Israel slams ‘shameful’ former minister who endorses German far-right party

From Times of Israel:

Rafi Eitan, a former Israeli minister and the legendary spy who captured Adolf Eichmann, caused surprise and shock in Israel when he publicly endorsed the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party.

In a video message posted Friday on the party’s Facebook page, Eitan praised the faction, saying: “Please understand that all of us in Israel appreciate your attitude toward Judaism.”

“In any case, I’m sure that if you work wisely strongly and most important realistically… I’m sure that instead of ‘Alternative for Germany,’ you might become an alternative for all of Europe,” he said.

He also urged AfD members to close their borders “as soon as possible to prevent Muslim immigration,” in a letter that accompanied the video.

Eitan, who commanded the 1960 intelligence operation that captured Nazi war criminal, Holocaust organizer Adolf Eichmann in Argentina, was also the chairman of the now defunct Gil Pensioners party and pensioner affairs minister from 2006 to 2009.

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Changing the Immutable: How Orthodox Judaism Rewrites Its History

Yoel Finkelman writes: 0094-0098

On rare occasions, academics manage to cross over and speak to those who live outside the ivory tower, and nobody in the contemporary Modern Orthodox intellectual scene does that better than Marc B. Shapiro. On even rarer occasions, forthcoming academic monographs elicit wide-eyed anticipation on the part of non-academic readers. Shapiro’s new book, Changing the Immutable: How Orthodox Judaism Rewrites Its History, has done just that, garnering hundreds of pre-orders and a barrage of online pre-publication speculation. Shapiro has earned this well-deserved
reputation not only through impressive erudition, but also through a serious investment in teaching and writing for lay audiences, through “well attended” online courses, by leading tours of Jewish Europe, and with continual publication on the well read Seforim blog.

From the Amazon reviews:

* Interesting reading for those who want to know the politics of who controls whom.

* Paul Shaviv writes: I just spent the recent holiday weekend reading this important and fascinating (if somewhat depressing) book from cover to cover. Marc Shapiro has given us another excellent work. With meticulous documentation he shows a series of different examples of how Orthodox rabbinic works have been altered, censored and mutilated to hide what the original authors wrote or thought (or wore – it includes a few examples of doctored photos), in order to conform with later, and, inevitably, narrower opinions. By removing evidence, the effect is to delegitimize and narrow the range of opinions, beliefs, views and behaviors within the Orthodox Jewish world. Two chapters are devoted to the overall treatment of two major Orthodox thinkers – S.R. Hirsch and Rav Kook – at the hands of subsequent editors. As he points out, his examples – which are many – are, however, only a representative selection. He also discusses the Orthodox view of the “function” of history, and the notion of historical or other truth in Jewish tradition. Although this serves as an explanation of the thought-processes behind the revisionist activity, it also strongly suggest that there is an unbridgeable gap between “history” and “Orthodox ‘history'”. Marc Shapiro has the gift of being an excellent, clear and easy-to-read writer. An excellent book for anyone interested in Jewish history and trends and currents in the Orthodox world.

* Having been a reader of Marc Shapiro’s writings for about twenty years, I’ve often been made to wonder about what motivates and animates Jewish thinkers to do and say the things that they do. His current book on Jewish censorship and revisionism places the question of motivation and psychology front and center.

Shapiro is, as always, encyclopedic in the scope of the sources he brings down. His observations on some outlandish forms of Jewish censorship and revisionism are often wry and witty, with minimal personal editorial and without being either cynical or unsympathetic to the subject matter. The one possible slant to which his book lends itself, of which Shapiro himself is aware, is that in accumulating every possible example of Jewish religious censorship and revisionism one could walk away with the impression that there are no Jewish authorities that defend being sincere and transparent, which of course is not the case.

There is a certain charm to Shapiro’s writings, as in how in the midst of a much broader discussion, Shapiro will share an embarrassingly true but conveniently forgotten insight, such as the fact that over hundred years ago the majority of Jews started (and ended) Shabbos later than they do nowadays, a practice that at present is rare and is deemed scandalous.

While modern scholarship would not condone any form of censorship, when reading Shapiro one can nevertheless distinguish between more excusable forms of hiding the truth versus completely inexcusable ones. At the excusable end of the spectrum are: censoring passages from non-Jews that, if revealed, could endanger the Jewish community; hiding awkward revelations about the personal failings or peccadilloes of a religious sage, especially sexual ones; genuinely believing a falsehood, without any ulterior motive and then propagating it; censoring gratuitously abusive language between respected scholars; the altering of Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook’s writings by his handlers, for fear that some of his ideas would alienate his intended readership. In all these cases we can sense the imperfect choices being presented between on the one hand being completely transparent but on the other hand wanting to either exercise common sense or display good taste.

