How Australia’s Cronulla Race Riots Helped Stop Muslim Grooming Of Girls

Posted on July 11, 2025 by Luke Ford

While the British passively accepted Pakistani immigrants raping hundreds of their girls, Australians fought back and stopped the mass rapes.

Helen Andrews writes:

In the early 2000s, Sydney was rocked by a series of gang rapes. Victims were ordinary Australian girls, some as young as 13. The perpetrators were Muslim, mostly Lebanese and some Pakistanis. Two cases—the Skaf brothers case and the Khan brothers case—received extensive newspaper coverage, but the phenomenon was more widespread. Sexual assault rates increased 25 percent between 1996 and 2003 in Sydney, even as every other type of violent crime was declining.

The gang rapes were similar to the “grooming gangs” operating in Great Britain during the same period. The difference is that in Britain the problem was allowed to fester. Australia nipped its problem in the bud, thanks to the way its authorities handled the problem.

The first thing Australia did right was to prosecute the perpetrators vigorously and hand down long sentences. The second was refusing to shy away from the racial angle. Some voices in the media and the Muslim community wanted this aspect suppressed, but the attackers had used racial language during the assaults (“We’re going to rape you, you Aussie sluts,” “If a Leb wants to fuck you, you fuck them”), and judges and politicians addressed these remarks publicly.

The only blight on Australia’s handling of this period was the Cronulla race riot of 2005. No one was killed or seriously wounded, but white crowds chased Middle Eastern men down the street of the seaside suburb, throwing beer bottles and shouting, “Fuck off, Lebs!” The immediate spark was the beating of two volunteer lifeguards by eight Lebanese youths the previous week, but that incident had been preceded by months of rising tensions over harassment and intimidation of white beachgoers by the Lebanese. And, of course, the gang rapes were in the background.

Could the riot have had something to do with why the gang rape problem in Sydney was resolved? Did it matter that Australians, unlike Englishmen, made a show of force in defense of their way of life, in addition to prosecuting the offenders in a court of law?

…The first media story about immigrant gang rapes, which featured the Skaf rapes prominently, was published in July 2001 by the Sun-Herald in a Sunday front-page feature, “70 Girls Attacked by Rape Gangs: Caucasian women the targets.” Media interest peaked the following year when the Skaf brothers were brought to trial and sentenced in 2002.

The story struck a chord with the public because Lebanese crime was a growing issue, and not just sexual assaults. Teenage girls were having their phones and jewelry snatched in sidewalk robberies by cars full of Lebanese men. The Skaf brothers committed at least one such robbery six months before their rape spree; the victim’s necklace was found around mother Skaf’s neck when police came to the house to question the boys about the rapes. Lebanese gangs had recently taken over the drug trade in Sydney, and spillover crimes from those gangland wars were making headlines around the time the gang rapes were first reported.

My husband was in high school in Sydney in the early 2000s. He remembers a party at a friend’s house in the suburbs that was crashed by a bunch of Lebanese men none of them had ever seen before. They pulled up in a car and asked to join the party. When the host told them to leave, they pulled guns. My husband and his friends ran, and that was the end of the party. Things like that were happening in nice neighborhoods all over the city…

The notion that the gang rapes had no racial element was disputed by all corners of the political map from right-wing talk-radio hosts to the Labor Party premier of New South Wales. The police commissioner, a Labor appointee, acknowledged that the gang rapes involved “a particular, clearly defined cultural group of attackers” and “a very clearly defined cultural group of victims.”

…To a small segment of the Lebanese community, the Skaf brothers were heroes. Youth gangs with names like “the Bass Hill Boyz” and “the Soldiers of Granville Boys” recorded amateur videos with racially aggressive rap performed over pictures of Bilal Skaf holding a gun, a map of Australia with a Lebanese flag superimposed, footage of a Lebanese gang kicking a white man, and similar images. Lyrics included: “Gonna take over your fucking town / This is our town now, you dirty fucking Aussies,” and “I don’t give a fuck what you say about us Lebos . . . Those Aussie chicks wanted it, bro.”

A sense of the broader Lebanese community’s attitude can be gleaned from the role of women in the Skaf case. The boys’ mother, Baria Skaf, was banned from visiting her sons in prison after she was caught smuggling messages. She also verbally abused the rape victims from the courtroom gallery, until the judge threatened to arrest her for contempt. Another female relative in the courtroom called the female crown prosecutor a “sharmuta,” whore. Bilal’s cousin Susan Bakry gave a false alibi for him, until she was found to be running a check-cashing scam with Bilal and agreed to cooperate with police in exchange for a reduced sentence.

One victim remembered a woman entering the abandoned public toilet where her rapists had abused her. She thought the woman was going to rescue her, but the woman just said, “This is a bad area, you should have known better,” and escorted her out to a car to be taken to another location to be raped again.

Imams made excuses for the boys’ behavior. The mufti of Sydney’s biggest mosque gave a sermon in which he compared women to uncovered meat that gets eaten by a cat. “Whose fault is it, the cat’s or the uncovered meat’s? The uncovered meat is the problem. If she was in her room, in her home, in her hijab, no problem would have occurred.” Sheikh Faiz Mohammed told a crowd of a thousand at Bankstown Town Hall that a rape victim has “no one to blame but herself . . . Slit skirts, translucent blouses, miniskirts, tight jeans! All this to tease man and appeal to his carnal nature.”

The following are firsthand reports from Cronulla beachgoers, collected by Australian reporter Paul Sheehan in the aftermath of the riot:

“Every girl I know has been harassed or knows someone who’s been harassed. It’s not just young girls. I’ve been followed on numerous occasions. It’s just constant harassment. The word ‘slut’ gets used all the time.”
“They treat our beaches like a sleazy nightclub. They treat young women like garbage. And as soon as you say anything, they are on their mobile phones to 50 of their closest friends and their mates come down and outnumber people. If it’s guys, they will beat them up. If it’s girls, they will terrorize them.”
“I was walking down the esplanade when a group of Lebanese surrounded me and blocked my path. One of them put his hand up my skirt and grabbed my crotch.”
“My two boys have not been to the beach at Cronulla for eighteen months because the last two times they were there, they were surrounded by Lebanese and had their mobile phones stolen. They were told they would be killed if they came back. One of my friends drives her children down the coast to surf because they are too scared to travel to their closest beach.”
“The son of a colleague was bashed by two carloads of Lebanese as he was walking home from the Caringbah Inn late one night. He was left unconscious and permanently lost his hearing in one ear.”
“A friend of my daughter’s was surrounded and abused by a large group of Lebanese. ‘Come on, fucker,’ one of them said to her. ‘You know you want to suck our cocks. We won’t let you, Aussie filth, you’re not clean enough.’”

