Paterson to teach art in a local school. At this point her father, having read something that Neusner had published in a Jewish newspaper, telephoned him to ask if he was married yet. He replied that he was not, so Max Richter gave him Suzanne’s phone number and said that she would very much like to hear from him.11 Neusner telephoned her that night. Two months later they were engaged, with their engagement announced in the Saturday, January 11, edition of the New York Times.”

* In a letter to Ithamar Gruenwald, Neusner explained his daily routine: “I get up around 4:30–5 a.m. and am at my desk a half hour later, I find the morning hours the best for composing new thoughts; later in the day I can read or write essays or whatever, but my most original and taxing & rigorous thought takes place before sunrise. I generally fall asleep by 9 p.m., without really trying; I just drift off, so getting up early is easy enough; if something is on my mind toward bedtime, if I’m thinking about some problem, it will occupy my sleep and by the hour before I wake up, I will be meditating on that; when I get up the paragraph or chapter is then pretty much written out and I have only to transcribe it.”

* As his former graduate students note, though, they could not call him except at a fixed time. He worked from five to eight o’clock in the morning, and he accepted calls at eight precisely, not seven forty-five or eight twenty, and would budget fifteen minutes for phone calls. He would teach only in the afternoons because that was when he was tired.

* Neusner took an interest in virtually all aspects of his students’ lives. This involved everything from how they dressed for class to giving them wake-up calls every morning so that he knew they were up and working. He, thus, became a father figure, for better or for worse, to his students.

* When he had left Brown, for example, he would often expatiate in these prefaces about how bad his working conditions were (even though in his prefaces from earlier publications he would say how good they were) and that his new conditions at South Florida were the best that he had ever enjoyed.

* “scholarship is always an act of choice, selection, and focus rather than an exercise in interpreting timeless meanings in texts or symbols that are assumed to exist in a vacuum.”

* Neusner would subsequently focus on the social construction of religion without making appeals to divine causation or some essence that various religious expressions are believed to manifest. In this respect, he was interested not in the origins of religion or even the origins of Judaism, but in how the chaotic social situation created by the destruction of the Second Temple in 70 CE led to a series of conditions that ultimately produced a set of documents that tried to make sense of life in the absence of that Temple.

* Neusner…began to realize that the sources he had taken as reliable in his first books were anything but. Instead, he now regarded them as the product of later times and places, and, thus, as extremely problematic in terms of any type of accurate reconstruction. This stance not only reflected the repudiation of his earlier scholarly endeavors, but was tantamount to criticism of the entire discipline as practiced up until this point. His new approach to rabbinic sources now put him at odds with the dominant paradigm of scholarship at both JTS and in Israel.

* Neusner: “And what if, further, we no longer assume the inerrancy of the oral Torah’s writings? In Jerusalem they say we are required to accept as historical fact whatever the stories say, unless we have reason to reject it. In Tel Aviv they maintain that attributions are sacrosanct, arguing, “If it were not true, why should the sages have assigned a saying to a given authority?” In Ramat Gan, at Bar Ilan University, professors have been known to
argue with a perfectly straight face, “Do you really think our holy rabbis would lie?” So the proposed premise set forth in [my] rubric should be regarded as revolutionary, even though in all other fields of humanistic learning it has lost all novelty.”

* Neusner: “The scandal of the Jewish college student is that he is not perceptibly different from his gentile friends and colleagues. As Rabbi Arthur Hertzberg pointed out (in The Jewish Frontier), American Jewry has en masse decided that being Jewish will not be a very different experience for the Jew from what being a Methodist is for the Methodist. The result is that the Jewish student studies as little, drinks as much, and finds no easier the sexuality and personality adjustment required of him than his non-Jewish classmates.”

* Neusner: “It is, however, quite natural for Jewish community groups to look upon professors in the field of Jewish learning in general, and of the history of Judaism in particular, as allies in the “struggle.” They are widely expected to continue in the classroom the advocacy of Judaism which begins in the synagogue schools and continues in the pulpit. . . . However, neither such studies nor those responsible for pursuing them must be used for propagandist purposes of any kind. It is not the responsibility of the historian of Judaism, or of Hebrew, to interest himself in the state of the soul of his students, whether Jewish or gentile. It will render his true task impossible if he does so, except as he sees himself and his students as themselves constituting data for the study of the history of Judaism.”

The scholar of Judaism, Neusner maintained, is by definition a critic, a role that necessarily removed him or her from the community. Were this not the case, he warned throughout his life, Jewish studies would cease to be intellectually rigorous or responsible, and would be little more than the extension of local Jewish organizations.

* When pretty much every other person engaged in the study of Jewish texts was focused solely on their particular text or set of texts, Neusner was singular because he insisted on looking at the big picture of what it meant—intellectually, pedagogically, scientifically—to study Judaism.

* By the time he claimed early retirement in 1990, however, he was all but isolated at Brown, ostracized by former friends and colleagues, unwilling to train any more graduate students, and contemplating a life beyond the academy.

* Neusner: “Since 1990 I have taken up problems of a far more demanding and weighty character than I was able to consider in the twenty-one years prior in a less fortunate, because slothful and intellectually inert, academic setting [Brown].”

* He began his career, as so many professors do, writing out lectures and then standing awkwardly in front of a classroom and reading. Such a model may be designed to impress students with vast knowledge, but it often has the opposite effect of putting them to sleep.

* while he would threaten to sue departments that did not hire his non-Jewish students for Jewish studies positions, he was opposed when JTS, a Jewish seminary, was on the verge of offering a position to a non-Jew, Peter Schaefer.55 In like manner, he opposed intermarriage and refused to attend the wedding of his niece when she married a non-Jew. Unlike other scholars of Judaism, especially those he rebelled against at JTS, for Neusner the task of Jewish studies was not, as Saul Lieberman defined it, “to teach Torah to the children of Israel.”

* Neusner did not forbid his students from reading the work of his critics, but in fact actively encouraged it. He also made all of his students, whether Jewish or Gentile, attend an Orthodox Jewish service every week for at least a year to hear the entire Torah chanted. His reason for doing this was that if the student did not hear the Torah chanted, he or she would not be able to see the text as a living presence and, thus, would miss what it meant to be a scholar of the religion.

* Neusner also read critically every book his students wrote before it was printed. He did not want his students to be criticized for making silly mistakes, which would, in turn, reflect badly on him. Most importantly, though, he trained his students for careers in religious studies as opposed to Jewish studies. This meant that he provided them with the intellectual and conceptual wherewithal to talk to other scholars of religion. He provided them with a language that would make them employable in departments of religious studies. Rather than use the rabbinic
term sugya, for example, he would make them use the more familiar “pericope.” In so doing, Neusner trained a generation of scholars who were religionists. Without this model, religious studies becomes little more than a canopy, under which scholars of diverse religions cannot dialogue. Under Neusner’s model, however, a religious studies department would consist of numerous scholars working with different data who could nonetheless converse. In so doing, Neusner contributed to his lifelong goal of making the study of Judaism intellectually respectable, rather than an extension of the local community.

* Neusner’s Jewish Studies Program, unlike pretty much every other Jewish studies program or department in the country, was staffed primarily by non-Jews.

* Neusner had a rogue graduate student, Richard E. Cohen, at this time. Cohen had come to Brown from Harvard Divinity School to work with Neusner in the fall of 1985, at the height of the impasse between Neusner and Brown. Cohen was accepted, the first student since 1982, on the condition that he spend a year in Israel doing
preparatory language work. By 1987, Cohen and Neusner were at odds with one another. Cohen accused Neusner of taking his fellowship check out of his mailbox and withholding it, of inappropriate grading procedures, of blocking the publication of an article that he was preparing for one of Neusner’s books, and of engaging in a campaign of defamation. Neusner, who it is worth noting had never had such a negative relationship with a graduate student, replied that Cohen was unstable and that he was innocent of the accusations.

* Pg. 194: At the beginning of the session, Morton Smith, Neusner’s former teacher, walked stiffly and quickly to the first row immediately facing the lectern. Beside him was a large shopping bag with two boxes inside. He sat upright throughout Neusner’s comments and the two responses, and when comments and questions were invited from the floor, his hand shot up. Recognizing him, W. D. Davies of Texas Christian University, the chair of the session, pointed to Smith, who stood and proceeded to the lectern. After a few rambling comments about the inaccuracies
of Neusner’s translation—and not the books that were supposed to be under discussion—and the danger they posed to the future of the field, he proceeded to open the boxes in his shopping bag and hand out copies of Lieberman’s review to the audience. Davies pleaded with Smith to desist until the end of the session, but Smith ignored him and continued to pass out the reviews. Neusner, needless to say, was dumbfounded.

