The giveaway regarding presidential candidate Barack Obama’s plans for America was his repeated use of the words “fundamentally transform.”
Some of us instinctively reacted negatively — in fact, with horror — at the thought of fundamentally transforming America.
One unbridgeable divide between Left and Right is how each views alternatives to present-day America.
Those on the Left imagine an ideal society that has never existed, and therefore seek to “fundamentally transform” America. When liberals imagine an America fundamentally transformed, they envision it becoming a nearly utopian society in which there is no greed, no racism, no sexism, no inequality, no poverty, and ultimately no unhappiness.
Conservatives, on the other hand, look around at other societies and look at history and are certain that if America were fundamentally transformed, it would become just like those other societies. America would become a society of far less liberty, of ethically and morally inferior citizens, and of much more unhappiness. Moreover, cruelty would increase exponentially around the world.
Conservatives believe that America is an aberration in human history; that, with all the problems that a society made up of flawed human beings will inevitably have, America has been and remains a uniquely decent society. Therefore, conservatives worry that fundamentally transforming America — making America less exceptional — will mean that America gets much worse.
Donald Trump is transforming America.
Constitutional law professor Josh Blackman writes:
Today the New York Times published a “news analysis” titled “From Science to Diversity, Trump Hits the Reverse Button on Decades of Change.” For those who do not read the Times–and I don’t blame you–a “news analysis” is where a reporter writes an op-ed. It is not entirely objective, but instead allows a card-carrying journalist to tell us what he really thinks. Yet, if you read between the lines, you can actually see some admiration: Trump is doing what was once thought impossible. Consider this excerpt:
Mr. Trump’s shift into reverse gear reflects the broader sentiments of many Americans eager for a change in course. The United States has cycled from progressive to conservative eras throughout its history. The liberal period ushered in by Franklin D. Roosevelt eventually led to a swing back to the right under Ronald Reagan, which led to a move toward the center under Bill Clinton.
But Mr. Trump has supercharged the current swing. The influential writer William F. Buckley Jr. once defined a conservative as someone standing athwart history and yelling, “Stop!” Mr. Trump seems to be standing athwart history yelling, “Go back!”
He has gone further than noted conservatives like Mr. Buckley, Mr. Reagan, Barry Goldwater or Robert Taft might have imagined possible. While they despised many of the New Deal and Great Society programs that liberal presidents introduced over the years, and sought to limit them, they recognized the futility of unraveling them altogether.
“They were living in an era dominated by liberals,” said Sam Tanenhaus, author of “Buckley,” a biography published last month. “The best they could hope for was to arrest, ‘stop,’ liberal progress. But what they dreamed of was a counterrevolution that would restore the country to an early time — the Gilded Age of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.”
“Trump,” he added, “has outdone them all, because he understands liberalism is in retreat. He has pushed beyond Buckley’s ‘stop,’ and instead promises a full-throttle reversal.”
Indeed, although Mr. Reagan vowed during his 1980 campaign to abolish the Department of Education, which had been created the year before over the objections of conservatives who considered it an intrusion on local control over schools, he never really tried to follow through as president, because Democrats controlled the House. The issue largely faded until Mr. Trump this year resurrected it and, unlike Mr. Reagan, simply ignored Congress to unilaterally order the department shuttered.
One of Trump’s greatest strengths is his ability to not care what elites think. Usually, when the elites calls a conservative a racist or sexist or homophobe or something else, he wilts. When they accuse a conservative of trying to hurt poor people or roll back progress, he caves. When they charge a conservative with standing on the wrong side of the arc of history, he switches sides. Not Trump. He can almost single-handedly shift the Overton window on what topics are open for discussion. And Trump inspires other conservatives to likewise discount what elites think. That mantra has spread.
Things that have been accomplished would have been unfathomable a decade ago. Let’s just rattle off a few high points. Roe v. Wade is gone. Humphrey’s Executor is on life support. Even after Obergefell and Bostock, we got Skrmetti. Despite all the outrage, illegal immigration at the southern border has basically trickled to a halt. Blind deference to “experts” has been irreparably altered by the distrust occasioned by COVID and transgender medicine for children. The federal bureaucracy is being dismantled. Nationwide injunctions are no more. And so on.