Every space belongs to one community or another. That community decides what norms prevail there. Other groups can be present, as long as they are just existing, but if they attempt to assert their own norms, resistance must be offered or else possession of the territory will pass to the newcomers. Territory is fundamentally a male concept. Even in the animal kingdom, it is exclusively males who fight off intruders. This is because assertions of territory are necessarily backed by the implicit threat of violence.

Cronulla was a classic case of territoriality. There were two communities with conflicting norms vying for the same space. One of the most common complaints about Lebanese beachgoers, besides harassment, was that they would play soccer in areas where people were trying to sunbathe, with stray balls and sand landing on towels. There is nothing wrong with playing soccer, but it was incompatible with how the local community thought the beach should be used.

Grok says:

The article “How Australia Stopped Grooming Gangs” by Helen Andrews, published on July 11, 2025, explores the themes surrounding the gang rape crisis in Sydney during the early 2000s, Australia’s response to it, and the broader implications for addressing similar issues elsewhere. Below is an expanded analysis of the key themes in the article, structured to provide a comprehensive understanding of the issues raised.

1. Effective Law Enforcement and Prosecution

One of the central themes is the critical role of robust law enforcement and judicial action in addressing the gang rape crisis. Australia’s success in curbing the problem is attributed to vigorous prosecutions and severe sentencing, which served as both punishment and deterrence.Police Task Forces: The establishment of specialized units like Task Force Gain (targeting Lebanese organized crime and drug trafficking) and Task Force Sayda (focused on immigrant gang rapes) demonstrated a proactive and targeted approach. These task forces were instrumental in gathering evidence and securing convictions, despite resistance from some community activists who accused police of racial profiling.

Long Sentences: The article highlights the judiciary’s commitment to imposing harsh penalties, particularly after an initial misstep in 2001 when Judge Megan Latham handed down lenient sentences, sparking public outrage. The Court of Criminal Appeal later corrected this by increasing sentences, signaling that such crimes would not be tolerated. For example, the Khan brothers received up to 22 years, and the Skaf brothers faced similarly lengthy terms.

Victim Support: The police built trust with victims, ensuring their safety despite threats from perpetrators’ associates. This encouraged victims to testify, which was crucial for successful prosecutions. The empathetic treatment of victims, as noted by crown prosecutor Margaret Cunneen, contrasted with the dismissive attitudes of some community figures, such as imams who blamed victims.

Contrast with the UK: The article contrasts Australia’s approach with the United Kingdom’s failure to address grooming gangs, where authorities hesitated due to fears of being labeled racist. Australia’s willingness to confront the issue head-on, even under accusations of bias, is presented as a key factor in resolving the crisis.

Expansion: This theme underscores the importance of institutional resolve in tackling complex social issues. The Australian approach illustrates that effective policing requires balancing community relations with decisive action against crime, even when cultural sensitivities are involved. It also raises questions about the long-term impact of deterrence: while the article notes a two-decade period free of similar crimes, the 2025 gang rape case suggests that generational memory of consequences may fade, necessitating ongoing vigilance.

2. Acknowledgment of Racial and Cultural Dimensions

The article emphasizes Australia’s refusal to ignore the racial and cultural elements of the gang rapes, which were perpetrated predominantly by Lebanese and Pakistani Muslim men against Caucasian Australian women. This acknowledgment is presented as a strength, distinguishing Australia’s response from the UK’s reluctance to address similar issues explicitly.Racial Language in Crimes: The perpetrators’ use of racial slurs (e.g., “Aussie sluts,” “Leb wants to fuck you”) during assaults made the racial angle undeniable. Judges, politicians, and police openly addressed this, resisting pressure from some media and Muslim community voices to suppress it.
Cultural Defenses Rejected: Defendants’ attempts to justify their actions based on cultural differences (e.g., claiming ignorance of Australian laws or citing village norms about women’s morality) were firmly rejected by the judiciary. This reinforced the expectation that all residents must adhere to Australian legal and social norms.

Community Reactions: The article notes varied responses within the Lebanese community. While some supported the perpetrators (e.g., the Skaf family’s hostility toward victims, youth gangs glorifying the crimes), others were likely pressured to conform or remain silent. The broader community’s failure to unequivocally condemn the crimes fueled tensions.

Expansion: This theme highlights the tension between multiculturalism and social cohesion. By addressing the racial and cultural aspects, Australia avoided the UK’s pitfall of allowing political correctness to hinder justice. However, it also raises ethical questions about how to discuss cultural factors without stigmatizing entire communities. The article suggests that open dialogue, even if uncomfortable, can lead to accountability and integration, but it requires careful navigation to avoid alienating minority groups.

3. Territoriality and Community Norms

The concept of territoriality emerges as a pivotal theme, particularly in the context of the 2005 Cronulla race riot. The riot is framed not as a justified act of violence but as an expression of Australians asserting control over public spaces and cultural norms.Cronulla Riot as Territorial Defense: The riot stemmed from escalating tensions over Lebanese youths’ behavior at Cronulla beach, including harassment and disrespect for local norms (e.g., playing soccer disruptively). The “Take Back the Beach” protest aimed to reassert Australian dominance through cultural symbols like barbecues and flag-waving, though it escalated into sporadic violence.

Symbolic Acts: The article cites the seaweed message “100% AUSSIE PRIDE” as a symbol of territorial claim, left undisturbed as a sign of community resolve. Such acts, while not criminal, were significant in signaling who controlled the space.

Role of Violence: While the article avoids endorsing violence, it suggests that the show of force at Cronulla may have contributed to resolving ethnic frictions by deterring further challenges to local norms. The minimal violence, coupled with police intervention, prevented escalation while still conveying a message.

Expansion: Territoriality is a complex and gendered concept, as the article notes, rooted in male assertions of dominance. This theme invites reflection on how communities negotiate shared spaces in diverse societies. The Cronulla riot illustrates both the risks (potential for violence) and the necessity of asserting norms to maintain social order. It also contrasts with purely legal responses, suggesting that cultural assertions—when backed by resolve rather than vigilante violence—can complement law enforcement in addressing social issues.

