All men are incels: the bitter truth

All Men Are Incels: The Bitter Truth

By Dr. Orion Taraban | Watch the full episode on YouTube

Let’s talk about something uncomfortable—but real: all men are incels. Provocative? Sure. But accurate. Let me explain why.

What is an Incel?

Incel = Involuntarily Celibate: A man who wants sex but can’t find a willing partner. Today, the term is mostly used as a slur—especially against men who disagree with women. Somehow, incel and misogynist have become interchangeable. That’s nonsense.

Every Man Has Been an Incel

No man is universally attractive. Not even celebrities, not even Greek gods. Rejection is a universal male experience. And when that happens—when desire is blocked without consent—you are, at that moment, involuntarily celibate. Even the most successful men strike out sometimes.

To put it bluntly: if there was ever a man who wasn’t an incel, it was probably Genghis Khan. And not because women loved him—but because he didn’t take no for an answer.

The Moral Fork in the Road

When a man is rejected, there are only two outcomes:

  1. He respects the no → He’s celibate, involuntarily.
  2. He forces the issue → She becomes involuntarily sexual.

We all agree the first is better. So why insult the man who takes the high road? Why mock restraint? Because that’s what incel-shaming really is: punishment for not violating others.

Respecting Consent is the Foundation of Civil Society

When a man chooses to accept rejection instead of imposing his will, he’s doing the right thing. He’s choosing law over force. That deserves some basic respect—not ridicule.

Mocking incels for “not getting any” is like mocking a poor man outside a luxury store for not being able to afford anything. Tasteless, counterproductive, and asking for trouble. Just ask Marie Antoinette.

Women Are Gatekeepers By Convention, Not Nature

Consent is upheld by social agreement, not biology. The average man is physically stronger than the average woman. So it’s civilization—not nature—that gives women the power to say no and have it matter.

This social contract—Hobbes’s Leviathan—is built on mutual respect and restraint. When a man abides by that, he’s playing his part in civil society. That matters.

Disrespecting Restraint Breeds Resentment

Insulting men for doing the right thing creates bitterness. It’s a recipe for alienation. We don’t need to put these men on pedestals—but mocking them for not violating others is peak stupidity.

Final Thoughts

So yes—all men are incels, some of the time. Even rich, powerful, attractive ones. The difference isn’t who gets rejected. It’s how men choose to respond. Respect the men who choose law, not force. That’s who keeps society from slipping into chaos.

– Dr. Orion Taraban


Further Resources

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Aaron Maté: New Docs Show FBI and NSA Never Believed Trump Worked with Russia

Aaron Maté: Russiagate Collapses Under Its Own Weight

Source: Aaron Maté: New Docs Show FBI and NSA Never Believed Trump Worked with Russia

Aaron Maté’s commentary on newly declassified documents offers a potent real-world case study of Stephen Turner’s epistemic coercion. The central theme: U.S. intelligence agencies—particularly the FBI and NSA—never truly believed the Trump-Russia collusion theory. Yet, under immense institutional and political pressure, they promoted a narrative that shaped public discourse and political legitimacy for years.

Key Turner Concepts at Work

  • Epistemic Coercion: As Turner defined it, this occurs when institutions present unverifiable or overly complex information as authoritative truth, suppressing meaningful challenge. The Trump-Russia narrative was fueled by precisely this mechanism—classified intelligence, unverifiable sources (e.g., Steele Dossier), and a media environment primed to accept institutional claims as gospel.
  • Expert Rule Without Accountability: Agencies like the FBI briefed elected officials and leaked selectively to media, knowing full well they lacked corroboration. This is Turner’s warning made real: insulated expert networks shaping public belief while evading democratic scrutiny.
  • Post-Normal Politics: When traditional truth standards collapse under pressure, political institutions cling to “good enough” narratives to justify policy and protect reputations. In this case, the mere appearance of Russian preference for Trump became a stand-in for actual evidence of collusion.

What the Documents Reveal (per Maté)

  • The FBI and NSA had internal doubts about key claims in the Steele Dossier—especially the idea that Trump’s team conspired with Russia.
  • The CIA internally assessed that Russia may not have had a clear candidate preference, contrary to the public narrative of “Putin favored Trump.”
  • These doubts were downplayed or excluded in final public-facing reports.

This reflects what Turner called “expert politics by proxy”: decisions made behind closed doors, then laundered into democratic debate as settled fact.

Maté’s Role as Counter-Expert

In Turner’s framework, figures like Aaron Maté represent a parallel epistemic class—one that challenges institutional authority without formal credentials, but with transparent logic and publicly verifiable sourcing. Maté presents declassified material, congressional testimony, and timeline-based analysis—offering a rare alternative to traditional epistemic gatekeeping.