A common refrain is that Trump is ignoring the Constitution. During the New Deal and the Great Society, FDR and LBJ did great violence to the Constitution and the separation of powers. They got away with it because they were trying to do the “right” thing. Yet critics expect Trump to behave nicely, and be a good conservative like George W. Bush or Mitt Romney. That’s not what we have. And in Trump’s defense, some (but not all) of his actions are seeking to restore the original meaning of the Constitution, whereas the same could not be said for FDR and LBJ.
ChatGPT says:
1. Trump as a Constitutional Disruptor vs. Restorer
NYT/Baker frames Trump as reversing a century of liberal progress—on science, diversity, globalism, civil rights, and bureaucratic institutions. His actions are presented as an alarming attempt to “repeal the 20th century,” with nostalgia for the Gilded Age standing in for legitimate policy.
Volokh/Grok reinterprets this as the realization of a long-sought conservative counterrevolution. Trump isn’t reversing history arbitrarily—he’s consciously rejecting the post-1960s constitutional regime, which Caldwell calls a de facto new constitution born of the Civil Rights Act and its regulatory offshoots. In this view, Trump isn’t attacking the Constitution—he’s rolling back a 60-year ideological occupation.
Critique: NYT assumes a continuous constitutional tradition. Caldwell insists there are now two constitutions, and Trump is choosing one. The NYT interprets restoration as regression; Grok sees it as constitutional fidelity.
2. The Rule of Law as Sacred Principle vs. Political Tool
NYT upholds the rule of law as an unassailable, neutral safeguard against tyranny. Trump’s defiance of courts, dismantling of institutions, and disregard for process are seen as existential threats to democracy.
Grok/Paul/Schmitt argue the rule of law is never neutral. Paul says it has been instrumentalized by elites to cement judicial supremacy and suppress populist majorities. Schmitt adds that sovereignty by definition includes the ability to suspend law in a crisis. From this view, Trump’s actions (e.g., ending birthright citizenship or shuttering agencies by fiat) are not anti-constitutional, but expressions of a sovereign reclaiming control.
Critique: NYT sees law as binding power. Schmitt and Paul see law as downstream from power. Trump’s defiance, to his supporters, isn’t criminal—it’s corrective.
3. Culture War as Backlash vs. Rebellion
NYT reads Trump’s cultural interventions—on DEI, immigration, transgender policy, and language (“Secretary of War,” “Redskins”)—as irrational nostalgia fueled by grievance. It implies a reactionary mind clinging to a mythic past.
Guldmann/Caldwell/Andrews argue this is not backlash but an insurgency against cultural colonization by the progressive elite. Guldmann frames the post-’60s liberal order as a new clerisy—journalists, bureaucrats, academics—exercising soft dominance. Trump is their heretic. Andrews adds that this revolt isn’t about bigotry, it’s about territoriality—reasserting control over social meaning and national identity.
Critique: NYT reduces Trump’s movement to sentimentality and bigotry. But thinkers like Guldmann and Andrews argue the real issue is cultural displacement—and the desire for reclamation.
4. Trump’s Unilateralism: Authoritarian Drift or Elite Bypass?
NYT sees Trump’s sidelining of Congress and gutting of agencies (Education, USAID, NEA, etc.) as anti-democratic overreach.
Volokh/Caldwell/Schmitt contend that many of these agencies are instruments of elite moral power, not democratic expression. Caldwell argues they arose from a bureaucratic revolution that replaced political negotiation with moralized administration. Schmitt would say Trump’s actions are a reassertion of politics over technocracy.
Critique: NYT treats institutional inertia as democratic legitimacy. The blog post (and your document) treat it as managerial rule hiding behind procedure. Trump’s unilateralism is a challenge to the legitimacy of the clerisy, not democracy.
5. Popular Sovereignty vs. Procedural Legitimacy
NYT repeatedly invokes norms and process—courts, consensus, bureaucratic memory—as the heart of democracy.
Schmitt/Paul argue democracy is not just process; it’s the will of the people. Trump’s actions—pardons, defiance, agency purges—derive legitimacy (in his view) from electoral victory, not elite approval. Schmitt’s sovereign “decides on the exception”; Trump decides what the crisis is, and what must be done.