4. Public and Media Engagement

The role of the media and public opinion in shaping the response to the gang rapes is another significant theme. The article credits media coverage and public outrage with pressuring authorities to act decisively.Media Exposure: The Sun-Herald’s 2001 front-page story, “70 Girls Attacked by Rape Gangs: Caucasian women the targets,” brought the issue to public attention, framing it as a pattern rather than isolated incidents. This contrasted with the UK, where media hesitancy delayed action.

Public Backlash: Public anger, particularly after lenient sentencing in 2001, forced judicial corrections and sustained pressure on authorities. The article suggests that this public engagement ensured accountability, unlike in the UK, where apathy or fear of controversy allowed grooming gangs to persist.
Media’s Role in Reconciliation: Post-Cronulla, media coverage of initiatives like Lebanese lifeguards in burkinis helped promote reconciliation, shifting the narrative from conflict to integration.

Expansion: This theme underscores the media’s dual role as a catalyst for action and a platform for social healing. It also highlights the power of public opinion in democratic societies to influence policy and justice. However, it raises questions about the media’s responsibility to avoid sensationalism, which could exacerbate tensions or unfairly target communities.

5. Social Cohesion and Integration

The article explores the broader challenge of maintaining social cohesion in a multicultural society, particularly when cultural differences lead to conflict.Lebanese Community Dynamics: The article portrays a divided Lebanese community, with some elements (e.g., the Skaf family, youth gangs) defending or glorifying the perpetrators, while others were likely silenced by fear or loyalty. The imams’ victim-blaming sermons further strained relations, reinforcing perceptions of cultural incompatibility.

Post-Riot Reconciliation: Efforts like integrating Lebanese youths into lifeguard programs and funding cultural exchanges (e.g., the Kokoda track hike) aimed to bridge divides. These initiatives, while symbolic, signaled a commitment to inclusion without excusing criminal behavior.
Lessons for Multiculturalism: The article argues that societies can address crimes linked to specific groups without accepting them as inevitable. Australia’s success lay in enforcing universal norms while fostering integration, contrasting with the UK’s paralysis.

Expansion: This theme raises critical questions about multiculturalism’s limits and possibilities. Australia’s experience suggests that integration requires both accountability (punishing crime regardless of cultural context) and inclusion (offering pathways for minority groups to adopt shared norms). However, it also highlights the risk of backlash if integration efforts are perceived as inadequate or insincere.

6. Lessons for Other Societies

The article draws parallels between Australia’s experience and challenges in other Western countries, particularly the UK, offering lessons for addressing similar issues.

Proactive Intervention: Australia’s combination of prosecution, cultural acknowledgment, and territorial assertion is presented as a model for halting grooming gangs. The UK’s failure to act decisively allowed the problem to fester, with devastating consequences.

Avoiding Political Correctness: The article critiques the UK’s reluctance to address the ethnic dimension of grooming gangs, suggesting that Australia’s openness prevented denialism and enabled action.

Ongoing Vigilance: The 2025 gang rape case serves as a warning that past successes do not guarantee future safety. Margaret Cunneen’s observation that “lessons of a generation ago have faded” underscores the need for continuous education and enforcement.

Expansion: This theme positions Australia’s experience as a case study in balancing justice, cultural sensitivity, and social order. It invites policymakers to consider how to adapt these lessons to different contexts, recognizing that cultural and demographic differences (e.g., Mirpuri Pakistanis in the UK vs. Lebanese in Australia) require tailored approaches. It also emphasizes the importance of institutional memory to prevent the recurrence of such issues.7. The Complexity of Violence and Social ResponseThe Cronulla riot introduces a nuanced theme about the role of violence—or the threat of it—in resolving social conflicts. The article grapples with whether the riot contributed to ending the gang rape problem, ultimately concluding that territoriality, not violence, was the key.Riot’s Impact: The article suggests that the riot, while regrettable, may have signaled to Lebanese youths that their behavior would face resistance, complementing legal consequences. However, it emphasizes that violence was minimal and police intervention prevented escalation.

Rejection of Vigilantism: The article explicitly rejects vigilante violence as a solution, arguing that communities should assert norms through legal and cultural means. The Cronulla protest’s symbolic acts (e.g., flags, songs) were more significant than the violence itself.

Public Perception: Australians’ reluctance to fully condemn the riot reflects a pragmatic understanding of the context—years of harassment and crime that provoked a reaction. This contrasts with the article’s portrayal of Australia as generally politically correct, highlighting the unique circumstances of Cronulla.

Expansion: This theme invites reflection on the fine line between legitimate community defense and mob violence. It suggests that while violence is not a solution, the credible threat of resistance may deter antisocial behavior. This raises ethical and practical questions about how communities can assert norms without crossing into lawlessness, particularly in polarized societies.ConclusionThe article presents Australia’s response to the early 2000s gang rape crisis as a multifaceted success story, driven by effective law enforcement, acknowledgment of racial and cultural factors, territorial assertion, media engagement, and efforts at social cohesion. The Cronulla riot, while controversial, is framed as a complex event that reflected deeper tensions but did not define the resolution. By contrasting Australia’s approach with the UK’s failures, the article offers a blueprint for addressing similar issues while warning that vigilance is needed to prevent recurrence.These themes resonate beyond Australia, touching on universal challenges of multiculturalism, crime, and community identity. They underscore the importance of balancing justice with inclusion, confronting uncomfortable truths without prejudice, and empowering communities to defend their norms within legal bounds. The 2025 gang rape case serves as a sobering reminder that such issues require ongoing attention, lest hard-won progress be lost.

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JP: Diaspora generosity is heroic, but too many of the institutions that collect our money have lost the plot, padding paychecks, upgrading seats, and hoarding cash.

Posted on July 11, 2025 by Luke Ford

Zvika Klein writes in The Jerusalem Post:

Four years ago, sitting at my Makor Rishon desk with a stack of Form 990s, I stumbled on a line that made me almost fall off of my chair: The CEO of the Friends of the Israel Defense Forces was taking home more than $1 million a year – more than the charity gave, annually, to the widows and orphans of IDF soldiers.

That discovery became my 2021 exposé on the FIDF’s decision to cut every shekel of its grant to the IDF Widows and Orphans Organization. I wrote then that something in the culture felt “toxic.” It turns out, the smell only got stronger.

Fast-forward to July 2025. An 18-page internal probe, leaked to Ynet and later obtained by the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, accuses FIDF board chair Morey Levovitz of running the charity like a personal fiefdom: steering contracts to friends, sidelining professional staff, and racking up roughly $53,000 in luxury-travel reimbursements that may violate the group’s own rules. The San Francisco chapter, one of the FIDF’s most generous donor pools, has frozen contributions in protest.