As Maté notes, the damage is long-lasting: Congressional actions, media narratives, and public trust were all shaped by a false consensus. This aligns with Turner’s deepest concern: once an expert consensus becomes immune to criticism, it stops being democratic knowledge and becomes technocratic doctrine.

Conclusion

The documents Maté explores confirm Turner’s thesis: we live in a system where truth is often determined not by verification, but by institutional inertia. Russiagate wasn’t just a political scandal—it was an epistemic event, one where unaccountable actors redefined reality through the coercive power of “intelligence.”

Source: Aaron Maté, Racket News
Stephen Turner, “Epistemic Coercion” (2014)

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Predicting the DOJ Strikeforce on Russia Hoax | John Solomon

Stephen Turner Analysis of “Predicting the DOJ Strikeforce on Russia Hoax”

Video: John Solomon: Predicting the DOJ Strikeforce on Russia Hoax

Framework: Based on Stephen Turner’s “The Politics of Expertise”

1. Reversing Institutional Credibility

Turner’s core insight is that expert authority depends on institutional trust. Once that trust is broken, alternative epistemic authorities emerge.

In this video, Solomon reframes high-profile intelligence officials (Brennan, Clapper, Comey) not as experts, but as political operatives. At 2:00–3:00, he claims the Steele Dossier was “already discredited” when it was used—undermining the legitimacy of its proponents and the institutions backing them.

2. Redistributing Epistemic Authority

Turner calls this “epistemic enclosure”—where only certain institutions get to produce truth. Solomon flips it: he presents an alternative network of truth-tellers—Cash Patel, whistleblowers, FOIA documents—operating outside the institutional gate.

This is not anti-expert—it’s counter-expert. He uses expertise, but shifts its source from official channels to his own curated sources.

3. Narrative Framing as Counter-Hegemony

Turner notes how epistemic institutions are embedded in power. Solomon weaponizes this, portraying Brennan and others as manipulating intelligence to manufacture Russiagate. At 14:27, he argues that these actors “hijacked” the IC, showing epistemic capture by political elites.

4. Transparency as Populist Weapon

Elite knowledge often thrives on secrecy and procedural complexity. Turner calls this “epistemic opacity.” Solomon responds by invoking radical transparency—citing memos, names, declassified docs.

He uses transparency as a populist blade: “I’ve seen the documents,” “This memo proves…”—offering clarity where the system offers redaction.

5. Epistemic Morality

Turner observed how technocratic elites often use moral justification (“what’s best for democracy”). Solomon flips this. He makes a moral case for exposing elites: protecting the wrongly accused (Flynn, Trump) and confronting institutional deception.

This is epistemology with moral urgency—truth as justice, not consensus.

6. Collapsing Temporal Distance

Expert consensus typically unfolds over time (investigations, reviews). Solomon skips that. He presents real-time judgment: “We now know it was all a hoax.”

This immediate verdict short-circuits elite deferment and fuels political action now.

7. Populist Meta-Journalism

Turner warns that elites justify themselves by claiming neutral professionalism. Solomon undermines this with meta-journalism: exposing the journalists who “colluded” with the IC (see 16:02). His own reporting becomes the real journalism.

8. Constructing the Shadow Elite

Turner’s work describes how epistemic legitimacy is often socially constructed. Solomon constructs a new illegitimate elite: Brennan, Obama, Clinton—framed as a shadow cabal using institutions for partisan ends.

This builds a clear villain class—fully in line with Turner’s view of how authority can become concentrated and weaponized.

Bottom Line:

John Solomon doesn’t reject the elite epistemic model—he inverts it. He leverages Turner’s critiques to dismantle institutional authority and construct a populist counter-epistemology.

He doesn’t ask viewers to reject expertise—but to shift which expertise they trust. As Turner warned, expertise doesn’t disappear in a democracy under stress—it mutates, shifting from institutions to influencers, from credentialed panels to curated leaks.

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Bombshell Russiagate Docs Explained, and Truth About Putin and Hillary, w/ Matt Taibbi and Ruthless

Stephen Turner’s Tools Applied: The New Russiagate Files
Source: Megyn Kelly Show – July 24, 2025

1. Epistemic Coercion and Brennan’s Testimony
At 03:50–05:10, Matt Taibbi explains how John Brennan allegedly misrepresented the Steele Dossier’s credibility during 2017 congressional testimony. Turner’s concept of epistemic coercion applies here: Brennan invoked classified authority to shield the public and Congress from verifying the claims. Despite internal objections from intel analysts, Brennan included oral, undocumented information in the official assessment. This is classic top-down coercion—demanding belief without providing access to evidence.