What appears, however, to be altogether inexcusable is the constant theological posturing that goes on in the Haredi world, to give the impression of a form of religious orthodoxy that is consistent throughout all time and space. Examples where historical photos are altered to either make Orthodox women from the past appear to be dressed more modestly than they actually were or to color a skull cap onto a rabbi’s bare head are only a small sampling of it. Much larger and more damning are the chapters devoted to Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch and the aforementioned Rabbi Kook. While Hirsch’s philosophy and the community he advocated were forcibly made to appear more palatable to Haredi sensibilities, Kook, once the darling of the Orthodox world, had been rendered a persona non grata. This persistent practice of disfiguring history by making it more homogenous is absolute cultural vandalism. The censors in these cases have found it expedient to lie and cover up numerous facts, all in order to control the religious experience of the masses, to ensure uniform thought and practice. As Shapiro himself points out, people in power, by lying and hiding the truth, have predetermined how Judaism should have looked historically (evidence to the contrary be damned) and in the process they have chosen to be the judges over the great luminaries that preceded them.

And in no way do the Haredim have a monopoly over this sort of censorship, though they are the most persistent practitioners of it. Shapiro gives examples of censorship in other branches of Judaism. And it’s clear to any reader that rewriting the past is a standard practice in any sort of orthodoxy, whether it be political or ideological in nature, whenever the facts as they are do not conveniently corroborate what people “need” to believe at present.

Shapiro’s last chapter, which deals with the Jewish literature on when it is permissible to lie and to deceive is the most painful to read through. Shapiro frames the discussion in terms of the overarching problem: the Torah is replete with statements to the effect that it is important to be truthful and that lying is evil. Many rabbinical sermons are in fact delivered in which Judaism is couched as an unrelenting search for truth. How then to defend the frequent practice by religious publishers of deceiving their readership? The answers on the whole are of an extremely legal, technical nature, arbitrary in their application and completely inelegant. And even worse than the inorganic loopholes that various religious figures relied upon to allow themselves to be untruthful is a statement by Rabbi Eliyahu Dessler. In line with the thinking of certain secular philosophers, Dessler redefines the truth to be whatever is most expedient, whichever statement most practically achieves a desired outcome, i.e., extracting greater religious observance and devotion from the masses. The intellectual acrobatics Dessler uses to justify being deceptive come off as flippant, not too clever and disingenuous.

The notion that the greatest truth is whatever achieves a desired outcome begs the question: Isn’t there a greater truth to strive for than achieving mass obedience? Especially in an age in which orthodoxies of all sorts are on their way out, what exactly are we sacrificing in order to achieve uniform behavior? People en masse are leaving organized religion, especially Western organized religion –Judaism is being hit especially hard – and are pursuing more experiential/less dogmatic strains of spirituality such as Easter religion. There’s a good reason that Jews as a whole are over-represented among the numbers of Westerners who flock to either trendy new age spiritual movements or to Buddhism and Hinduism. Instead of addressing the spiritual poverty engendered by un-self aware orthodox dogmatism, we’re expending precious mental energy on hosting a beauty pageant of sorts, on upholding appearances of piety. In the end, Orthodox Judaism can end up becoming self selecting – retaining the traditionalists who would have naturally gravitated towards it anyway, while losing all of the sincere seekers who are genuinely curious and trying to understand.

Shapiro had me considering the subject matter from different vantage points. What, for instance, drives people to want to believe something to be true? I remember meeting a religious man a few years back, whose father was among the Jews who was saved during World War II by Sugihara, the courageous Japanese diplomat who defiantly gave out numerous visas to save Jewish lives. With complete conviction, the man related to me how later in life Sugihara converted to Judaism. Of course, nothing of the sort happened and I politely kept quiet. I sensed how the man very much wanted to believe that Sugihara was Jewish, as if a goy altruistically saving thousands of Jewish lives weren’t good enough. As with other urban legends, people find comfort in believing that certain things are true.

Urban legends, for course, are a universal phenomenon, not at all unique to Orthodox Jews, and people tend towards being suggestible. And it is sometimes hard to get at what is really true versus what we wish to be true. With the internet, however, becoming more ubiquitous and especially with the advent of web sites such as Snopes that devote themselves to debunking false legends the likelihood of people continuing to believe a bubbe meise are smaller. The question is whether this trend towards greater transparency will have the same sort of impact in the Haredi world. If so will the censors in Haredi world continue to be able to spin their personal story to their own liking or will they need to adjust their spin for an evermore skeptical public?