This is not okay. Why? Because donors thought their gifts were racing to the front lines. Instead, almost half of last year’s $280 million windfall, raised after Hamas’s October 7 massacre, never left the FIDF’s bank account. Consultant Arnie Draiman called it “a hurricane outside and a rainy-day fund inside.” Meanwhile, grassroots groups crowd-funded basic helmets for reservists…

In January 2024, the American Society for Yad Vashem, for decades the Holocaust museum’s primary US fundraiser, quietly posted a banner on its homepage: “Effective January 1, 2024, the ASYV is no longer affiliated with Yad Vashem.” The split followed a bitter battle over an $80 million endowment that the ASYV’s board says Yad Vashem chairman Dani Dayan tried to “raid.”

To be fair, the FIDF’s audited statements show a lean fundraising machine: it spends about seven cents to raise a dollar, and roughly 80% of outlays land in program buckets rather than overhead. Still, executive pay remains eye-popping: CEO Steven Weil took home $667,000 in 2022, while the top 14 staffers shared $4 million. Salaries are not sins, but they demand proportionate results and humility.

On the other side of the ledger, the ASYV supplied up to 30% of Yad Vashem’s annual budget before relations soured. Losing that stream mid-war is not just a governance soap opera; it is a strategic risk to Israel’s flagship Holocaust-education center, precisely when antisemitism is spiking.

Morey Levovitz was the chair of Harkham Hillel Hebrew Academy. On Jan. 20, 2007, I wrote: Harkham Hillel Hebrew Academy’s Financial Problems

On Aug. 18, 2007, I wrote: Morey Levovitz Resigning From Hillel Presidency

When Steven Weil ran Beth Jacob synagogue in Beverly Hills between 2000 and 2009, he was divisive and alienated many of his fellow rabbis and members of the community. He left in 2009 to run the Orthodox Union, but was controversial and marginalized there until leaving in 2020 to run the FIDF.

Grok says:

American Committee for the Weizmann Institute of Science Executive Compensation: In 2012–2013, Marshall Levin, the executive vice president, earned $723,000, nearly double his previous year’s compensation. While this data is older, it reflects a historical pattern of high salaries at Jewish “Friends-of” organizations supporting Israeli institutions.

Context: The Weizmann Institute’s U.S. fundraising arm is part of the “Friends-of” model, raising significant funds for scientific research in Israel. High executive pay was noted as a concern, especially given the tax-exempt status of these charities, which rely on donor generosity.

Criticism: The Jewish Daily Forward (cited in 2014) reported that one in every twenty dollars donated to Jewish charities goes to such “Friends-of” groups, often with sizable executive salaries, raising questions about whether these funds are best spent on administration versus direct support for Israeli causes.

International Fellowship of Christians and Jews (IFCJ) Executive Compensation: In 2013, Rabbi Yechiel Eckstein, IFCJ’s founder and president, earned $491,000 for his role in raising funds for Israel from American evangelicals. While not a 2025 figure, this example underscores the trend of high salaries at Jewish-affiliated nonprofits with significant U.S. operations.

Context: IFCJ, like FIDF, operates as a tax-exempt 501(c)(3) and channels funds to Israel, often for social and military-related causes. The high salary was notable given the organization’s reliance on grassroots evangelical donors, similar to FIDF’s reliance on Jewish diaspora contributions.
Criticism: Critics argue that such salaries, while legal, may erode donor trust when funds are perceived as padding executive paychecks rather than directly aiding Israeli beneficiaries.

Broader Context and Analysis“Friends-of” Charity Model: Klein’s article critiques the “Friends-of” structure, where U.S.-based nonprofits act as intermediaries for Israeli institutions. These organizations often justify high salaries by citing the need to attract top talent in competitive U.S. markets like New York or Los Angeles. However, when salaries outstrip direct aid (e.g., FIDF’s CEO pay versus widow/orphan support), it fuels perceptions of “padding paychecks” and “hoarding cash.”

Donor Oversight Gaps: Klein emphasizes that donors rarely scrutinize financials, dazzled by celebrity galas (e.g., FIDF events with Ashton Kutcher or Mike Tyson). This allows high salaries and questionable spending (e.g., Levovitz’s luxury travel) to persist unchecked.

Comparative Data: According to Glassdoor, FIDF salaries in 2025 ranged from $42,037 for entry-level roles to $231,867 for the Chief Development Officer, with employees rating compensation poorly (2/5 stars). This suggests internal discontent with pay structures, possibly reflecting top-heavy salary distributions.

Other Nonprofits: While specific 2025 salary data for other Jewish nonprofits like the Jewish Federations or UJA-Federation of New York is unavailable, historical trends show that large Jewish charities often pay executives in the $300,000–$700,000 range, comparable to secular nonprofits but controversial when juxtaposed with urgent needs like IDF reservist gear or trauma therapy.

International Fellowship of Christians and Jews (IFCJ) Executive: Yael Eckstein-Farkas, President and CEO
Compensation: $797,547 (2022); $776,301 (2021); ~$4 million total from 2017–2022.

Money Raised: $228 million (2022); $220 million (2021).

Salary-to-Raised Ratio: ~0.35% ($797,547 ÷ $228 million in 2022).

Context: IFCJ reported $132 million in grants (2022), primarily to its Israeli arm, Hakeren L’Yedidut, but spent $62 million on fundraising/advertising and $16 million on compensation. Donor comments on Paddock Post criticize Eckstein’s salary as excessive, given the charity’s emotional appeals for impoverished Jews. In 2013, her father, Rabbi Yechiel Eckstein, earned $491,000, showing a pattern of high executive pay.

Disproportionality: The salary is notable when 27% of funds go to fundraising, and only 58% ($132 million) to grants, suggesting a significant portion of donations supports overhead rather than direct aid.

American Society for Yad Vashem (ASYV) Executive: Specific 2025 salary data unavailable; historical data (e.g., 2014 Forward survey) shows ASYV executives in the $200,000–$400,000 range.

Money Raised: Historically provided 30% of Yad Vashem’s budget (estimated $10–15 million annually pre-2024 split). Managed an $80 million endowment.

Salary-to-Raised Ratio: Unclear due to lack of 2025 data, but high endowment management suggests potential for elevated salaries.

Context: The 2024 split with Yad Vashem over the $80 million endowment raised governance concerns. Klein critiques ASYV’s board for prioritizing control over funds rather than Holocaust education, implying high administrative costs (potentially including salaries) may not align with mission delivery.