2. Expert Rule Without Accountability
At 06:40–08:20, Taibbi highlights that no one—neither Brennan nor Comey—has been held accountable for their role in advancing discredited narratives. According to Turner (Liberal Democracy 3.0), this demonstrates how expert institutions now govern “beyond consent,” shielded by bureaucratic opacity and public ignorance.

3. Post-Normal Intelligence
Throughout 08:45–10:30, Taibbi explains that the Russiagate assessment was constructed on “reliable enough” intelligence rather than verified fact. This echoes Turner’s critique of post-normal science: politically useful narratives are elevated over empirical rigor. Brennan’s report, like climate policy models Turner criticizes, was “good enough to justify action” but never subjected to adversarial testing.

4. Manufactured Consensus and the Steele Dossier
At 13:20–15:00, Taibbi notes how the media and intelligence community created a false sense of consensus. Turner would argue this is epistemic monopolization—where dissent is pathologized and truth becomes whatever the dominant knowledge class says it is. Despite warnings about the Dossier’s unreliability, the media ran with it because institutional actors (Brennan, Clapper) blessed it.

5. Intelligence as Political Weapon
At 18:00–19:30, the Ruthless team discusses how intelligence narratives were used to sabotage Trump’s presidency. Turner calls this the collapse of boundary lines between policy advice and political action. When expert bodies behave like political actors—curating selective truths to advance ideological goals—they cease to be neutral participants in democracy.

6. Putin and Hillary: Selective Intelligence for Strategic Ends
At 23:45–25:20, Taibbi reveals new claims that Putin had compromising information on Hillary Clinton’s health but chose not to release it. Whether or not it’s true, the idea that such sensitive claims exist but are selectively wielded shows how intelligence can serve narrative construction rather than objective policy.

7. Erosion of Democratic Legitimacy
By 28:00–30:00, the discussion shifts to how Russiagate eroded trust in democracy. Turner’s Politics of Expertise would say the rituals of accountability—hearings, press coverage—persisted, but the substance was hollowed out. The public was left to trust a system that delivered certainty without clarity.

8. Tribal Epistemology and Media Monetization
At 31:15–33:00, the Ruthless crew argues the media monetized Russiagate not because it was true, but because it was lucrative. Turner warns that media acting as epistemic gatekeepers will naturally seek to reinforce dominant narratives—because their legitimacy and profit models depend on stability, not truth.

9. Reverse Coercion by the “Very Online” Right
Later segments (with the Ruthless team) reflect Turner’s concern about coercive inversion: where new epistemic elites (in this case, populist influencers) adopt the same information tactics as the institutions they oppose. Instead of expert-based truth, they offer emotionally charged “truthiness” that still bypasses deliberation.

10. Political Epistemology in Decline
The whole episode reveals Turner’s grim diagnosis: knowledge production is no longer tethered to public scrutiny. Whether from CIA briefs or X threads, epistemic legitimacy is now a function of narrative virality, not falsifiability. That’s not democracy—it’s symbolic politics dressed in expert clothing.

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FT: The rightwing media stoking culture wars in Germany, UK

1. “The rightwing media stoking culture wars in Germany” (FT)
Turner’s Framework:
Key Concept: Epistemic Coercion + Expert Rule Reversal

Stephen Turner argued that expert networks often set the boundaries of legitimate discourse—creating a top-down flow of information that demands public compliance. What’s novel here is the bottom-up inversion: Julian Reichelt’s NIUS acts as a pseudo-expert media apparatus, wielding the appearance of democratic counterbalance while actually mimicking the coercive techniques of the institutions it opposes.

Applied Analysis:
NIUS’s campaign against Brosius-Gersdorf leveraged emotionally charged claims (“radical feminist”) to delegitimize her before any democratic vote occurred. There was no open forum for contestation—just a volume of content that crowded out dissent.

Reichelt claims independence, yet the outlet is bankrolled by CDU donors and echoes AfD talking points, forming what Turner might call a non-transparent, ideologically motivated epistemic network.

The conservative media’s weaponization of judicial appointments outside institutional norms mirrors what Turner warns about: policy decisions or public outcomes being shaped by unaccountable forces claiming epistemic legitimacy—in this case, populist-media truth rather than expert truth.

The collapse of deliberation—even within the CDU—signals the erosion of pluralistic discourse. A campaign rooted in simplified expert skepticism (“pro-choice but with limits”) bypasses democratic mechanisms, just with different epistemic tools.