Davies then asked Neusner if he would like to respond. With Smith still passing out the reviews, Neusner went up to the lectern and said, “Things do not always turn out as planned. Professor Smith was my teacher, and I honor him. He has helped me in difficult times. I honor and respect his criticism, and I am always happy to hear it.” He then
sat down to subdued applause, while Smith finished handing out the Lieberman review. The session subsequently ended without any further discussion.68

This event was for Neusner, as he later confided to me, the lowest point in his academic career. It is unclear what precipitated these events in Chicago. According to Neusner, it resulted from a falling out between the two over their differing interpretations of the Pharisees. Smith at the point of the SBL fiasco was, according to Neusner, “a very bitter and angry man.” Neusner also believed that Smith was mad at him because he refused to endorse Smith’s reading of Jesus as found in the latter’s Jesus the Magician, which included the idea that Jesus engaged in
magical procedures of initiation that were sexual in nature. Others have suggested that the falling out occurred over Neusner being one of the principal accusers in the fraud charge against Morton Smith’s supposed discovery and publication of a letter he found in the Mar Saba monastery in Israel written by Clement of Alexandria, otherwise known as the Secret Gospel of Mark.

* If his approach was largely rejected in Jewish studies, it did find a ready hearing—as the SBL panel indicated—in the world of non-Jewish scholarship.

From the Washington Post:

A Commencement Speech You Will Never Hear

By Jacob Neusner, May 17, 1981

WE THE FACULTY take no pride in our educational achievements with you. We have prepared you for a world that does not exist, indeed, that cannot exist. You have spent four years supposing that failure leaves no record. You have learned at Brown that when your work goes poorly, the painless solution is to drop out. But starting now, in the world to which you go, failure marks you. Confronting difficulty by quitting leaves you changed. Outside Brown, quitters are no heroes.

With us you could argue about why your errors were not errors, why mediocre work really was excellent, why you could take pride in routine and slipshod presentation. Most of you, after all, can look back on honor grades for most of what you have done. So, here grades can have meant little in distinguishing the excellent from the ordinary. But tomorrow, in the world to which you go, you had best not defend errors but learn from them. You will be ill-advised to demand praise for what does not deserve it, and abuse those who do not give it.

For four years we created an altogether forgiving world, in which whatever slight effort you gave was all that was demanded. When you did not keep appointments, we made new ones. When your work came in beyond the deadline, we pretended not to care.

Worse still, when you were boring, we acted as if you were saying something important. When you were garrulous and talked to hear yourself talk, we listened as if it mattered. When you tossed on our desks writing upon which you had not labored, we read it and even responded, as though you earned a response. When you were dull, we pretended you were smart. When you were predictable, unimaginative, and routine, we listened as if to new and wonderful things. When you demanded free lunch, we served it. And all this why?

Despite your fantasies, it was not even that we wanted to be liked by you. It was that we did not want to be bothered, and the easy way out was pretense: smiles and easy Bs.

It is conventional to quote in addresses such as these. Let me quote someone you’re never heard of, Prof. Carter A. Daniel, Rutgers University (Chronicle of Higher Education, May 7, 1979):

“College has spoiled you by reading papers that don’t deserve to be read, listening to comments that don’t deserve a hearing, paying attention even to the lazy, ill-informed and rude. We had to do it, for the sake of education. But nobody will ever do it again. College has deprived you of adequate preparation for the next 50 years. It has failed you by being easy, free, forgiving, attentive, comfortable, interesting, unchallenging fun. Good luck tomorrow.”

That is why, on this commencement day, we have nothing in which to take much pride.

Oh yes, there is one more thing. Try not to act toward your co-workers and bosses as you have acted toward us. I mean, when they do not give you what you want but have not earned, don’t abuse them, insult them, or act out with them your parlous relationships with your parents. This too we have tolerated. It was, as I said, not to be liked. Few professors actually care whether or not they are liked by peer-paralyzed adolescents, fools so shallow as to imagine professors care not about education but about popularity. It was, again, to be rid of you. So go, unlearn the lies we taught you. To Life!

R. Joshua Hammerman wrote for the Forward:

My final paper offered a creative analysis of a federation campaign as an example of American Jewish civil religion. Neusner loved it so much that he wrote a letter to my father in Boston:

Dear Cantor Hammerman, I expected Joshua to do good work in my course, but I did not expect that he would produce the most brilliant final, which he did. His paper is simply exceptional, beginning in a completely original conception, worked out through disciplined and restrained modes of thought and expression; for any Brown student it is no less extraordinary. You should be very, very proud of Joshua, both as a student and as a person. I hope my children develop as he has. Sincerely, J. Neusner

Because the school was on winter break, my father received this before I had any knowledge of my grade or of Neusner’s reaction. To add to the surreal nature of all this, I had spent that week of intersession visiting friends in Philadelphia. When I stopped off in New York on my way home, my aunt was the first to show me the letter, which my dad had mailed to every relative east of the Rockies. I reveled in the glory without reflecting on how inappropriate it was for my professor to communicate directly with my parents before talking to me. And my dad, a central figure among Boston Jews, even submitted the letter to The Jewish Advocate, where it was hailed in print. Before this prodigal son could find his way home, half of Greater Boston, it seemed, had already anointed me as Neusner’s chosen one.

And I made the mistake of believing it.

Hughes writes in his new biography: “Neusner took an interest in virtually all aspects of his students’ lives. This involved everything from how they dressed for class to giving them wake-up calls every morning so that he knew they were up and working. He, thus, became a father figure, for better or for worse, to his students.”

That’s precisely what happened to me. I returned to school and immediately signed up for another class with Neusner, on the ideological roots of Zionism. I visited him often during office hours, and he advised me on topics ranging from my faraway girlfriend (“Distance relationships aren’t good, dump her”) to my summer plans to work at Camp Ramah (“Good, you’ll improve your Hebrew”). I was invited for Sabbath dinner, where his children performed for us and he explained his preference for avocado spread on his challah.

At one point, Neusner suggested that I join his graduate seminar. I was wary. I knew how obsessively he controlled the lives of his graduates, who gave their souls to him 24/7. I also feared the increased workload — this was still my freshman year — and so I asked him if it would be okay for me to sit in without completing all the readings. He said that would be fine.

It was not fine. We were assigned a very lengthy book and given just a couple of days to read it. At the very first session, I made the mistake of saying that I had, um, skimmed it. He was not happy. “Then you don’t exist for the rest of this class,” he snapped, after which he proceeded to snipe at my nonexistent self for the rest of the hour. Lesson learned. I quit the class…

The class was enthralling, but somewhere along the way, I fell from Neusner Heaven.

Each student had to present an in-class paper that would account for a large percentage of the final grade. I examined how the rabbis confronted their essential powerlessness both within and beyond the Jewish community of Babylonia, by creating a hagiography of miracle-working wonder rabbis.

Before I was to present the paper, Neusner required that I make several revisions. He seemed more concerned with my writing style than with my ideas. But fine. I would do what he wished.

But when I actually stood to present the paper, what transpired in that class was a full-scale verbal assault on my character. In a tirade that stretched for what seemed like hours, far eclipsing any other dress down that had occurred for any other student, Neusner lashed out, calling me a “high school baby” whose “writing is sh-t.” He alleged that I had slandered two classmates (who were sitting right there) and had insulted him personally. He would not let me read my paper, and dismissed the class abruptly.

Spring break followed, which allowed me time to cobble together a letter expressing my shock at the humiliating way he had treated me. “The atmosphere of personal antagonism is not the atmosphere of education,” I wrote, adding, “I would like to continue, if not enhance, the working relationship we’ve had in the past, and see no reason we can’t continue to interrelate in mutual respect.”

When I returned to school, his reply was waiting in my mailbox:

“You humiliated yourself by having no paper to read. What did you expect, a big mazal tov? You behaved contemptuously and were treated exactly the same way. When you take pride in your work and yourself, no one will give you anguish. You should be ashamed of yourself for your performance in R.S. 164. I don’t owe you any apologies. J Neusner 3/31/77

If his goal was to isolate me from my friends — and he routinely pitted one student against another — it didn’t work. One of the graduate students showed my paper to a different religious studies professor, who praised it. A classmate with close ties to the department mentioned that on the day of the fateful class, Neusner had gotten a damning letter from an academic rival in Jerusalem, tearing apart his work and character. So evidently he had taken out his anger on me.