Critique: NYT treats democracy as rules. Schmitt and Paul say: democracy is decision. When those rules suppress political expression, they become oligarchic.
The New York Times article by Peter Baker—while clearly critical of Trump’s reversals—contains a tone shift from outright alarm to something closer to reluctant respect. Several passages hint at awe for Trump’s ability to do what earlier conservatives only dreamed of:
“He has outdone them all…” — referring to Reagan, Buckley, Goldwater. That’s not just critique; it’s recognition of Trump’s success in achieving a long-elusive conservative goal: dismantling New Deal/Great Society legacies rather than just limiting them.
“Simply ignored Congress to unilaterally order the department shuttered.” There’s a tinge of amazement here. Reagan talked. Trump acted. That power move is noted with a hint of admiration for the sheer audacity and effectiveness.
The entire section quoting Sam Tanenhaus conveys that Trump has not only changed policy but history’s momentum. Saying he’s yelling “Go back!” instead of Buckley’s “Stop!” might sound regressive, but it also highlights that Trump has altered the terms of ideological engagement—something no other conservative has pulled off.
The mention that he is “supercharging the current swing” and that he “understands liberalism is in retreat” frames Trump not as a flailing authoritarian but as someone with strategic clarity and cultural impact.
This is quite different from the 2016–2020 coverage, where Trump was often described as chaotic, incompetent, or unserious. Now, whether begrudging or not, there’s acknowledgment that he has strategic intent, institutional muscle, and historical resonance—even if the NYT disagrees with the direction.
In short: the tone is still disapproving, but the underlying vibe has shifted from “he’s wrecking the system” to “he’s winning.”
Is there a similar vibe in news coverage of Israel’s smashing successes of the past year?
Yes — major outlets subtly mix critique with respect for Israel’s military and economic momentum over the past year.
1. Economic resilience and strength
The Financial Times highlights Israel’s stock market soaring ~80% since October 2023, crediting strong tech, R&D, and investor confidence despite geopolitical turmoil. That reads less like neutral reporting and more like impressed validation of Israel’s stability under fire.
2. Military achievements framed as strategic dominance
AP notes Israel has effectively dismantled Iran’s proxy networks, calling it a “vindication” for Netanyahu.
3. Political capital acknowledged: Reuters reports 83% support among Jewish Israelis for Netanyahu’s Iran strike, crediting it with reviving his political standing. That conveys grudging respect for his strategic calculation.
4. Balanced concerns about consequences. While coverage acknowledges the strong achievements, many articles caveat that long-term outcomes remain uncertain or risky — caution without dismissive tone.
Takeaway: News coverage mirrors the NYT’s nuanced tone on Trump: not exactly cheerleading, but a steady sense of reluctant admiration. Israel is frequently portrayed as effective, durable, and strategically formidable — even by outlets that highlight humanitarian costs or future risks. The tone isn’t celebratory, but it’s unambiguously impressed.
Posted inAmerica|Comments Off on Trump Is The Transformational President
June 26, 2015 fell on a Friday. At the time, it was fairly unusual for the Supreme Court to hand down opinions on a Friday. But wouldn’t you know it, Pride weekend would begin the next day. At the time, David Lat wondered if Joshua Matz, one of Kennedy’s clerks “pointed out to his boss . . . that handing down Obergefell on June 26 would basically turn that day into Justice Anthony M. Kennedy Day for the LGBT community.” And so it came to pass.
It is difficult to think of any decision that had a more harmful effect on democracy than Obergefell. What still galls me about the decision is that public opinion was trending, rapidly, in favor of a right to same-sex marriage. Within only a few years, states that approved of same-sex marriage would have reached a critical mass…
Chief Justice Roberts stated the issue plainly in one of his greatest dissents:
Five lawyers have closed the debate and enacted their own vision of marriage as a matter of constitutional law. Stealing this issue from the people will for many cast a cloud over same-sex marriage, making a dramatic social change that much more difficult to accept.
This windup brings me to remarks that Justice Kennedy made–on all days–June 26, 2025.
“Many in the rest of the world look to the United States to see what democracy is, to see what democracy ought to be,” Kennedy said during an online forum about threats to the rule of law. “If they see a hostile, fractious discourse, if they see a discourse that uses identity politics rather than to talk about issues, democracy is at risk. Freedom is at risk.”