And what can we say about the cynical mindset that encourages censorship? In a world that is moving towards greater transparency and towards empowering individuals more and more, censors are elitists who continue to believe that people “can’t handle the truth.” It is possible that there are facts that are too damning and too overwhelming for people to process, but when people are constantly infantilized and lied to, it can become a self fulfilling prophecy by which the public can no longer stand to hear anything remotely threatening to their beliefs.

I highly encourage anyone interested in the subject of Judaism and its relationship to the truth to read Shapiro’s well written book.

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Many Whites Fear Hating The Blacks Who Beat Them

Comments at Steve Sailer:

* 1) Jews have a vestigial fear of the white goy masses.

2) Since the white goy masses did occasionally persecute Jews, this fear is more or less reasonable.

3) This old ethnic animus causes safe, well-fed and relatively powerful American Jews to advocate for policies which would harm or dilute the power, security, wealth or simply numbers of white goy Americans.

4) But, if you mention Jewish paranoia about the goys — or if you mention the fact that American Jews have more to fear physically from non-whites than from white — the American Jews react by calling you an anti-Semite and declaring the conversation over.

* Smug self-important Hipsters like Yglesias are beaten and sometimes murdered by angry blacks. Yglesias never once admitted that blacks had targetted him just because of his white skin.

* All over urban America blacks are sneaking up on whites walking by themselves and beating them. Yglesias is smart enough to know this, and also smart enough to know if Yglesias mentions it he will be fired from his job. Yglesias has a family to support so I can’t blame him for being a coward. But in his own heart he has to know he is a worm. In St Paul a man similar to Yglesias was beaten in to a coma.

* The issue is also that explicitly hating white people and calling for their extermination somehow does not count as a racial animus (because you are actually hating the structure of privilege, or whatever), but when Zimmerman’s head is being slammed into concrete his only possible motive for shooting must have been skin color. See also “No, there is no white genocide” juxtaposed with “white people are going extinct and it’s beautiful” a million times.

* The Billionaire Gerald Levin, an exemplary man in every way, allowed his white son to try to volunteer to help brown people. the brown people murdered the son. Amy Biehl’s parents are wonderful people but they allowed her white daughter to go to africa where blacks brutally murdered her. The finest and most generous among us are sending their white children to serve brown people who murder them. In Germany a high government official commanded his teenaged daughter to volunteer to help afgan refugees. The Afgan refugees raped then murdered her. Yglesias is smart enough to see this suicide cult that infects white SWPLS, And he is smart enough to know that if he talks about what is going on, the SWPLs will utterly destroy Yglesias the same way they destroyed Richwine. Yglesias is keeping his mouth shut.

* Animus might explain elite black opposition to immigration deals, since immigrants push their unskilled relatives out of the job and suck up minority set-asides from middle and upper class blacks receive. It may also explain some Jewish opposition, however ethnocentric Orthodox Jews now actually support Trump at a higher rate than white evangelicals, and a large majority of secular Jews marry into, live among, and adopt many of the customs of upper middle to upper class white gentile population.

Evangelicals voted for Trump at a higher rate and initially also approved of him more, but he has fallen in that group and risen for Orthodox Jews. I can’t find the white evangelical number, but right now O-Jew approval is at 71%, and I see another poll the next highest group is Mormon at 61%. I can’t find the white evangelical subgroup, but Morning Consult shows overall evangelical approval is 54%.

I think the better explanation is the rich run America, and the rich get richer when their land and capital becomes relatively more scarce through the importation of more labor.

Also more important than anti-White animus is simple ignorance of the data on the relative cost and benefits to immigrants. I don’t think the average moderate or apolitical pro-immigration American realizes when they see a hard-working immigrant maid, janitor, unskilled outdoor laborer, etc realizes that such person likely pays maybe $2,000 a year in taxes (primarily payroll, sales taxes, and indirectly property taxes), may receive all of those taxes back and more through the EITC, and may have a lifetime cost to Medicaid/Medicare/Social Security of $1 million.

Many Americans, aware that middle-american Catholic schools cost about $4000 a year, assume that these are premium products and the taxpayer cost of public schools must be lower, when in fact they range from $6,000 a year in the cheapest states to $15,000-$20,000 a student in high cost urban areas, and that the special ed classes full of inbred Africans and Arabs are over $25,000 a year.

* It really is driven by race. I’ve seen guys on the restriction side, like NumbersUSA, go out of their way to make good arguments based upon numbers which show how all Americans are being affected and how there are just too many people in the world to absorb.

Yet almost every person or group on the other side, white or nonwhite, will always let us know that immigration is about changing the USA into a non-white nation. They almost take a certain glee in boasting how our days are numbered. It seems immigration to them is either about making their own ethnic groups more powerful, .e.g hispanics, or diluting whites to insignificance, e.g self-hating whites and others.