When I entered the room for the first session after the break, he looked over at me, almost paternally, and asked, “You okay?” I nodded, not knowing what to make of this nearly empathetic gesture. Classmates told me that he had looked visibly concerned beforehand and asked whether I would be showing up.

He then broke the tension with an uncharacteristic moment of pathos, saying, “My dog died last night.”

Then, reverting to form, he added: “It’s all right. It’s not as if it was a canary or something.”

…For my final paper, I used rabbinic methodology to create a Jewish holiday, a plausible celebration that could have existed in an alternate rabbinic universe. It earned me an A for the course, a University Prize and a “Get out of jail free” card. and, presumably, a return trip to Neusner Heaven.

But I decided it was time to get off this roller coaster and unlink myself from what had become a very unhealthy relationship. When senior year rolled around, I did not ask him for a recommendation to rabbinical school.

A few years later, my first major article was published in the Baltimore Jewish Times. A week later, I saw that my old mentor had attacked me personally with a snarky letter to the editor. It crushed me to think that I might never escape the long reach of this teacher whom I had once revered.

But I moved on, and he did, too. He never commented publicly again on my work, taking out his rage on others: academic rivals, unsuspecting students and public purveyors of political correctness.

Posted in Aaron W. Hughes, Judaism | Comments Off on Jacob Neusner: An American Jewish Iconoclast

Tracking the Real Coronavirus Death Toll in the United States

I don’t have any strong opinions on Covid-19 and the proper response. This New York Times article, however, seems important: “Many epidemiologists believe measuring excess deaths is the best way to assess the impact of the virus in real time. It shows how the virus is altering normal patterns of mortality. The high numbers from the coronavirus pandemic period undermine arguments that the virus is merely killing vulnerable people who would have died anyway.”

“Nationwide, 179,500 more people have died than usual from March 15 to July 11, according to C.D.C. estimates…”

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WSJ: ‘Fear City: New York vs. the Mafia’ Review: Cracking Down on La Cosa Nostra

From the WSJ: Sure, the mob was brutal if your small business was being leaned on, or you needed 100,000 yards of concrete, or owed money. But most people who needed a loan went to Manufacturers Hanover (or the Bowery Savings Bank, or Lincoln Savings and Loan) and not that many of them were constructing office towers. For the first 45 minutes of “Fear City,” however, we are told insistently—by ex-FBI agents, ex-wiseguys and radio personality Curtis Sliwa in an Albert Anastasia-inspired barber’s chair—how awful the mob was for everybody. But was it? Many, many people went through life virtually unaware that mobsters, outside of the Corleones, even existed.

Posted in Mafia, New York | Comments Off on WSJ: ‘Fear City: New York vs. the Mafia’ Review: Cracking Down on La Cosa Nostra

Prof Marc Shapiro – Subjectivity and the Role of Values in Halacha

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A Brief History Of The Talmud

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A History of the Talmud

Here are some highlights from this 2019 book by the librarian at JTS:

* Before the first century of the common era, Judaism was, with variations, biblical Judaism, a Judaism defined by the library of books that had been accepted as canonical not long before. Jews at this time overwhelmingly believed in the one God of Israel, whose will was recorded in the Torah (the five books of Moses, from Genesis to Deuteronomy) and other inspired scriptures, the most public worship of whom took place at the Temple in Jerusalem. Many of the observances and even beliefs of rabbinic Jews who lived just a century or two later would have been unrecognizable to Jews of this period.

But after the destruction of the Temple by the Romans in 70 CE, a small group of scholarly men, known as the rabbis, gathered and, based upon received traditions, written and unwritten, began to develop forms of interpretation and practice that would ultimately lead Jews in unforeseen directions. The earliest teachings of these men would come together in the early third century in a document called the Mishnah. Other documents that preserved their unique scriptural readings, called midrashim (singular: midrash), emerged not long thereafter. But at this early stage of affairs, these men were mostly speaking and enjoying influence among themselves. Few other Jews at this time would have given the rabbis any notice.

The Mishnah soon became the focus of study and elaboration among rabbis in Palestine (which many Jews continued to call “the Land of Israel”) and Babylonia. The laws and practices detailed in the Mishnah, joined by other early rabbinic teachings, were evaluated and further developed, in a process that lasted two centuries or more in the former locale and three centuries or more in the latter. During this period, the rabbis, educated as they were, used their skills to gain some influence in both territories, but they had no officially recognized authority, and their law and teachings continued to define the Judaism of relatively few. But this reality would soon change.

By the mid-fifth century in Palestine and before the Muslim conquest in Babylonia, communities of rabbis had formulated documents known as Talmuds (Hebrew: talmudim), perhaps as a product of the creation of new rabbinic institutions, perhaps as an outgrowth of emergent influence and authority. Whatever their source, the Talmuds represented a maturing of the rabbinic estate, making it clear that those who defined their Judaism in relationship to the Talmuds were poised to extend their influence still further.

After the Muslim conquest of the Near East in the early seventh century – and particularly after the capital of Islam moved to Baghdad in the mid-eighth century – both the western (Palestinian) and eastern (Babylonian) rabbinic communities came to be subject to the same power, and in their competition, the Babylonian center had a distinct advantage. During the next several centuries, the rabbinic academies that claimed authority for the Babylonian Talmud – the Bavli – were able to take advantage of the prosperity, power, and possibly official recognition of the authorities in the city in which they found themselves. The rabbis who were located in the backwater that was then Palestine, by contrast, enjoyed primarily the numinous authority of the sacred land with which their Talmud – the so-called Jerusalem Talmud, or Yerushalmi – was associated. Soon, the scholars whose foundation was the Bavli came to be recognized as the authorities of rabbinic Judaism – now the dominant Jewish form – and their Talmud became the Talmud. From this point forward, the Judaism of the vast majority of the world’s Jews would be defined by the deliberations and pronouncements of this document.

Judaism in the Middle Ages was characterized by broad observance of Jewish law – halakhah – and that halakhah, disputed and codified by rabbis in Iraq, North Africa, and finally, Europe, was overwhelmingly derived from and based on the Talmud. Jews broadly accepted rabbis as the arbiters and counselors for how the life of a Jew should be conducted, and they viewed the source of the rabbi’s authority as his expertise in Talmud, a document that was beyond the reach of the common person. At the same time, in Christian Europe, Jews were suspected, and even hated, for their stubborn refusal to accept the truth of Jesus, and, as the
two faiths shared a common pre-Christian biblical tradition, the Talmud was seen to be the reason for and the symbol of the error of the Jews. Leading Jews astray by taking authority away from the Bible itself, and demanding false loyalty in the face of Christian truth, the Talmud was the target of vituperative polemic, resulting, all too often, in confiscation and destruction.

The Renaissance and Reformation opened Christian eyes to a different kind of consideration of the Talmud, while the printing press made possible the study of Talmud by a far broader audience of students. A work that had been studied by hundreds at any given time was now studied by thousands. In this fertile soil grew the yeshivah culture of early modern eastern European Jewry, with its extreme privileging of Talmud study. But according to the way of the world, each action compels a reaction, and Hasidism asserted a more populist, less scholarly approach. At the same time, printed books of halakhah allowed community rabbis to neglect the more demanding study of the Talmud. Both these developments spurred a counter-reaction, leading to the founding, in the early nineteenth century, of the first genuinely modern yeshivah.

In the modern yeshivah, Talmud study was elevated above almost all else, and the scholars of the yeshivah claimed an authority above all others.

* Long before the revolt – that is, by the first century BCE at the latest – there was considerable consensus concerning what was central to Judaism and its life on the land. At the center of Judaism was the one God of all humankind, who, however, had a special relationship with Israel. The earliest and most authoritative expression of God’s will was the Torah, now recognized as the one eternal constitution of the Jews. Finally, as the Torah and related sacred writings made clear, God was to be worshipped at the one home of God’s direct presence on earth, the Temple in Jerusalem. As God could not be seen, the Torah and Temple served as powerful, unexcelled symbols of that God, expressions of the covenant God had made with His chosen people.