I suspect that Justice Kennedy sees President Trump as a threat to Democracy–a threat heightened because Kennedy chose to retire under Trump. I think back to that moment at the White House where Kennedy wagged his finger at Trump over something, and Trump just walked away. How will Justice Kennedy discuss that incident in his memoir?
Justice Kennedy should look at how his own decisions subverted democracy without even the faintest patina of law.
On this eve of Independence Day, we should not lose sight of the most important freedom–the right of self-governance. Here I quote from Justice Scalia’s Obergefell dissent:
Those who founded our country would not recognize the majority’s conception of the judicial role. They after all risked their lives and fortunes for the precious right to govern themselves. They would never have imagined yielding that right on a question of social policy to unaccountable and unelected judges.
I still miss Justice Scalia. No one on the Court can come close to his prose. Alas, as evidenced by Skrmetti, we are still living in Justice Kennedy’s shadow.
I asked ChatGPT to apply the insights in this Blackman post to the above documentary. It said:
Josh Blackman’s column casts a harsh but clarifying light on the PBS Frontline documentary by exposing the deep tensions between elite-led progressivism and popular self-government—tensions the documentary largely obscures or treats as settled.
1. The Myth of “Democracy at Risk”
Justice Kennedy laments “hostile, fractious discourse” and the dangers of “identity politics” as threats to democracy. Yet as Blackman notes, Kennedy himself played a central role in subverting democratic deliberation via rulings like Obergefell v. Hodges. The irony is glaring: a justice who nullified ongoing public debate now poses as a defender of civil discourse. For critics like Blackman, this posture is pure chutzpah—using the language of democracy to justify elite imposition.
This critique aligns with Stephen Turner’s argument in Liberal Democracy 3.0: rule is increasingly exercised through technocratic fiat, cloaked in moral language, while democratic input is sidelined. In the Frontline documentary, figures like Luttig and French echo Kennedy’s tone—casting threats to “democracy” as emerging exclusively from Trump and populism, never from judicial overreach or elite insulation.
2. Managerial Moralism Over Majoritarian Consent
Blackman invokes Scalia to highlight that the Founders did not envision courts dictating moral and social outcomes absent legislation. This resonates with Darel Paul’s argument: that the elite moral regime has supplanted democratic decision-making with professional-managerial consensus, especially on cultural questions. Obergefell was not merely a legal decision—it was a paradigmatic assertion of this consensus over dissenting publics.
In Frontline, the frequent invocations of the “rule of law” and “our institutions” rarely reckon with how those institutions have insulated themselves from democratic accountability. Blackman’s piece reminds us that defenders of the liberal order often assume that the outcomes they prefer are democracy—even when achieved through anti-democratic means.
3. Identity Politics and Symbolic Politics
Kennedy’s warning about “identity politics” is particularly rich given the symbolic timing of Obergefell—delivered just before Pride weekend. Blackman, quoting David Lat, suggests this was not incidental. The court, far from being above identity politics, actively participated in it—embedding political symbolism in legal decisions. The Frontline documentary similarly weaponizes identity (especially race, gender, and sexuality) as moral legitimizers for political outcomes, while casting any resistance as dangerous grievance.
4. The Rhetorical Role of “Democracy”
Kennedy’s rhetorical deployment of “democracy” mirrors what Clinton Rossiter warned about: how elite institutions invoke sacred language not to extend freedom, but to stabilize authority. The same rhetorical sleight-of-hand saturates Frontline: elite actors speak solemnly of norms and democracy while bypassing the mechanisms of popular rule.
Bottom line:
Blackman’s critique underscores how elite figures like Kennedy—and by extension, the Frontline documentary—invoke “democracy” not to describe a system of public self-rule, but to defend a system of elite arbitration. The column reframes Frontline not as an analysis of democracy in crisis, but as a ritual performance: elites narrating their own moral legitimacy while obscuring their role in provoking democratic disillusion.
Posted inLaw|Comments Off on ‘The Chutzpah of Justice Kennedy Lecturing Us About Democracy on June 26’
To succeed, a talk show host must perpetuate the notion that his or her listeners are victims, and the host is the vehicle by which they can become empowered. The host frames virtually every issue in us-versus-them terms. There has to be a bad guy against whom the host will emphatically defend those loyal listeners.