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Forward: The Biggest Threat To The Jews? The Partisan Divide

Yehuda Kertzer writes:

The second problem with partisanship for American Jews is that it reduces Jewish power. People don’t like talking about Jewish power out loud because, despite good intentions, it either sounds anti-Semitic itself or gives fodder for anti-Semites. But Jewish power in America has been essential to Jewish thriving in America, and it has required instruments of solidarity — and specifically, the technique of presenting to the rest of the world an image, even if a facade, of communal unity.

The theory was that Jews succeeded in America in part by preserving a culture of not “airing our dirty laundry in public” — which is to say, still fighting politically with one another in community and in the ballot box but preserving some modicum of internal communal coherence. This theory tells of a time when American Jews were far more vulnerable, when Jewish collective belonging was obvious, and when Jews were much less likely to be politicians themselves and therefore needed to traffic in influence more than in actual power. This lost past — largely imagined, mostly undesirable — cannot be reclaimed.

Moreover, as my colleague Tal Becker likes to say, not wanting to air one’s dirty laundry in public should not be an excuse for — as it often becomes — not wanting to do the laundry. The dirty laundry metaphor too often becomes an instrument for silencing dissent and silencing activism to correct moral flaws.

Yet even so, the consequence of this loss of collective consciousness is real and must be acknowledged. Jews have traded the security for the collective that comes with consolidated power for the promise of power that can be attained by individual Jews even if it comes at the cost of the collective.

Individual Jews can achieve unprecedented positions of power as Jews in 2018 America, but whether or not the Jewish community can wield collective power anymore is an open question, especially since there are now politically powerful Jews warring against each other on both sides of the aisle.

Here again, Jews are simply Americans: The consensus politics of the mid-20th century in America were a postwar necessity, and so in similar ways — as Noam Pianko argues — American Jews gravitated to the terminology of “peoplehood” as a matter of political convenience. This term helped American Jews hold on to some language of ethnicity, and strengthened their capacity to fight existential threats, while shedding their “otherness” and integrating as Americans. The language of peoplehood helped to establish American Jewish group identity and to form the basis for American Jewish political power.

And while I am not always a fan of the hegemonic power of the term “peoplehood” and the way that some of its users deploy it to suppress individualism and attitudes that they understand to be disloyal, I fear that the foundations of Jewish power in America, which in turn allow individuals to thrive in American politics, depend more heavily on this group identity than its critics like to admit.

It’s not often that people write publicly about Jewish power.

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Charles C. Johnson Says He’s Not A Holocaust Denier

From Gotnews.com:

I am not, nor have I ever been a Holocaust denier. I am a strong supporter of both the state of Israel and the Jewish people. It’s awkward to have even to say this, but the #FakeNews is trying to smear me and hurt my friends and allies because I have worked tirelessly to expose the Russia collusion lie at great personal expense and to support candidates who want to release the memo.

I do this out of a sense of duty. I am a tax-paying, American patriot who was honored to attend the State of the Union of the greatest president of my lifetime.

Unlike other guests, I presented a valid social security number, passed a background check, and even assisted the Capitol Hill Police with an ongoing criminal investigation.

It isn’t a coincidence that the slur of Holocaust denial began right after I met with Julian Assange in London with Congressman Dana Rohrabacher.

I am admittedly an odd duck — this is a source of both great strength and weakness — and I have always been that way, but I have always supported Israel and the Jewish people. My friends know this because my actions speak louder than words.

When I was in high school, I worked for Alan Dershowitz, with whom I met Holocaust survivors. I donated at the time to Jewish organizations like StandWithUs — which backed me — and edited books written by Dershowitz about the Holocaust.

When I was a college student, I helped expose a professor who was extorting a Holocaust survivor. The student journalist who exposed it won an award.

Another professor I exposed was in favor of the Jew-hating terrorist organizations Hezbollah and Hamas. For that, I won not one but two awards at the Wall Street Journal, including the Eric Breindel award.

After college, I defended yet another professor who was attacked simply because he was an Israeli Jew by a Palestinian student activist. I have fought against the racist BDS movement for a decade.

Even when I was poor, I supported charities dedicated to Israel, Jewish faith and Holocaust education, a commitment I have reaffirmed today. I did so time and again at great personal risk when I was younger.

My mentor Alfred Balitzer, who is an advisor to the Simon Wiesenthal Center and served Ronald Reagan, is giving me a list of charities to donate to that reflect that commitment. I supported the Wiesenthal Center at the time and served the American Freedom Alliance.

What is Holocaust denial?

Where does the six million figure come from?

Part one.

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