* there is one overall message – a system, really – that dominates throughout the biblical books: Humankind in general, and Israel in particular, are subject to a covenant according to which obedience to divine command (good deeds) will be rewarded and sin (disobedience, bad deeds) will be punished. Though the traditions or “authors” behind different biblical books (or parts of biblical books) may be different, they almost all agree on this picture. Thus, Adam and Eve are expelled from the Garden, and Israel is exiled from her land, because of sin. The rain and crops appear at their proper time because of obedience; they fail to appear in their proper time due to disobedience. Priestly texts prescribe sacrifice to erase the stain of such sin, the prophets warn of vast punishment in the event of Israel’s failure to turn away from sin. Yes, there are biblical authors, such as the authors of Job and Ecclesiastes, who recognize that this system doesn’t always work and seek to understand why, but they are the exceptions who prove the rule.

Another way of expressing this biblical ideology is to say that these books make a claim, collectively, for divine justice. But if they make such a claim, they also provoke and seek answers to questions pertaining to that justice: if there is divine justice, why does it so often seem to be absent? If suffering, like exile, is punishment for sin, why do the more sinful so often seem to suffer less? And why is the human impulse to sin – the source of so much suffering – so persistent in the first place? If God created us, shouldn’t that creation have made us good, or at least better? These are obviously not the only questions addressed by biblical books, but they are central. As it turns out, they are also central to the majority of Jewish compositions of the late second Temple period that did not, in the end, become biblical, as are other qualities for which biblical books serve as a model. In fact, the continuity of biblical and extra-biblical, pre-rabbinic compositions – at least those in Hebrew and Aramaic – is quite stunning.

* The rabbis’ own claim for their tradition is that it went back to the revelation at Sinai or before – that it was effectively eternal. The first chapter of Mishnah tractate Avot, for example, offers a chain of tradition that connects the rabbis’ own masters with Sinai, and while the text does not actually apply the term rabbi to teachers who lived before the first century CE (nor even to those who lived before the destruction of the Temple in 70), it is clear that these earlier teachers are represented in rabbinic terms, asking us to believe that they were effectively rabbis. Furthermore, in Talmudic and related literature, Moses is often called “rabbenu” – “our master,” “our rabbi.” In the same literature, even pre-Mosaic biblical figures are assumed to have observed “rabbinic” law (that would be our term, not theirs), thus claiming that halakhah as the rabbis knew it was Jewish law at least from Sinai, and divine law, observed by at least the righteous biblical heroes of old, from the very beginning.

These claims were taken at face value throughout the ages by Jews who had little historical awareness and thus little reason to doubt them, and even early generations of modern historians granted that rabbinic Judaism represented what mainstream Judaism had always been. But more recently historians have come to reject these claims, and a new consensus has emerged.

* there is no direct evidence of any kind regarding the origins of the rabbis that may confidently be dated to the period before the destruction of the Temple, which leads Seth Schwartz to declare unambiguously, “It is overwhelmingly unlikely that anything resembling a rabbinic class existed before the destruction of the Second Temple.” For our purposes, therefore, “before the rabbis” means before the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple in 70 CE. Any text or teaching or event from the prior centuries is pre-rabbinic.

* So in addition to the Tanakh itself, with the added evidence of the Apocrypha and pseudepigraphical works (many of which appear in Qumran), otherwise unknown writings from Qumran may also be taken as evidence of pre-rabbinic Judaism and its literatures. And despite differences between them (and excluding the few clear exceptions, including the sectarian texts of Qumran and Hellenistic Jewish writings), there are also certain features that unite virtually all the Jewish works written in Palestine during this period. The most powerful of these is also the most important: they were written to be scripture or to supplement it. They were written in biblical Hebrew (or, at least, in the author’s best approximation thereof ), they were attributed to biblical characters, and they supplemented and sometimes sought to supplant biblical texts. In other words, whatever was going on in the world around them, Jewish authors in Palestine were engaged in the writing of religious texts, works that focused on, emerged from, and sought to join already authoritative “biblical” writings.

* Notably, when we turn to the decades much closer to the emergence of rabbinic teachers and their forms, focusing on the earliest Christian writings, we still find that, despite differences, there are considerable continuities with the trends just described. New Testament works, coming to their final form in the mid- to late first century (and hence all before the earliest rabbinic texts), fall into three or four categories. First, there are the histories of Jesus’ life, the Gospels. Then, there is Acts, a history of the early church that is continuous with the gospel of Luke, much as Joshua and Judges (and subsequent books in the Tanakh’s Deuteronomic history) are continuous with the Torah. To varying degrees, and though they were all written in Greek (like all works of the NT), these books are “biblical” in their quality, with an omniscient narrator recounting the sacred history. They often quote or reference Hebrew scripture, claiming “roots” for the events they describe in inherited biblical teachings. And in the case of Matthew, at least, it is easy and natural to translate the narrative into biblical Hebrew, another demonstration of the “biblical” quality and connection of these compositions.

* The next large group of New Testament works are the letters (“epistles”). These works do not follow a model in Hebrew scripture, so their voices are the newest and most distinct in the New Testament corpus.

* Now, all human societies, including those that depend heavily on writing, have (oral) traditions – that is to say, either orally transmitted folk and other traditions, or simply traditional practices that are conveyed and adopted via mimesis, from one generation to the next. In the case of ancient Jewish society, Josephus references unwritten tradition as one of the foci of debate between Pharisees, who respected the inherited unwritten tradition, and Sadducees, who rejected it. The rabbis, too, later claim an unwritten tradition, which they come to call “Oral Torah” (torah she’be’al pe = “torah that is on the mouth”).

* Jewish eating laws and practices are widely attested in post-biblical, pre-rabbinic works, with references in works such as Tobit, Judith, Jubilees, and Philo, along with descriptions of Jewish table practice in the writings of Roman authors. This is by no means a silence. On the contrary, if multiple sources describe Jewish eating practices and none mentions the prohibition of mixing meat and dairy, the likely explanation is that the practice had not yet developed.

The same claim may be made for the relationship of written and unwritten traditions in general from the pre-rabbinic period. As we have already said, while there were certainly pre-rabbinic unwritten traditions of one sort or another, we can know nothing directly about their content. At the same time, there was an abundant written literature produced in the same period, one that includes Apocrypha, pseudepigrapha, histories, and more. This literature is so abundant, in fact, that it is unlikely that there was anything significant in unwritten traditions that wasn’t also attested in the written record.

* The first major rabbinic composition, the Mishnah, which would ultimately form the foundation and shank of both Talmudim, emerged in an age of great upheaval for Jews. Losing two wars with the Romans, seeing their magnificent Temple in Jerusalem rendered rubble, Jews cannot long have held on to the hope that the world they knew only a
few years before would quickly be rebuilt. Facing defeat and ruin, there were questions they must inevitably have asked themselves: Had God abandoned them? If not, then how, in the absence of the Temple, could their relationship with God be maintained? Were its functions to be replaced? How were other Jewish institutions, practices, and holy days, many of which were deeply tied to the Temple, to be shaped for the new world?

Against this background, and in response to the conditions just described, a new cadre of self-fashioned religious experts – the rabbis – began to forge new approaches and new teachings, going a long way toward redefining Judaism for the post-Temple era. Their enterprise cannot be understood without first understanding the world in which
they lived – its political, social, and religious realities; its upheavals and losses…

Jews did not lose bona fide independence as a result of their defeat, even if the autonomy they had enjoyed disappeared. Similarly, except as a product of battle, Jews did not, by and large, lose their homes. Unlike biblical Babylonia, Rome had no policy of exiling defeated populations, so the only Jews who were “exiled” were refugees who fled the violence and prisoners of war, constituting a clear minority of the population as a whole.

* “many Jews responded [to the destruction of the Temple] by loosening their attachment to Judaism and heightening their participation in the Roman system.”

* Our only meaningful record of the rabbis from the period between the two major wars with Rome, and even from the period after the Bar Kokhba war, is the documents produced by the rabbis themselves. Outside of their own production, there is barely a word about the rabbis to be found in any non-rabbinic source. The only reasonable interpretation of this reality is that the rabbis were, in fact, entirely insignificant to anyone beyond themselves.

* The Mishnah’s language is overwhelmingly Hebrew, but, notably, a Hebrew without literary precedent.

* Seth Schwartz judges that Hebrew was a “sociolect” used by rabbis as a language to distinguish themselves from others, and Hayim Lapin adds that the “Rabbis’ Hebrew… may have been incomprehensible to those without rabbinic training.”

* “the framers of the Mishnah expected to be understood by remarkably keen ears and active minds … they manifest confidence that the listener will put many things together and draw the important conclusions for himself… the Mishnah assumes an active intellect, capable of perceiving inferred convention, and vividly participating audience.”