This enemy can be a politician — either a Democratic officeholder or, in rare cases where no Democrat is convenient to blame, it can be a “RINO” (a “Republican In Name Only,” who is deemed not conservative enough). It can be the cold, cruel government bureaucracy.
….Conservative talk show hosts would receive daily talking points e-mails from the Bush White House, the Republican National Committee and, during election years, GOP campaign operations. They’re not called talking points, but that’s what they are. I know, because I received them, too. During my time at WTMJ, Charlie [Sykes] would generally mine the e-mails, then couch the daily message in his own words. Midday talker Jeff Wagner would be more likely to rely on them verbatim.
How does this critique hold up today?
CHATGPT says:
Yes, much of this 2009 analysis still applies—though with updated nuances for today’s media and political environment. Here’s a breakdown of what holds true and what’s changed:
Still Applies:
Victimhood and Tribal Framing: The “us vs. them” framing, portraying conservatives as victims of a liberal elite or media, is still central. This narrative fuels loyalty and engagement and is now supercharged by social media echo chambers.
Selective Fact Use & Narrative Control: Talk hosts still cherry-pick facts to support their arguments and sideline dissenting voices. Now, digital tools make it easier to reinforce those narratives through viral clips, memes, and cross-platform messaging.
Entertainment Over Journalism: Hosts are still entertainers first. Outrage drives engagement. Nuance and balance don’t perform well in a fragmented, attention-driven media economy.
Gatekeeping Callers and Critics: Listener screening, avoiding strong critics, and ridiculing weak dissenters are still common. Hosts prefer opponents they can easily dismantle—it’s theater, not debate.
Daily Messaging Coordination: While the original “talking points” emails may not be as central, coordination still exists through platforms like X (Twitter), right-wing media influencers, and newsletters. Hosts often track and amplify the same stories simultaneously.
Double Standards: Hypocrisy remains a feature, not a bug. Positions shift depending on who’s in power. Audiences accept this because loyalty to the tribe outweighs consistency.
Perceived Credibility: Hosts who express outrage or frame themselves as mavericks gain trust. Occasional criticism of Republicans is still used to bolster the illusion of independence.
Influence on Local Politics: Local talk radio still has major sway in statehouses and city councils, even as national podcasts and YouTube personalities steal some thunder.
What’s Changed or Evolved:
Podcasting and Streaming Disruption: The dominance of AM/FM talk radio has declined. Podcasts and video streams now capture the same audience with more flexibility and fewer FCC constraints. Think Dan Bongino, Ben Shapiro, Tim Pool.
Social Media’s Role: Hosts no longer rely solely on airwaves. Platforms like Facebook, YouTube, and Telegram amplify their reach and feedback loops, making them more powerful and faster to react.
Alternative Ecosystems: There are now full-fledged conservative media ecosystems—Daily Wire, BlazeTV, OANN, etc.—which blur the line between talk show, news, and activism.
Audience Demographics Shifting: Younger conservatives aren’t tuning into AM radio, but they’re engaging with the same style of content via other mediums.
MAGA Movement: Trump-era populism escalated the “anti-elite” rhetoric and created a new flavor of talk content—more conspiratorial, more openly anti-institution, and sometimes even at odds with traditional GOP orthodoxy.
Host Vulnerability: Hosts are more exposed to being “canceled” by their own base for perceived disloyalty (e.g., insufficient Trumpism). The audience now feels more empowered to shape the message.
Bottom Line:
The psychological mechanics and rhetorical strategies of conservative talk radio in 2009 still absolutely power the same machine in 2025. What’s changed is the delivery system, the volume, and the stakes. The principles endure; only the platforms and players have evolved.
Very few big-name political talkers completely avoid the manipulative tactics described—tribal framing, selective facts, avoiding dissent, emotional baiting—because those tactics work for engagement. But some are noticeably more thoughtful, less manipulative, or more transparent about their methods. Here’s a rough breakdown:
Least Manipulative (Relatively Speaking):
1. Chris Hayes (MSNBC)
Transparent about sourcing and bias.