Disproportionality: Without exact figures, the endowment dispute and loss of Yad Vashem’s funding stream suggest resources may be tied up in U.S. operations, potentially inflating executive pay relative to program impact.

American Committee for the Weizmann Institute of Science Executive: Marshall Levin, Executive Vice President

Compensation: $723,000 (2013).

Money Raised: ~$60–80 million annually (based on 2013 Forward estimates for Weizmann’s U.S. arm).
Salary-to-Raised Ratio: ~0.9–1.2% ($723,000 ÷ $60–80 million).

Context: The 2013 salary nearly doubled from the prior year, drawing scrutiny for its size relative to funds supporting Israeli scientific research. The Forward noted that such “Friends-of” charities often allocate significant sums to U.S. administration.

Disproportionality: The high ratio (approaching 1%) and rapid salary increase suggest a potential misalignment, especially if a large portion of funds stays in the U.S. rather than reaching Weizmann’s labs.

Jewish Agency for Israel Executive: Amira Ahronoviz, CEO (2021 data; specific salary not listed but noted as high in Paddock Post).

Compensation: Top executives historically in the $300,000–$500,000 range (based on 2014 Forward survey).

Money Raised: Receives significant U.S. funding via Jewish Federations of North America and United Israel Appeal (~$200 million annually).
Salary-to-Raised Ratio: ~0.15–0.25% (estimated $300,000–$500,000 ÷ $200 million).

Context: The Jewish Agency facilitates immigration and integration in Israel, but its U.S.-based funding arms face criticism for high overhead. Klein’s broader point about “Friends-of” groups applies here, as donors may not realize how much stays in U.S. operations.

Disproportionality: While the ratio is lower than others, the large funding volume and complex structure raise questions about whether executive pay aligns with direct immigrant support.

Analysis of Disproportionate Salary Ratios

Definition of Disproportionality: A salary is considered disproportionate when it represents a high percentage of funds raised (e.g., >0.5%) or when program spending is low relative to overhead (e.g., <70% of funds to programs). Klein’s article emphasizes cases where salaries outstrip aid to beneficiaries (e.g., FIDF’s CEO pay vs. widow/orphan support).Key Observations:FIDF stands out for its high salary ($667,000–$1 million) and unspent $100–140 million in 2023, making the 0.24% ratio misleadingly low since much of the money raised didn’t reach soldiers.IFCJ’s 0.35% ratio is concerning because only 58% of funds go to grants, with high fundraising costs ($62 million) and a $797,547 CEO salary drawing donor ire. Weizmann’s 0.9–1.2% ratio is among the highest, reflecting a significant portion of donations consumed by one executive’s pay. ASYV and Jewish Agency lack precise 2025 data, but their governance issues (endowment disputes, complex U.S. structures) suggest potential for high salaries relative to mission impact.Industry Comparison: Nonprofit executive salaries often range from 0.1–0.5% of revenue in large U.S. charities. Jewish philanthropies align with this but face unique scrutiny due to emotional donor appeals (e.g., IDF soldiers, Holocaust memory) and expectations of direct aid to Israel.

YNET reports:

Chairman accused of sidelining CEO and micromanaging staff

At the eye of the storm is FIDF board chairman Morey Levovitz, who took on the volunteer role two years ago. According to the report, he effectively assumed the role of CEO—without board approval—while marginalizing current CEO Steve Weil.

He has reportedly overridden staff decisions, hand-picked the management committee from a list he compiled himself and interfered so extensively in daily operations that many staff felt he had fully taken over. In meetings, he allegedly declared: “I run the show.”

A particularly contentious issue involved a partnership with Israeli travel company Ortra, which is reportedly owned by a personal acquaintance of Levovitz. The deal bypassed FIDF’s usual competitive bidding process and employees complained that the company’s services were both pricier and less professional than those previously used.

While Levovitz denied any personal connection to the firm, the investigative committee concluded that the arrangement posed a conflict of interest and recommended it be terminated. The report also found that Levovitz had been reimbursed around $53,000 for travel and hotel expenses, well beyond what FIDF’s bylaws typically allow.

Allegations of bias, misleading donors and extravagant spending

The report details additional concerns, including accusations of bias against Israeli employees and donor misrepresentation—specifically, that donors were led to believe they were solely funding apartments for lone soldiers, when in fact those projects were co-funded.

It also highlights lavish spending on official delegations, with accommodations booked at high-end hotels such as the Hilton Tel Aviv and the Waldorf Astoria Jerusalem. These practices, the committee warned, were contributing to declining morale among staff and rising frustration among donors, many of whom had begun to raise questions about the use and transparency of their contributions.

A further flashpoint was the sudden dismissal of FIDF’s longtime legal counsel, attorney Steve Rubin, who had served for over four decades. Rubin said he was forced out after being excluded from the management committee, which made it impossible for him to continue offering legal oversight. The committee cautioned that board meetings were held without legal supervision during that period—posing serious risks to the organization.

Rift with San Francisco branch threatens donor relations

Tensions also escalated with FIDF’s San Francisco branch, which raises approximately $7.5 million annually. After the regional director was dismissed without explanation, local leaders said they felt ignored by the national office and announced a freeze on donations.

“It’s like we don’t matter to the national office,” said one source familiar with the details. The committee characterized the episode as a strategic failure and warned that donor communities were nearing a breaking point.

Inside the organization, many employees described a culture of silence and fear. They reported an absence of performance reviews, poor communication and uncertainty about their roles. “The current leadership is weak,” said one employee. “All decisions go through Murray.”

Even critics acknowledged Levovitz’s longstanding dedication to Jewish and pro-Israel causes, including his support for AIPAC and the Orthodox Union. “At some point,” said one insider, “it became more than a hobby for him.”

Resignation calls, donor revolt and a looming crisis

Two days after Ynet reached out for comment, FIDF board members received an emergency email from veteran donor Zvi Alon—husband of former board member Ricki Alon—calling for Levovitz’s resignation.

“I have verified that the report has been leaked to the media,” Alon wrote. “The damage to FIDF’s image and finances will be catastrophic if this story breaks without an appropriate response.”

He urged the board to immediately accept Lebovitz’s resignation and begin reform. “Any attempt to deflect or minimize this will only deepen the crisis,” Alon wrote. “Silence or delay is not an option.”

Meanwhile, Ynet spoke with three senior staffers who accused Levovitz of treating FIDF like “his personal property.” “He hires, he fires, he protects his friends and hijacks decision-making,” one said.