The Mishnah’s assumption, in other words, is that its students will be actively, critically involved in making sense of its teachings and judging its regulations. The student will be highly intelligent and intellectually
ambitious. His capacities will already be evident, as the Mishnah demands a considerable degree of prior accomplishment: mastery not only of scripture but also of other fundamentals of Jewish tradition and practice.

* the Mishnah adapts neither the forms of biblical books nor their language. It is written in an entirely new form of Hebrew (as compared with any scriptural precedent) and its form is similarly unlike any scriptural model. The Mishnah does quote scripture here and there, but with the exception of a few unusual tractates (sections of Sotah and Sanhedrin, for example), such quotation is relatively rare, and it is possible to review chapters of Mishnaic teachings with barely a quotation of the “source” upon which the Mishnaic law may (or may not) be based. (This means that the common popular characterization of the Mishnah as a kind of “commentary on the Torah” is certainly wrong)…

* Neusner writes, “superficially, the Mishnah is totally indifferent to Scripture. That impression, moreover, is reinforced by the traits of the language of the Mishnah… Formally, redactionally, and linguistically the Mishnah
stands in splendid isolation from Scripture.” But this is only true at the superficial level, as Neusner makes clear. At a deeper level, much – though far from all – of the Mishnah elaborates categories, and even details, that
originate in scripture. But this is rarely on scripture’s own terms. On the contrary, as Neusner suggests, “the Mishnah brings to its subject a conception of the law which is unknown to the earlier document.”

How can this be so, given the fact that, for the rabbis, scripture is purportedly the ultimate authority? The solution, again, is suggested by Neusner: “all of Scripture is authoritative. But only some of Scripture is relevant.”

Needless to say, it is the rabbis behind the Mishnah alone who determine what parts of scripture are relevant and what not. It is also they who read and interpret scripture, in their own way and as they see fit. This is hardly “traditional” in the conventional sense of the word. But whatever its actual relationship to scripture, the Mishnah does claim to be rooted in the scriptural tradition, particularly to those – its assumed students – who are familiar with that tradition. Nevertheless, this rhetoric of tradition should be understood as what it truly is – that is, as “mere” rhetoric – for, as Neusner astutely and correctly writes, “The Mishnah’s Scriptural literalism [where it exists] is a response to the opening of an abyss: a bridge to the past… There is nothing traditional in leaping over so long a span of time. So the Mishnah’s self-evident literalism… is an act of reform… anything
but traditional… the trivialization of the past (emphasis added).”

The Mishnah stands in aggressive, even “arrogant” relationship to Israel’s sacred scripture, but it ignores completely the living tradition of Israel that is, historically speaking, the rabbis’ bridge to the past. The Mishnah never quotes any of the many Jewish writings of the late Second Temple period that is not part of the sacred canon. As a result, it quotes no voice that is not, in the understanding of its students, at least four centuries old. Nor does it, on more than isolated occasions, explicitly reference “oral” traditions or practices from the same period, despite the fact that many such traditions surely existed, defining, as they would have, the life of Jews in the centuries before the destruction. Add to this the fact that the Mishnah resembles none of those earlier documents, and the assertion of the Mishnah of its independence – not its traditionalism – will be
unambiguous.

* Neusner: Mishnah is “a sustained philosophical treatise in the guise of an episodic exercise in ad hoc problem solving.

* “The principal message of the Mishnah is that the will of man affects the material reality of the world and governs the working of those forces… which express and effect the sanctification of creation and of Israel alike.” Needless to say, philosophy privileges human reason, while religion traditionally privileges revelation. By empowering human will, therefore, the Mishnah is asserting its philosophical quality.

* most Jews during this [200-350 CE in Palestine] period “were to all intents and purposes standard Greco-Roman pagans.”

After the Bar Kokhba war (132–135), it would have been difficult for the common Jew (as opposed to a rabbi) to maintain his or her confidence that the God of Israel still preferred and protected the Chosen People. Evidence showed, in fact, that the God of Israel had not protected Israel, despite the fact that Jews were no less pious than their enemies, and were overall, at least relatively speaking, far more righteous (where righteousness is measured by adherence to the laws of the Torah). The natural conclusion was one of three choices: either that
God had abandoned Israel, that the God of Israel had been defeated by Roman gods, or that the God of Israel was a fiction all along. Whichever conclusion one preferred (if one was inclined to think theologically at all), the reasons to remain loyal to the Torah of Israel in the latter part of the second and into the third century were weak, and a realignment of loyalties with the ways of one’s non-Jewish Roman neighbors only to be expected.

* far from having been the leaders of the synagogues, the rabbis had little involvement with them until well after the Late Roman period.

* It was only at the beginning of the fifth century that the rabbis became at all notable, that is, noticeable by a broader swathe of Palestinian Jewry, along with others. It is only at this time that they are first mentioned in
inscriptions, and only now that their teachings are referenced by church fathers.

* One of the earliest modern observers of the Yerushalmi, Zechariah Frankel, offered a description of the Yerushalmi that remains valuable. Among Frankel’s observations are these: the Yerushalmi limits objections and deliberations. It prefers simple, straightforward logic and doesn’t always seek solutions to logical difficulties. The Yerushalmi doesn’t always read the Mishnah closely, nor is it troubled by redundancies in Mishnaic teachings. When there is a Tannaitic dispute, the Yerushalmi doesn’t seek to explain that dispute, nor to explore justifications of the differing opinions. On the contrary, where possible, it seeks to show that tannaim who seemingly differ in fact agree. Finally, as a general observation, Frankel remarks that the Yerushalmi seeks to establish halakhah more than it seeks to pursue logical deliberations. To these observations may be added many, including the fact that the Yerushalmi rarely suggests alternative formulations for scripture, and almost never pursues alternative explanations or reasons beyond the barest few. Considered as a whole, then, what is the Talmud Yerushalmi trying to do? In Neusner’s reading, The Yerushalmi’s qualities and characteristics constitute a considered, strategic – one might even say “philosophical” – response to the challenges Jews faced in Palestine in the period during which it came to formation.

The Talmud stresses the themes of certainty, consensus, and authority. These points of insistence also express a general concern to overcome doubt, confusion, diversity, and civil chaos. The Talmud’s paramount points of insistence constitute a point-by-point program in defiance of the age: certainty over doubt, authority over disintegration, salvation over chaos, above all, hope and confidence in age of despair. In the period and circumstance represented by the Talmud of the Land of Israel, people believed that decisions had to come forth, arguments had to reach solution, doubt had to be resolved. In context, we see that this was the Talmud’s response: triumph over despair.

The early fifth century (more or less) was, as we saw, a period in Palestine when Jews would have found themselves in severe doubt, their assumptions profoundly challenged. Theologically rejected subjects in a more and more Christian empire, Jews could only have found comfort and security in clear, definitive answers and the rejection of questions and chaos, whatever their source.

Harmonizing differing opinions, rather than supporting them by justifying each of two sides, yields certainty and avoids dispute. Imagining alternative formulations of scripture makes it easier to avoid questioning scripture, while the avoidance or limitation of alternative explanations allows conclusions to stand with greater confidence. Logic and its play are disruptive, while halakhah is definitive and secure.

The Talmud Yerushalmi, then, is a traditionalist text, one that sought to create a world of relative certainty and stability in the face of a world that for Jews in Palestine (and elsewhere) had to be uncertain and unstable,
perhaps in the extreme. But it did this in an entirely innovative way – for the first time ever, in the way of a Talmud. “Talmud” – characterized by the citation of opinions, the record of disputes, the working out of differences, and engaged interpretation and extension of a received canonical text – was unprecedented, both within the Jewish world and without. It was and remained a uniquely rabbinic form. It was the Yerushalmi that first
gave expression to this form, offering one model of what Talmud could be. The later Talmud, the Babylonian Talmud (the Talmud), would resemble it in significant respects. But the latter would differ from the former in what are, arguably, even more significant respects. Talmud is a genre (with only two instantiations) but not a single form.

* if the Yerushalmi limits objections and deliberations, the Bavli rejoices in them. If the Yerushalmi prefers
simple, straightforward logic, the Bavli thrives on complex, logical operations. If the Yerushalmi reads the Mishnah according to its simple meaning, the Bavli reads it as scripture, demanding that every word have significance.