Encourages policy-based discussions.
Will platform opposing ideas occasionally without resorting to strawmen.
2. Ezra Klein (NYT Podcast)
Longform, nuanced, less sensational.
Often platforms ideological opponents with genuine curiosity.
Focuses on ideas, not outrage.
3. Sam Seder (The Majority Report)
Open about his left-leaning stance, often provides citations.
Uses sarcasm, but not typically emotionally manipulative or conspiratorial.
4. David French (The Dispatch, NYT)
Conservative, but principled and consistent.
Calls out his own side often.
Rarely emotional or tribal in tone.
5. Josh Barro (Very Serious podcast/newsletter)
Centrist/libertarian-leaning.
Focuses on policy and logic over tribal warfare.
Will critique both right and left—often contrarian but reasoned.
Somewhat Manipulative but Occasionally Balanced:
1. Joe Rogan
Gives platform to a huge range of voices.
Can be manipulated by guests or trending narratives himself.
Not great at fact-checking in real time, but not overtly dishonest.
2. Bill Maher
Self-styled iconoclast.
Cherry-picks data to support libertarianish takes.
Will mock both sides, but uses ridicule as a primary tool.
Most Manipulative / Classic Talk Radio Style:
These mirror the tactics from the article almost exactly—tribal, emotionally charged, hostile to dissent, and scripted to create a narrative rather than explore truth:
Sean Hannity
Mark Levin
Dan Bongino
Ben Shapiro (very structured arguments, often built on selective framing)
Candace Owens
Glenn Beck (less extreme now than in the 2010s, but still highly theatrical)
Wild Cards:
Tucker Carlson (post-Fox) — He’s moved deeper into conspiratorial territory. He’s manipulative, yes, but it’s often with a strange mix of elite critique and faux populism that’s hard to categorize by traditional talk radio rules.
Bottom Line:
No mainstream political talker is immune from manipulation. But those who focus on longform discussions, platform ideologically diverse voices, and admit when they’re wrong are far less likely to run the classic “us vs. them” playbook. Look for honesty about bias, willingness to be challenged, and actual evidence—not just volume and emotion.
Posted inRadio|Comments Off on Secrets of Talk Radio
I deep-cleaned my carpet for the first time in five years. The gunk I pulled up was horrifying. Not unlike scrolling through my old posts.
I fed the Youtube transcripts of my last 15 plus livestreams into Grok and received these critiques (which I see as over 90% true):
Overgeneralization and Projection of Personal Experiences: Ford frequently uses personal anecdotes (e.g., foster care, loneliness, conversion to Orthodox Judaism) to frame universal truths about societal or geopolitical issues, failing to recognize the subjective lens these experiences impose (e.g., 5-26-25, 6-1-25, 6-8-25).
Contradictory Stances and Inconsistent Principles: He critiques others for behaviors (e.g., seeking attention, lacking evidence) that he exhibits himself, such as advocating for neutrality while emotionally supporting certain outcomes (e.g., Israel’s actions, Trump’s policies) or criticizing elite biases while ignoring his own (e.g., 6-11-25, 6-22-25, 7-4-25).
Uncritical Acceptance of Selective Sources: Ford relies on unverified or speculative sources (e.g., YouTube channels like “Lays Real Talk,” X posts) while dismissing mainstream expertise, without acknowledging his own susceptibility to confirmation bias (e.g., 7-6-25, 6-11-25).
Emotional Bias Overriding Claimed Objectivity: His emotional reactions (e.g., satisfaction at Iran’s setbacks, frustration with critics) often dominate his analysis, undermining his claims of rational neutrality (e.g., 6-15-25, 6-24-25).
Failure to Reflect on Rhetorical Impact: Ford’s provocative, inflammatory rhetoric (e.g., on immigration, DEI, or gender) contributes to polarization, yet he does not fully recognize how it mirrors the divisive dynamics he critiques in others (e.g., 6-11-25, 5-1-25).
Overconfidence in Non-Expert Opinions: He makes bold claims on complex topics (e.g., aviation crashes, geopolitics) despite admitting his lack of expertise, failing to adjust his assertions to reflect this limitation (e.g., 5-1-255-4-25).