Posted in Charity | Comments Off on JP: Diaspora generosity is heroic, but too many of the institutions that collect our money have lost the plot, padding paychecks, upgrading seats, and hoarding cash.

Victory Over Sin!

Posted on July 7, 2025 by Luke Ford

I wrote a thousand words into ChatGPT this evening and then asked the bot to punch it up. I took what I liked and made it my own:

Gerim are way too sensitive. Always scanning for slights like they’re reading the Talmud with a Geiger counter. “I wasn’t invited to the shiva!” “No one asked me to chip in for the kugel fund!” “Why wasn’t I on the WhatsApp for the bris?!”

Converts write these long haunting essays about how Jews disappointed them.

Only the neurotic convert! Sorry we’re such a mixed blessing, chevra.

I never had any success discipling myself. I had to find a life of service, and that disciplined me.

Self-help and therapy didn’t help me. Conversion didn’t help me. Twelve-step led me into a life of service and that helped me to get out of my own way. If you live for something greater than yourself, you are less vulnerable to your selfish addicted destructive side.

Victory over sin didn’t come for me through religion and effort and theology and religious teachings.

Victory over sin doesn’t come from status, success or inclusion—it comes from service. When you’re schlepping meals to old Jews and plunging the shul toilet after a men’s mikvah session, you’re not obsessing over why the rabbi won’t let you marry his daughter. You’re too busy doing God’s work to care.

You say, “No one at shul cares about me.” Okay. But do you care about anyone?

You don’t need invites when you’re the one doing the inviting. “Come join our ragtag band of sincere weirdos trying to keep Shabbos like pros!”

Converts nurse their wounds. They catalogue every way the community lets them down, but they never consider how often they’ve let down their community.

People worry about their status: “How many likes did my dvar Torah get? Did Rebbetzin Glantz smile at me? Should I call myself a rabbi yet?” Me? I’m God’s forgotten man. I’m out here ministering to the lost tribes of the San Fernando Valley—Producers, Pilates Instructors, and Jewish stars of independent cinema.

I’m like Hosea—God told him to marry a prostitute, and Hosea said, “K.” I gave up my good name to serve the people no one else wants. I’m out here inviting lost souls to the Friday night kugel crawl.

Bro, let it go. You feel bad you overslept and missed the chupa (wedding) next door? You weren’t invited because it wasn’t about you. The world’s not your spotlight. You’re not the Shakespeare of sleaze any more. You’re not the Charles Krauthammer of double penetration. Big deal. God already knows your browser history.

You think you’re lonely? Maybe you’re just not giving enough.

It’s not what you can get—it’s what you can give. Victory over sin comes when you stop being a love sponge and start being a faucet.

And let’s talk about carnal Judaism. Old Luke – Carnal Luke would hit the Sephardic singles events in Westwood and pile up eight different desserts like it was a competition. Bro thought being frum meant free rugelach.

Now? I’m transcending animal desires. I study Mishneh Torah till my eyes bleed. There’s more than enough in the Talmud to keep me busy—trust me. And when I’m not learning, I’m calling lonely Jews before Shabbos, helping them light candles, and teaching boomer BTs how to kasher an air fryer.

So, your mate Shlomo had an upsherin for their three-year-old, big shul turnout, entire block was there… except me. I guess your hair was just too good for an upsherin. They’re probably afraid you’d overshadow the kid. It’s a cross you bear.

Being on shul duty, I get to see everyone. Sometimes for hours. In the sun. My jokes usually get a polite chuckle, followed by a very efficient door closing. I’m starting to think my superpower is making people walk faster.

My main job is to ensure everyone feels safe… from my attempts at witty banter. It’s a delicate balance.

I stand in the sun so other people can stand in the shade of the Torah. It’s like being a mensch-shaped umbrella.

I asked for conversation during my volunteering. They gave me a nod and a shrug — which in frum world is basically a restraining order.

I asked a guy at shul for conversation as a joke when I opened the door for him. He gave me what he felt obliged to give, which I think was a ‘bless your heart’ with his eyes. High praise.

People want to pass through, just not pay the fee of interaction.

I struck up a great conversation with a stranger. We talked for two hours. We exchanged numbers. Then I saw him taking a different route to the gym to avoid me. I waved. He waved back. Clearly, my charisma is too powerful for him.

You know how you have those fantastic conversations and exchange numbers? Yeah, me too. My last one responded with, ‘Busy.’ Which, if you think about it, is a very efficient way of saying, ‘Please stop trying to connect.’

All my life I’ve been on the outside. First it was Adventism, then journalism, now Orthodoxy. At this point I don’t need a therapist — I need a loyalty card for marginalized identities.

I converted to Orthodox Judaism because I wanted truth. Turns out, truth doesn’t return texts either.

During speed dating, maybe I should’ve led with ‘I study Torah’ instead of ‘I study the industry’!

As a convert, I thought I’d nailed the Orthodox vibe—tefillin, kosher, the works. But when the invites went out, I guess someone whispered, ‘That Luke guy? He was the Matt Drudge of you-know-what.’ Now I’m wondering if my kippah needs a disclaimer!

My dad was the most famous heretic in the Seventh-Day Adventist church. So I grew up knowing how to disappoint organized religion — and I’ve kept the tradition alive.

My family put the ‘dys’ in function. After mom died, dad married his secretary. Jesus had 12 disciples, I had 12 foster homes.

Being raised by a theological rebel gave me a taste for spiritual danger. So naturally, I joined the only religion where even God has to consult a rabbi.

I’ve never been invited to the secret ceremonies. But I’ve attended the silent inner ceremonies of being emotionally trimmed down to size. No kippah cake, but plenty of bitter herbs.

Judaism gave me structure, purpose, and the profound realization that nothing has changed inside.

People say I’m socially awkward. I prefer ‘strategically enigmatic.’

I thought converting would be the end of my outsider phase. Turns out, being a single, 59-year-old Orthodox convert is like being in social purgatory — just long enough to appreciate what heaven must be like… for other people.

Even my therapist ghosted me. He said, ‘I think we’ve made enough progress for you to process future abandonment on your own.’

I was a media guy once — radio, TV, blogging. Then I chose a life of prayer and celibacy…for the health benefits.

At some point I had to ask myself: do I want to be respected, or do I want to be retweeted? Then I realized, I’m not getting either, so I converted to Judaism.

I used to run a gossip blog. Now I meditate on mortality. It’s not a glow-up. It’s a lateral move into Abrahamic existentialism.