* Jews in Babylon lived in close proximity to their neighbors, speaking the same language (Aramaic), enjoying mundane interactions in the marketplace and even, possibly, in their homes. The centers of Jewish life included cities such as Mahoza, part of the metropolis that served as the Sassanian winter capital. This was a city with a large and diverse population, and there is no evidence that Jews segregated themselves from the population at large. If the testimony of the Talmud is to be believed (and I know of no reason not to believe the Talmud’s representation of this reality), Jews and their neighbors even occupied homes in the same courtyards. Palestinian rabbinic enactments, the purpose of which was to separate Jews from their neighbors, were relaxed in the Babylonian setting, allowing even pious followers of rabbinic law to intermingle with their neighbors. The consequences of this daily interaction are amply evident even in a particularist document such as the Talmud, suggesting an even
greater impact on Babylonian Jewry more generally.

* By the middle of the fourth century, this attention developed into an ideology, according to which debate and deliberation regarding matters of rabbinic Torah were asserted to have their own worth. Soon, argumentation would be studied for its own sake.

Exemplifying this shift is teachings in which sages justify their own stated opinion, by saying, for example, “on what basis do I say this?” and quoting a Mishnah or related text to back themselves up. Alternatively, their justification might reference the “logic” of the matter, as they declare: “it makes sense according to my opinion!” Sages of this period even engage in what might be called “textual criticism” of the Mishnah. More developed or elaborate examples of these moves, which begin to emerge in the third decade of the fourth century, include cases such as that of Rava at Eruvin b, where he offers justification of both his own opinion and that of his opponent. This “balanced” comment reflects growing interest in the value of argumentation – and its different sides – in general, as comments of these amoraim focusing on argumentation as such become far more common. Examples include both affirming (“the one who objects objects well”) and challenging (“what is Rav Hamnuna objecting to Rav Sheshet?”) observations relating to the argumentation of others.

* there are two types of material in the Bavli – teachings attributed to named sages (amoraim) who can be associated with specific generations and often places, and extensive analytical material in the Aramaic language that is associated with no name or place.

* the Bavli’s anonymous voice is overwhelmingly post-Amoraic.

* The Bavli is a carefully composed, elaborately constructed document. Its pages are evidence of an extended period of deliberate composition in an untroubled atmosphere (persecution or hardship does not allow for the kind of work that is necessary to produce a document such as this).

* as far as the Talmud is concerned, it is better to save all stated opinions even by means of a forced solution than it is to reject one opinion in favor of another.

* One outstanding type of operation, unique to the Bavli and of exceptional importance as a sign of the Bavli’s relationship to scripture, is cases in which the Bavli comments, “if you wish I will say that it is reasoning and if you wish I will say it is scripture.” This formula, which is articulated fourteen times in the Talmud, is typically offered as an explanation of differences of opinion, and particularly in response to the question: “In what do they differ?” The answer, then, is in effect, “I can explain their difference of opinion both logically and with reference to different interpretations of scripture.”

* Before seeking to understand what the Talmud is, it is crucial to say a word about what it is not. The first notion we must reject is the old, uncritical view that the Talmud is somehow a kind of transcript of deliberations that took place in the Babylonian rabbinic academies. Even without the technical problems with this description (were there academies at all? How could such transcriptions have been done?), the notion that our Talmud simply presents us with a record of live rabbinic discussions is indefensible. Oral deliberations are characterized by their spontaneous non-structure; by interruptions, fits and starts, even a degree of chaos. Yet, as we saw in our study of the lengthy deliberation from Baba Batra earlier in this chapter, the Talmud is characterized by careful, considered formulation. Its discussions develop logically (employing rabbinic logic, to be sure). What we find in the Talmud is not the product of some spontaneous argument. Someone “wrote” the Talmud.

* An even more problematic characterization of the Talmud that must be rejected is that it is a kind of discursive halakhic code. …the Talmud is primarily interested in theoretical inquiry, being perfectly comfortable, on many occasions, with offering no decision at all.

* Another characterization we must reject is the proposition, which has recently gained some currency, that the Talmud is a kind of anthology. Even if such an analogy (for that is what it is) works for other rabbinic works (such as the midrashim), it simply doesn’t work for the Bavli. Anthologies are collections in which different, individual authors speak in their own voice or a single author’s writings speak in his or her own voice. An anthology may be organized around a theme or an author or a genre. In the Bavli, by contrast, the voice of the document (briefly quoting earlier voices, to be sure) speaks essentially uniformly through all units, according to the rules of a single genre (Talmud). Unlike editors of anthologies, those who formulated the Bavli were aggressive with the sources they assembled, reshaping, reformulating, and recontextualizing at will. They didn’t merely collect and annotate pre-existing compositions. They created something new.

* If you had been a common Jew living in Palestine or Iraq (Babylonia) in the third through six centuries, you would have known little if anything at all about the developments described in the preceding chapters. This is because, as historians now understand the evidence, the rabbis did not emerge as leaders of a significant portion of the Jewish community until at least the sixth century. In fact, rabbis were barely even noticed, at least by non-Jewish observers, until the fifth century. Their tradition – meaning, in this case, the Mishnah – is mentioned for the first time only in the sixth century. And with respect to significant rabbinic influence among Jews, the first clear (in this case) physical evidence of such a development is a mosaic containing a rabbinic text in the floor of a synagogue at Rehov, dated to the sixth or seventh century. Even in the sixth century, an observer of Jewish affairs would have been hard-pressed to predict that the rabbis would emerge as the leaders of Jewish communities and architects of Jewish practice and belief, let alone that the elite, esoteric document they produced would be the blueprint for all of this.

* Already knowing the Yerushalmi, the rabbis behind the Bavli could account for its rulings, evaluate them, and accept or reject
them as they, in their expertise, saw fit. Accordingly, whenever there was a disagreement between the two, the later was to be preferred.

* And one must be careful before using Maimonides as proof of accepted forms or authorities, for he is notorious for his independence of spirit when it comes to rendering halakhic decisions (and in all other matters!).

* Though a relatively larger portion of the population would have been able to keep simple business records or write their names on documents, the ability to read a literary text, particularly one that was not copied by a professional scribe (as was
sometimes the case with the Talmud), would have been very rare.

* “that first-hand knowledge of the Talmud was confined to a relatively narrow stratum of the rabbinic cultural elite,” and whatever authority it had over the masses, therefore, was channeled through that same elite.

* The first step in this development was the gargantuan project of Rashi in writing the first comprehensive commentary on the Talmud (only small sections are missing or preliminary). Rashi’s commentary is almost always as concise as could be, illuminating virtually all difficulties and essentially taking the place of the teacher for the student struggling to make sense of the Talmudic text.

* Rashi’s comment on the Talmud’s teaching (Pesachim 112a–b) that “one should not cook in a pot in which his fellow [already] cooked.” The Talmud itself explains that this teaching is speaking about “one who married a divorcee in her [former] husband’s lifetime,” or, alternatively, about marrying a widow, for, the text goes on to suggest, “not all fingers are the same” (or
“equal”). What does this mean? Rashi explains that “finger” is a euphemistic way of saying “the sexual organ” = penis, and then adds, “for this sexual intercourse may not be as good for her as the first [meaning, as with the first husband] and she might belittle him.”

* The readings of the Tosafot were, among other things, intended to derive halakhah; Jews did need to know, after all, how to conduct themselves. But many of their comments were also directed (or exclusively directed) toward theoretical, critical explorations of Talmudic dialect, with no immediate concern for halakhic implications. In this, the comments of the Tosafot
often resemble (as already noted) the deliberations of the Talmud itself.

* “Torah scholars who lived in Christian lands tended to expand the contours of rabbinic literature to include the study of tractates beyond the three central orders of the Babylonian Talmud, and to delve into lesser travelled and more esoteric realms of Talmudic and midrashic study and texts. In comparison, Jewish who lived in Muslim lands, from the geonim through the subsequent rabbinic commentators and scholars of Spain and North Africa, took a narrower view.”

* “the single most important factor that limited what Jews could receive from their Christian surroundings is a linguistic one. Ashkenazic Jewry as a whole (12–13th cent.) did not read Latin, the lingua franca of Christian Scholarship and culture.” By contrast, Jews in Muslim-dominated lands (Andalusia, Egypt, etc.) spoke Arabic, which was the language not only of the street but also of the court and the madrasa. This means that the Jewish elite in those lands had access to and were attracted by the lettered culture of their neighbors. This led to a more expansive interest in matters of the mind (philosophy, theology) and heart (poetry). By contrast, without direct access to the writings of their Christian counterparts, Ashkenazi scholars remained more insularly focused on the Talmud.