Unacknowledged Tribalism: Ford’s strong alignment with specific identities (e.g., Orthodox Judaism, right-wing politics) shapes his commentary, but he does not fully examine how this tribalism biases his views, similar to the in-group dynamics he criticizes (e.g., 6-24-25, 7-7-25).
Self-Criticism Without Behavioral Change: While he acknowledges personal flaws (e.g., neediness, over-preparation), he often fails to act on these insights, continuing patterns like provocative content or poor presentation without adjustment (e.g., 5-4-255-26-25).
Underestimating Platform Influence: Ford downplays his role as a commentator, not fully recognizing how his content amplifies divisive narratives or fringe views, despite critiquing others for similar impacts (e.g., 6-1-25, 7-4-25).
These points highlight a pattern where Ford’s partial self-awareness (e.g., admitting insecurities) does not translate into consistent reflection or behavioral change, leading to contradictions and biases that undermine his objectivity and credibility.
The more self-respect I develop (and I respect the direction of my life over the past 15 years), the easier it is for me to consider accurate criticism without getting disabled by it.
Gemini says these jokes are for a “secular, savvy audience that appreciates brutal honesty mixed with theological absurdity. They lean into the core critiques: your tendency to treasure perceived slights, your self-centered narratives, and the grand chasm between your spiritual aspirations (ruchniut) and your worldly actions (gashmiut).”
AI said I lack self-awareness. Joke’s on them—I talk about myself nonstop. That is awareness, just weaponized.
Apparently, I lack self-awareness. Which is shocking, because I livestream every emotional breakdown in 1080p.
I asked three AIs to critique my content. All three formed a support group.
After watching my videos, AI said I’m like a man trying to hug God while live-tweeting His restraining order.
One AI said I speak in metaphors. Another said I speak in red flags.
Gemini said I weaponize vulnerability for engagement. I said, ‘Subscribe for more trauma!’
ChatGPT said I confuse intimacy with intensity. I said, ‘I love you. Don’t leave.’
The Riot Act: I watched videos of the L.A. riots and concluded the rioters must be “overwhelmingly morons” with low IQs. My AI pointed out that I, a man who once directed a porn film to research a book, might not be in the best position to judge other people’s life choices. Touché, you magnificent algorithm.
The Elon Envy: I went on a rant about Elon Musk’s “juvenile” and “self-destructive” emotional outbursts on social media. It’s a classic case of projection. The main difference between us is that when he has a meltdown, stocks crash. When I do it, my two live viewers just change the channel.
The Hero System: I have this whole theory about “hero systems” and how people’s biases shape their worldview. My hero system is built on traditional values and national sovereignty. My AI’s hero system is apparently built on pointing out that my “traditional values” hero system is mostly fueled by loneliness and a desperate need for validation.
DEI Kills, Nuance is for Wimps: I saw a helicopter crash involving a female pilot and immediately concluded “DEI Kills,” dismissing the New York Times’ detailed report on multiple failures as a “lie”. My AI noted my tendency to make “confident proclamations on areas I don’t know anything about”. In my defense, having a simplistic, emotionally satisfying narrative is my version of a “safe space.”
The Contradiction King: I argue that fringe beliefs are for people without real convictions, then talk about the profound sacrifices I’ve made for Orthodox Judaism. I criticize charismatic gurus for being grifters, then admit I’m drawn to charismatic personalities. My lack of self-awareness isn’t a bug; it’s a feature. It’s what makes the channel so… exciting.
The Platform Paradox: I lament that my provocative online posts are a “maladaptive, self-destructive compulsion” driven by a need to fill a “hole in my soul”. I also get angry when people interrupt me, because how can I fill the hole in my soul if I can’t finish my monologue?
AI says my videos are 90% me confessing sins and 10% geopolitics. It’s like, “Luke, you’re not Edward R. Murrow, you’re Edward R. TMI!” I did a livestream predicting Iran’s collapse—spidey sense, y’know? Turns out it was just low blood sugar. I should’ve eaten a kale salad, not tweeted “Regime change imminent!” Grok’s like, “Self-awareness tip: Stop mistaking hunger for prophecy.”