People ask me how I balance my spiritual life with my… other life. I tell them, ‘Well, during the day, I’m finding meaning in ancient texts. At night, I’m generating new meaning for modern search algorithms. It’s all about content creation.

As a bachelor convert who reads Torah and blogs about Richard Spencer, I’ve essentially chosen to live in the Venn diagram where no woman has ever wanted to be.

You want to feel whole? Serve. You want victory over sin? Stop making your feelings your god. Get over yourself. Turn me loose, I’ve gotta do it God’s way.

And if you still feel down, just remember:

Young man, there’s no need to feel down, I said
Young man, pick yourself off the ground, I said
Young man, ’cause you’re in a new town
There’s no need to be unhappy
Young man, there’s a place you can go, I said
Young man, when you’re short on your dough you can
Stay there and I’m sure you will find
Many ways to have a good time when you’re doing mitvos

Posted in Conversion | Comments Off on Victory Over Sin!

Will The 12-Day War Precipitate Regime Change In Iran, Russia & China? (7-6-25)

Posted on July 6, 2025 by Luke Ford

01:00 I’m refining my soul
04:00 Do I edit my blogging to make it more acceptable to the standards of Big AI?
07:20 Video: ‘Zhang Youxia’s relentless purge of Xi Jinping’s influence in the military’, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=P5pXPyw-pT8
14:00 Video: Explaining Xi’s Power Loss, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MlKw_g6flXQ
17:00 Video: Xi Jinping No Longer Rules China, He’s Just a Figurehead: Allen Zeng, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jNnuMnoN4q4
34:00 Video: What Is Israel’s Endgame for Iran?, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8dOJypt2F70
48:00 Video: Russia and China Abandoned Iran. Here’s Why, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lQhZxcXZb14
56:00 National Interest Vs Capital Interest, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=161943
1:04:00 Video: US Show of Force in Iran SCARED Putin, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5fUqr2ZHCQQ
1:06:00 Video: How War in Iran Will Completely CRIPPLE Russia, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JpK3aWxheDU
1:08:20 Video: Trump’s Trade War: A Strategic Overview, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=attfJNi5TUI
1:13:00 Video: Why they’re not telling you about the US-China trade deal, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3uvVa6lQiJw
1:20:00 Video: China’s 30 Trillion Dilemma | US Hits China on Trade, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=h2L_CuPjIr8
1:23:00 Video: Can Multinationals Win in China? Lessons from Apple’s Experience, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QA_klg8sm_A
1:40:00 Video: How Apple Sold Its Soul to an Authoritarian Regime | Patrick McGee, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q852nEpYJAo
1:56:45 Video: Has the Iran-Israel War Actually Achieved Anything? https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X43LP1VRJy0
2:15:00 Video: Is William F. Buckley’s Still Relevant? | w/ Jonah Goldberg and Matthew Continetti, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xT5W4We1CCs
2:22:00 DTG: Matthew McConaughey: Selling is Love!, https://decoding-the-gurus.captivate.fm/episode/matthew-mcconaughey-selling-is-love
2:40:00 What would Matthew McConaughey’s True Detective character think of his self-help venture? https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=161952
2:55:30 NYT: The Cost of Victory: Israel Overpowered Its Foes, but Deepened Its Isolation
3:20:00 NYT considers a trans murder cult and focuses on the perils of rationalism, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/07/06/business/ziz-lasota-zizians-rationalists.html
3:28:00 Elon Musk’s political judgment, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=161931
3:32:00 Palestinianism as a dumping ground for failed ideologies, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=161924
3:36:00 Can China fall peacefully? https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=161905
3:44:30 FT: Israel’s quiet war in the West Bank, https://www.ft.com/content/8d9cdf41-6caf-4a31-8150-2ca6cc2dc20c
3:54:00 Jeff Flake: In Today’s G.O.P., Voting Your Conscience Is Disqualifying, https://www.nytimes.com/2025/07/06/opinion/trump-tillis-senate-republicans.html
4:22:00 Depression is often adaptive

Posted in America | Comments Off on Will The 12-Day War Precipitate Regime Change In Iran, Russia & China? (7-6-25)

What would Matthew McConaughey’s True Detective character think of his self-help venture?

Posted on July 6, 2025 by Luke Ford

That’s a great question I hear on this edition of Decoding The Gurus.

Grok says:

Rust Cohle, Matthew McConaughey’s character from True Detective Season 1, would likely view McConaughey’s self-help venture with a mix of disdain and philosophical skepticism. Cohle’s worldview is steeped in nihilism, cosmic pessimism, and a rejection of comforting illusions. He sees human existence as a fleeting, often meaningless struggle against an indifferent universe, famously describing life as a “dream about being a person.”

A self-help venture, with its promises of personal growth, optimism, and actionable steps toward a better life, would clash hard with his perspective.Rust would probably see it as another form of self-delusion, a way for people to distract themselves from the void of existence.

He might argue that chasing self-improvement or happiness is futile when time is a “flat circle,” trapping humanity in repetitive cycles of suffering. He’d likely call it a shiny repackaging of the same old human need to impose meaning on chaos—something he’d scoff at, maybe with a line like, “You’re selling hope to people too scared to look at the dark.”That said, Cohle’s not just a cynic; he’s introspective and grapples with his own contradictions.

By the end of Season 1, he shows a flicker of hope, suggesting the light might be “winning” against the dark. He could grudgingly acknowledge that McConaughey’s venture, if grounded in authenticity (like drawing from real struggles or emphasizing resilience), might have some practical use for those still “stuck in the dream.” But he’d never buy into it himself—too much of a lone wolf staring into the abyss.

Why does it seem that self-help seems to primarily work for the people selling self-help rather than its customers?

Grok says:

Rust Cohle would probably nod grimly at this observation, seeing it as proof of human desperation and the market for false hope. The perception that self-help primarily benefits its sellers over customers comes from a mix of structural, psychological, and economic factors. Here’s a breakdown, keeping it sharp and grounded:Sellers Profit Regardless of Outcomes: Self-help gurus—authors, coaches, speakers—make money upfront through book sales, seminars, courses, or subscriptions. Their revenue doesn’t depend on whether customers achieve promised results. For example, Tony Robbins or Deepak Chopra earn millions from events and media, but there’s no refund if attendees don’t “unleash their power.” Customers, meanwhile, invest time, money, and emotional energy with no guaranteed payoff.