* [After WWII] A group of rabbis, including survivors, approached the American military governor of occupied Germany to seek publication of a new set of the Talmud, which was then unavailable in the war-ravaged territories… “This edition of the Talmud is dedicated to the United States Army. The Army played a major role in the rescue of the Jewish people from total annihilation, and their defeat of Hitler bore the major burden of sustaining the DPs of the Jewish faith. This special edition of the Talmud, published in the very land where, but a short time ago, everything Jewish and of Jewish inspiration was anathema, will remain a symbol of the indestructibility of the Torah. The Jewish DPs will never forget the generous impulses and the unprecedented humanitarianism of the American Forces, to whom they owe so much.”

* Revolutionizing the academic study of the Talmud and other rabbinic texts was the work of Jacob Neusner. Neusner challenged historical studies by asking why we should believe the “historical” testimony of rabbinic documents, knowing, as we do, that all traditions make claims that, more than anything else, serve their interests, and they should therefore be read skeptically; why should the Talmud be any different? He also challenged source criticism by pointing to its subjectivity and observing how completely the oral preservation and transmission of rabbinic teachings must have transformed what was ultimately recorded in the Talmud. For Neusner, the only level of the developing tradition we could trust with any degree of confidence was the final document (whatever we mean by “final”). Because of the relative inaccessibility of evidence for conventional histories in rabbinic documents, Neusner read the works of rabbinic Judaism, including the Talmud, as sequential statements of rabbinic religion
(or philosophy).

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Breaking News: Sex, Lies and the Murdoch Succession (2013)

Here are some highlights from this 2013 book:

* one of Rupert’s great attractions is that he rarely thinks hard before opening his mouth.

* Rupert Murdoch is half puritan, half gambler, and that’s the way he has always behaved. His father was from a long line of Presbyterian preachers and moralists; his mother the daughter of a handsome rake who lost a fortune to the bookies.

* Rupert is a prude at heart, with so little sympathy for the sexual antics of his tabloid victims, because the Murdochs come from a long line of churchmen with an abiding sense of sin.

* Rupert’s grandfather Patrick sailed from Aberdeenshire on the far north coast of Scotland to take up a living in East Melbourne in 1884, and went on to become head of the Presbyterian Church in Australia. Though far more liberal than his own fire-and-brimstone-breathing father, who believed in terrifying his flock with visions of hell and damnation, Patrick Murdoch was worried that his children might succumb to sexual temptation, and admonished them thus: “Never do anything with your hands or look at anything with your eyes that you’d be ashamed to tell your mother about. Turn away at once from any picture that you feel to be filthy or indecent…You should get out of bed in the morning and as soon as you are awake, if possible, have a bath.” Taking heed of such warnings, Rupert’s father Keith wrote home from England in his early twenties to express dismay at the moral depravity of London’s streets, where prostitution was rife.

* ‘Part of the Australian character is wanting to take on the world,’ he explained to the New York Times. ‘It’s a hard, huge continent inhabited by a few European descendants with a sense of distance from their roots. They have a great need to prove themselves.’

* ‘Rupert is a power junkie, in the sense that he enjoys the company of people with power. When Rupert first came to New York, he was an Australian of no particular reputation. He bought the New York Post, suddenly he becomes an intimate, so to speak, with mayors, with governors and the president. You can’t ignore a guy who runs a New York newspaper.’

But there were other more practical reasons for Rupert to be picking winners, which was a pastime he would always enjoy. Winners in politics could give him the business breaks he needed, and he was a master at suggesting they owed him their success. As one of his many biographers put it, ‘Politicians live by fragile reputations; they believe that words can propel their careers forward or destroy them. On his visits to their locker rooms, Murdoch does not discourage these beliefs. On the contrary, he fosters the impression that he is able to deliver a kick beyond the professionals’ reach.’

* Rupert is constantly surprised at how he comes across: he has no talent for introspection and has no idea why people hate him. The second is that his editors and executives, and even his family, do exactly what Rupert wants them to do, whether that be attacking his enemies, boosting his friends or keeping radio silence when necessary. Call it fear, charm, charisma, personality or respect, it’s clear he has something that makes people want to do what he asks. Even though almost 90 per cent of the shares in News Corp are held outside the Murdoch family, none of the group’s 51 000 employees or fifteen board directors is in doubt that they work for Rupert, that he’s the boss, and that pleasing him is the way to get on. It’s something that’s worth bearing in mind as a background to the phone hacking scandal, where one of the most tantalising questions is what the Murdochs really knew. You can get an idea of how Rupert runs his empire from any of a dozen books written about him over the years, or from talking to any of a hundred current or former executives. But it’s rarely been better put than by the ex-Sunday Times editor, Andrew Neil, who was one of Murdoch’s most-trusted executives before he morphed into his most trenchant critic. In his memoir, Full Disclosure, Neil famously likened working for Murdoch to being a courtier of the Sun King, whose light shines to all corners of his kingdom: “All life revolves around the Sun King; all authority comes from him. He is the only one to whom allegiance must be owed and he expects his remit to run everywhere, his word to be final…Normal management structures do not matter…the Sun King is all that matters…The Sun King is everywhere, even when he is nowhere. He rules over great distances through authority, loyalty, example and fear.”

According to Neil and other Murdoch editors and executives, like David Yelland who ran The Sun, Rupert’s courtiers hang on his every word. They wake up wondering what he’s thinking, and how he will react to what they plan to do. Even Rupert reckons they go too far in this. But it’s hardly surprising that it should be so, because he knows his business better than anyone, and he knows their business better than them.

* Murdoch expected his every word to be listened to, but rarely paid the same attention to others. He would ask questions and not wait for the reply, talk over answers, and walk out of meetings in mid-sentence. Executives sharing lunch with him rarely spoke up and got squashed if they did. British MPs who visited him on the Avenue of the Americas in 2009 were struck by the way he banged his hand on the table while making a point. He never shouted; he didn’t need to. His editors and executives knew that the easiest way to advance was to do what he wished. There’s a wonderful moment in the BBC’s excellent 1981 Panorama profile when the nonplussed editor of Sydney’s Daily Mirror, Peter Wiley, is asked whether he follows a line that he knows will please Rupert. He looks left, right, left, right, up, down and up again, then sucks in his breath, purses his lips and eventually agrees that, ‘Yes’, he wouldn’t run anything he thought Rupert might disagree with. Murdoch admitted in the program that he interfered too much with his newspapers when he was around. But it was clear he hardly needed to, because his editors already knew where he stood. He was anti-Communist, anti-abortion, anti-long hair and beards, anti-suede shoes and anti-gay rights. He was pro family and private enterprise, against high taxes, and had no time for poofters.

* At heart, he was also a decent bloke, or at least a part of him was: ‘He was well-raised by Dame Elisabeth, who was a class act,’ says one close aide who worked with him for a decade, but adds that the other half of Rupert was ‘deeply cynical’. Others found him well-mannered and polite, down-to-earth and ‘remarkably ordinary’. Americans in particular were impressed at his very Australian habit of jumping in the front of a taxicab, alongside the driver, and not insisting on a limo.

* And despite all his wealth and fame, he was the same as he’d always been. He had no airs and graces. He’d stop and talk to journalists sent to stake him out, and stand around and chat to reporters at Gretel Packer’s country wedding, while his rival Australian media mogul, Kerry Packer, snarled at the media. He was ‘very normal, very informal, very Australian’, says one of his executives. And so was News Corporation, even as the top levels of the organisation became increasingly American, and the centre of gravity moved more and more to the US. Rupert relied on Australians to run the business because he understood them and trusted them to cut the crap. So he had John Cowley running Wapping; Col Allan in charge at the New York Post; Les Hinton running the British newspapers and then Dow Jones; David Hill in charge of Fox Sports in Los Angeles; Sam Chisholm running BSkyB; Gary Davey in Hong Kong and then at Sky Deutschland; Bruce Dover in China; Tom Mockridge and Jim Rudder at Sky Italia; and Robert Thomson editing The Times, before taking over at the Wall Street Journal and finally ending up in charge of News Corp’s entire publishing division. The members of this expat network could call each other up at any time to have a chat, and tap into a shared mythology. ‘If you were in the loop, it was like a brotherhood. It was loyalty, loyalty, loyalty,’ one of these globetrotting Australians recalls.

* Unlike most tycoons, Rupert Murdoch is no philanderer. He is a puritan, a prude and a serial monogamist. In almost six decades since getting hitched in Adelaide in 1956 he has married three wives, sired six children and enjoyed just a couple of months as a single man.