2. “The Very Online Right has come for Britain too” (FT)
Turner’s Framework:
Key Concept: Legitimation Through Media Gatekeeping and Post-Normal Politics

Turner warned that in complex systems, media increasingly serves as a replacement for formal institutions, delivering simplified truths to fractured publics. In post-normal conditions, uncertainty and moral panic invite surrogate authorities—like “very online” voices—to fill the void once held by trusted experts or democratic forums.

Applied Analysis:
GB News’s “documentary” avoids falsifiable claims but trades in insinuation and aesthetics, aligning with Turner’s critique of expert systems that avoid challenge by staying opaque or emotionally manipulative.

The satirical framing (“Yookay Aesthetics”) and selective interviews are part of a broader epistemic playbook: signal identity, manufacture moral clarity, bypass deliberation.

Like Turner’s expert bureaucracies, GB News creates pseudo-certainties, though instead of scientific or technocratic truth, it offers visceral, crowd-pleasing “truthiness.”

The reaction (even from GB News’s own ranks and right-wing figures like Tommy Robinson) reflects Turner’s concern about losing shared standards of legitimation. As epistemic gatekeepers fracture, multiple tribes claim truth, each detached from public accountability.

Synthesis Across Both Articles:
Both pieces describe media actors (NIUS and GB News) creating new epistemic regimes—not in service of deliberative democracy but as tools for ideological mobilization. Whether right-wing populist or framed as anti-woke, they:

  • Bypass transparent institutional debate, replacing it with media-led campaigns
  • Reframe complexity into moral binaries, reducing nuance to culture war tropes
  • Undermine democratic institutions not by offering better arguments, but by claiming epistemic superiority—just with different credentials

This is Turner’s world inverted: expert rule hasn’t disappeared, it’s migrated into new domains—media, social networks, and partisan echo chambers—all of which replicate the same coercive patterns, just with new clerics of legitimacy.

Populist Media Inversion: How NIUS and GB News Mirror Elite Tactics to Consolidate Their Own Power
Using Stephen Turner’s framework

Populist media outlets like NIUS and GB News invert elite media tactics in ways that mirror their structure and logic, but weaponize them for a different ideological purpose—namely, to undermine liberal institutions while consolidating their own epistemic power. Here’s how that inversion works, using Stephen Turner’s framework:

  1. Claiming Counter-Expertise While Replicating Elite Authority
    Elite media (e.g. FT, NYT) rely on credentialed experts and institutional sources to establish authority.

    Populist inversion: Outlets like GB News or NIUS reject those credentials but install their own surrogates—celebrity pundits, viral influencers, or ideologically aligned “common sense” authorities. It’s not anti-epistemic; it’s alternative epistemic.

    Turner would say this shifts the form of epistemic coercion—not abolishing it, but relocating it to actors outside traditional accountability structures.

  2. Transparency as Performance, Not Practice
    Elite media claim neutrality through sourcing standards and editorial guidelines, even if slanted.

    Populist inversion: They reject objectivity as fake, but offer performative transparency—e.g. “we’re telling you what the elites won’t,” even as they obscure their own funding or selectively edit narratives. NIUS, for example, pretends outsider status while being backed by CDU donors.

    Turner’s insight: “The illusion of openness can serve the same gatekeeping function as secrecy.”

  3. Reversing Cultural Legitimacy
    Elite media derive moral authority from progressive values: inclusivity, diversity, expertise.

    Populist inversion: They build cultural capital by mocking those values—what Turner would call “strategic delegitimation.” Instead of saying “trust us because we’re expert,” they say “trust us because they’re lying to you.”

    This creates an epistemic inversion loop: the less they resemble elite media, the more “truthful” they appear to their audience.

  4. Exploiting the Same Information Asymmetry
    Turner emphasized that complexity and opacity give elites control over knowledge.

    Populist inversion: They simplify even more aggressively, offering clarity through slogans and conspiracies. This flattens real complexity into moral certainty—just as elite media sometimes do, but from the opposite direction.

    GB News’s “documentary” on the UK right isn’t an investigation—it’s narrative construction, mirroring elite-style longform but stripping out falsifiability.

  5. Converting Audience Alienation into Power
    Turner saw alienation from expert rule as a threat to democratic legitimacy.

    Populist media feed on that alienation to build loyal communities. These audiences don’t just consume content—they see themselves as co-producers of truth, resisting elite control.

    It’s still an epistemic elite—just rebranded, populist-coded, and self-reinforcing.

Bottom Line:
Populist media don’t destroy the elite media model—they hijack and mirror it, replacing liberal authority with ideological spectacle. It’s not a rebellion against expertise, but a reallocation of epistemic dominance under the guise of authenticity and “real talk.”

They use the same structure—gatekeeping, framing, simplification, moral signaling—but invert the political content. That’s Turner’s core insight: expertise doesn’t vanish; it mutates.

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