Aspirational Hype vs. Reality: Self-help often sells a compelling narrative—transformation, wealth, happiness—through motivational language and anecdotes. This creates an emotional high that feels like progress but fades when faced with real-world challenges. Studies, like those by psychologists such as Timothy Wilson, show that positive thinking alone doesn’t reliably lead to lasting change; it can even backfire by setting unrealistic expectations. Customers may feel inspired but lack practical, tailored strategies, leaving them stuck while sellers bank on the next wave of hope-seekers.

Selection Bias in Success Stories: Self-help promotes outlier success stories (often the guru’s own) as evidence of effectiveness, ignoring the majority who don’t see results. This is like a lottery showcasing winners while downplaying millions of losers. Research, like a 2008 study in Journal of Consumer Research, suggests consumers overestimate their odds of success from inspirational products, fueling purchases but not outcomes. Sellers amplify this bias; customers face the grind of applying vague advice to complex lives.

One-Size-Fits-All vs. Individual Needs: Self-help often offers generalized advice—think “visualize success” or “build habits”—that doesn’t account for personal circumstances like mental health, socioeconomic barriers, or trauma. Psychologists like Carl Rogers emphasize that meaningful change requires individualized support, not mass-market platitudes. Sellers thrive by scaling their message to millions; customers often flounder without customized guidance.

Dependency Cycle: Some self-help creates a loop where customers keep buying more—new books, advanced courses, exclusive retreats—to chase elusive results. This mirrors a 2014 Psychological Science finding that self-help can foster a “consumption spiral,” where users seek external solutions instead of building internal resilience. Sellers profit from repeat customers; buyers risk feeling inadequate when quick fixes fail.

Survivorship Bias in Perception: The public sees self-help moguls like McConaughey (Greenlights), Robbins, or Brene Brown thriving, reinforcing the idea that self-help “works” for sellers. Their visibility—bolstered by media, TED Talks, or X posts—creates a skewed narrative. Meanwhile, customers’ struggles are private, underreported, and lack the same platform, amplifying the gap.

Rust’s Take: Cohle would see this as a con baked into the human condition—people craving meaning and control, willing to pay for a story that feels true. He’d argue sellers exploit this, peddling “philosophies” that keep folks distracted from the void. “They’re not selling answers,” he’d say, “they’re selling the feeling of answers. Same old scam, just shinier.”

Data Point: A 2019 MarketWatch report estimated the self-help industry at $10 billion annually in the U.S., growing despite scant evidence of widespread efficacy. Academic reviews, like those in American Psychologist (2003), find self-help books often lack rigorous testing, with placebo effects or temporary motivation driving perceived benefits.

Why Customers Still Buy: Despite uneven results, customers keep coming because hope is addictive, and even small wins—like feeling briefly empowered—can justify the cost. Plus, systemic issues (stress, inequality) push people toward accessible solutions, however flawed. Sellers just ride the wave.

Why did I get more help from 12-step programs than from self-help and therapy?

Rust Cohle would probably say 12-step programs cut through the noise of self-help and therapy by forcing you to face the raw truth of your limitations, no sugarcoating.

Here’s why 12-step programs might have clicked for you where others didn’t:Community and Accountability: 12-step programs, like Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) or Narcotics Anonymous (NA), are built on peer support. You’re surrounded by people who’ve been through similar struggles, sharing stories in a raw, non-judgmental setting. This fosters a sense of belonging and accountability that self-help (often solitary) and therapy (one-on-one) can lack. Research, like a 2020 Cochrane Review, shows AA’s group dynamic significantly boosts abstinence rates for alcohol use disorder, often outperforming solo interventions. The “we’re in this together” vibe might have given you a stronger anchor than a book’s platitudes or a therapist’s questions.

Structured Framework: 12-step programs offer a clear, actionable roadmap—12 steps, meetings, sponsors—that guide you through recovery without overwhelming choice. Self-help can feel like a buffet of vague advice (“be your best self”), and therapy often requires you to co-create the process, which can stall if you’re stuck or skeptical. A 2016 Journal of Substance Abuse Treatment study notes that 12-step’s structured rituals (e.g., step work, daily meetings) provide stability, especially in early recovery, where clarity is critical. You might have thrived on this no-BS blueprint.

Surrender and Humility: The 12-step philosophy emphasizes admitting powerlessness over addiction and leaning on a higher power (however you define it). This can be a psychological relief, cutting through the self-blame or overthinking that self-help’s “you are enough” mantras or therapy’s introspection might amplify. Cohle might see this as confronting the void head-on—accepting life’s chaos instead of chasing control. A 2013 Addiction Research & Theory paper suggests this surrender reduces ego-driven resistance, helping participants stick with recovery.

Free and Accessible: 12-step programs are free and widely available, removing financial barriers that can limit therapy (which can cost $100-$200/hour) or self-help products (books, courses, retreats). This accessibility means you can engage consistently without stress, which matters for long-term change. A 2019 Journal of Addiction Medicine study highlights how AA’s low-cost model broadens its reach, making it a lifeline for those priced out of other options.

Focus on Action Over Theory: Self-help often leans on inspiration or mindset shifts, and therapy can get bogged down in analyzing feelings or past trauma. 12-step programs prioritize doing—going to meetings, working steps, helping others. This bias toward action aligns with behavioral psychology principles (e.g., Behavioral Activation), where doing small, consistent tasks builds momentum. If you’re practical or skeptical of overthinking, this might have resonated more than affirmations or talk sessions
Shared Vulnerability: In 12-step meetings, everyone’s on equal footing—no experts, just people sharing their mess. This contrasts with self-help’s guru-driven model, where the author is often a distant “success story,” or therapy, where the therapist holds authority. A 2017 Qualitative Health Research study notes that 12-step’s egalitarian storytelling creates trust and reduces shame, which might have helped you open up and connect in ways other formats didn’t.

Your Experience: Without knowing your specific context (e.g., addiction type, therapy style, or self-help materials tried), I’d guess 12-step worked because it met you where you were—offering structure, community, and a way to act without overcomplicating things. It’s less about “fixing” yourself (self-help’s pitch) or digging into why (therapy’s focus) and more about showing up and moving forward with others who get it.Rust’s Take: Cohle would see 12-step as a rare space where people “stop lying to themselves” and face the dark together, no frills. He’d respect its grit—less about salvation, more about survival. “It’s not hope,” he’d mutter, “it’s just not being alone in the wreck.”

Posted in Self Help | Comments Off on What would Matthew McConaughey’s True Detective character think of his self-help venture?