* Kelvin MacKenzie, the long-serving editor of Rupert Murdoch’s best-selling Sun, was once asked what he thought about tabloid ethics. In a favourite quip he would recycle many times, he famously replied: ‘Ethics? As far as I’m concerned, that’s a place to the east of London where people wear white socks.’ Another lesser-known Murdoch journalist, Greg Miskiw, who was once news editor of the News of the World, and now faces charges of phone hacking, summed up his paper’s culture even more eloquently. ‘This is what we do,’ he explained to a stressed-out reporter. ‘We go out and destroy other people’s lives.’

* Back in the 1980s, when The Sun was running a series of scandalous and unsubstantiated stories on Elton John, he was famously confronted by one of Britain’s popular breakfast TV presenters, Anne Diamond, who asked him, ‘How do you sleep at night, knowing that your papers ruin people’s lives?’ ‘It was just water off a duck’s back,’ Diamond later recalled. ‘He looked at me and said, “I don’t ruin people’s lives. They ruin their lives.” And those were his values…if you somehow get into his newspapers it’s your fault.’

It’s an interesting question whether Rupert Murdoch was aware of this campaign of vilification, or, indeed, responsible for it. His ex-butler, Philip Townsend, told Channel 4 in 2011 that it was the mogul who set his paper onto the TV host by ringing to complain that she had been rude to him. Diamond says she can’t be sure Rupert’s journalists were acting at his behest, but observes, ‘Having asked that one question of Murdoch, I was hounded and vilified on newspaper front pages for many years. The effect upon me and my family truly cannot be overstated…the coverage was persistent, cruel, grossly intrusive and enormously damaging and hurtful. At the time, it did indeed feel as though I was being targeted.’

* His office in Los Angeles was plastered with front pages of The Sun and News of the World, and he loved his tabloids. But he also delighted in telling people about the dirt they had collected on politicians and public figures. ‘We have pictures of him,’ he often boasted to his biographer, Michael Wolff, who found him ‘most entertaining and caustic on the subject of other people’s losses, lapses and screw-ups’. And he loved to trade titbits. ‘There are two currencies in the Murdoch organisation,’ the ex-editor of the Sunday Times, Andrew Neil, once observed. ‘One is money, the second is gossip. He loves gossip.’ And, as we know, Rupert didn’t worry too much about who got hurt.

* MacKenzie, who was then Murdoch’s favourite editor, claimed to understand his readers, and believed, like Rupert, that his journalists should write with their prejudices in mind. ‘He’s the bloke you see in the pub, a right old fascist, wants to send the wogs back, buy his poxy council house,’ MacKenzie once famously opined. ‘He’s afraid of the unions, afraid of the Russians, hates the queers and the weirdoes and drug dealers.’

* Of course, not all the News of the World’s stories were as vicious, unprincipled and mendacious as its evisceration of Mosley. Nor were all The Sun’s exposes as bad as the attack on Elton John. But they illustrated the culture that prevailed at Murdoch’s British tabloids in the years before the hacking scandal exploded: the absence of doubt, mercy or sympathy for victims, and the lack of moderation or apology when stories were found to be wrong.

Rupert characterised this boots’n’all style as giving the public what they wanted, or democracy in action and freedom of the press, but it was more akin to journalism of the lynch mob, with the Murdoch papers finding the victims and whipping up a frenzy for the public to hunt them down. Sure, it was usually only reputations or livelihoods—and not lives—that were lost, but the principle was much the same, as was the enthusiasm with which his tabloids went about the task of seeking out homosexuality, adultery, infidelity, drug use, alcoholism, depression, a gambling habit, or whatever else befell the rich and mildly famous. This approach was not just tolerated by the boss. It undoubtedly came from Rupert himself, who, to his credit, did not sue if journalists did the same to him. And it was manifest in other parts of News Corporation, right around the world. You could see the same arrogance and aggression in The Australian or on Fox News or in the New York Post, even though the targets were more political in nature. It was a culture where they hit their enemies hard, played the man and left no room for doubt; where it was them and us, we’re right, don’t get in our way. Murdoch’s powerful tabloid editors tended to be particularly contemptuous of their critics and convinced they could do as they liked.

* Paul McMullan readily admits he stole pictures from people, ripped off his sources and impersonated a rent boy in the course of his work. Lying, too, was an essential part of the job. ‘You can’t get through the day on a tabloid newspaper if you don’t lie, if you don’t deceive, if you’re not prepared to use forms of blackmail or extortion or lean on people, you know, make people’s lives a misery,’ said Graham Johnson, who was a reporter on the News of the World in the late 1990s when Brooks was deputy editor.

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LAT: A fake congregation and tax schemes — California rabbi’s years of fraud revealed

From the Los Angeles Times:

After the shooting, he called for tolerance, love and forgiveness in numerous appearances and speeches. He was invited to the White House, met President Trump, and hosted Vice President Mike Pence at the Poway synagogue.

At the time, however, he was under investigation by the federal government and had agreed to cooperate with a probe into years, perhaps decades, of serial frauds he allegedly had orchestrated. That information became public for the first time Tuesday.

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The Black Pill

I notice vast numbers of people on the Dissident Right are black-pilled (pessimistic about the future). This despair seems to be the dominant emotion among the comments I read on Unz.com and on Twitter.

Why? I don’t think this despair reflects reality. I think people see the world as they are more than as it is. Dissidents tend to be anti-social and being anti-social takes a toll on your emotional equilibrium and usually results in depression.

Why be optimistic right now? If you are religious, you should be optimistic because you believe that God controls the world. If you are not religious, you should be optimistic because you know that you can’t predict the future, and that you can’t even fully grasp the present, so why not choose life? There are way too many variables in the world. There’s too much going on in America right now for anyone to have a handle on the news. No one man can know everything. We all have blind spots. We all talk to only a tiny number of people. We all have limited expertise. Therefore, humility and wonder should be the order of the day.

People on the Right right now who are filled with despair are spending way too much time on social media and following the news. This is not productive and it is not conducive to happiness because we can’t control the media and we can’t control the news. Our time is better spent on things we can control, such as our own values and dreams. There may be addictions playing a role in this despair. As HerbK writes, “My mind is powerless to perceive the truth about alcohol — my mind is fundamentally flawed, defective. I experienced ‘no choice’ at a previously unknown core level. I had experienced that ‘strange mental blank spot.’ I needed to fully concede to my innermost self that I had a mental obsession over which I was powerless — even to see the truth when presented.”

Which country do you think is on a better trajectory right now than America? As each year goes by, the United States is on a trajectory to increase its relative power compared to its competitors. Most Chinese, for example, don’t even graduate from high school. Chinese workers are half as productive as Turkish workers. The U.S. economy is the most dynamic and competitive in the world. Americans work harder than any other people. The future is being created now in Los Angeles, San Francisco and New York. No other city comes close to our influence.

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The Covid Coup

Angelo Codevilla writes:

It should be clear that the COVID event in America is only tangentially about health. It is essentially a political campaign based on the pretense of health. Mere perusal of news from abroad is enough to see that this is true as well throughout the Western world. Throughout, the campaign by governments and associated elites has essentially smothered social and economic activity. Not least—and by no means incidentally—it has smothered the overt political opposition which had increasingly beleaguered said governments and elites throughout the Western world.

Through the previous decade, the various failures and inadequacies of these governments and elites, of “Davos Man,” had become the prime subject of public discourse. At the very least, the COVID campaign changed the subject to physical safety and economic survival. Davos Man tightened control by using the state’s coercive power more forcefully than in wartime, covering its class by claiming to speak for “science” in a manner that precludes counterargument.

In America as elsewhere, there was no doubt about which sectors of society were on what side, who were the campaign’s protagonists, winners, and losers. The governments, their bureaucracies, the major legacy political parties, the celebrities and the media, Davos Man, were on one side. On the other were middle class people and their “populist” representatives. As the northern hemisphere’s summertime was banishing the latest respiratory virus, Davos Man strove to make as many restrictions as possible part of a “new normal.”

In Europe as in America, the COVID affair was but the latest round in which the very same protagonists had faced off. There as here, the language and attitudes with which Davos Man denigrated its supposed inferiors in the COVID affair fit seamlessly into previous patterns of the larger, long-term struggle. Had there been any doubt that the COVID-19 virus was more an occasion than a cause, it vanished at the end of May as, on both sides of the Atlantic, Davos Man switched to berating ordinary people and their civilization and ginned up yet another campaign to beat back challenges to its power.

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