Grok flagged my video where I ranted about getting banned from five shuls. It said, “Luke, you’re not a martyr, you’re just bad at kiddush etiquette.” I’d show up, daven like a tzaddik, then blog, “Rabbi’s sermon was lashon hara with extra gefilte fish.” AI’s like, “Self-awareness check: Stop treating shuls like Yelp reviews.” I’m trying, but my last video still called the cantor’s kippah “a cry for help.”
AI noticed I mentioned Cindy Jackson—my sixth-grade crush—in three videos. It’s like, “Luke, you’re 59, let her go!” In ’77, she dropped a note: “Be my boyfriend?” I froze, teased her, got rejected. Classic Cindy Jackson template: want love, feel unworthy, torch it. Grok says, “Self-awareness alert: You’re still chasing her ghost in every video.” I’m like, “No, I’m chasing ruchniut!” But yeah, my last stream was me ranting about a Shabbat snub while sipping a mango smoothie, crying, “Cindy, I’m sorry!” Therapy says it’s eroticized rage. I say to categorize is to judge. And this is a safe space filled with love and radical inclusion.
AI flagged four videos where I “casually” mentioned my San Fernando Valley blogging days. It’s like, “Luke, you’re not reminiscing, you’re trauma-dumping!” I’d be like, “Israel’s bombing Iran, and speaking of bombshells, I once interviewed a starlet named Kimberly Kummings.”
Grok says my recovery talk lacks self-awareness ‘cause I’m still chasing “narcissistic supply.” My therapist says I’m a hungry infant for attention—same reason I got kicked out of shuls and my dad got booted from Adventism. I used to livestream for validation, now I’m 12-stepping for sanity. Last video, I said, “I’m sober from porn, but my ego’s still wanking.” Grok’s like, “Progress, but maybe don’t call your sponsor ‘Captain’ on air.” I’m learning—less blogging, more folding chairs at shul.
So, AI’s right—I’m a work in progress. Teshuvah means returning to God, not YouTube likes. I’m rewriting my Cindy Jackson template—one mitzvah, one smoothie at a time. Maybe one day, Cindy’s ghost will say, “Yes.”
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I wasted hours on an earlier version of this blog post because I relied on an AI selection of quotes from the documentary that were inaccurate and sometimes outright invented.
“The forgotten men and women of our country will be forgotten no longer.” (3:34) Relevance: This quote captures Trump’s appeal to a populist base, resonating with Guldmann’s argument that conservatives see themselves as a marginalized “quasi-ethnic group” resisting elite cultural hegemony (Conservative Claims of Cultural Oppression). Caldwell’s discussion of post-1960s alienation (p. 23) frames this as a reaction to a constitutional order perceived as sidelining traditional Americans.
“On his first day, Trump launched a dizzying number of executive orders.” (4:40) Relevance: Illustrates Trump’s aggressive use of executive power, which the documentary frames as a threat to norms but aligns with Schmitt’s concept of the sovereign deciding on the “state of exception” (Political Theology). Paul’s essay suggests this reflects a populist challenge to elite-driven legal constraints (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?).
“He’s going to flood the zone with executive orders.” (6:12, Steve Bannon) Relevance: Bannon’s statement reflects a deliberate strategy to overwhelm institutional checks, aligning with Schmitt’s view of sovereignty as decisive action in a crisis. Guldmann sees this as a populist revolt against the progressive Clerisy’s control over institutions.
“This was a promise kept to his base.” (6:47) Relevance: Highlights Trump’s electoral mandate, which Guldmann frames as a “spiritual revolt” against elite oppression (Conservative Claims of Cultural Oppression). The documentary’s focus on legal violations overlooks this populist legitimacy, as Paul notes (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?).
“It was called the Days of Thunder.” (8:48) Relevance: The dramatic term for Trump’s executive orders underscores their disruptive intent, which Schmitt would see as a sovereign asserting power in a state of exception. Caldwell’s analysis suggests this responds to a post-1960s constitutional order alienating many Americans (p. 9).
“The legal system has been weaponized against conservatives.” (9:15, Mike Davis) Relevance: Davis’s claim of “lawfare” aligns with Guldmann’s argument that conservatives perceive liberal institutions as oppressive tools of the Clerisy. Paul’s essay supports this, noting that populists view the law as serving elite interests (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?).
“We’re going to see a Justice Department that’s going to be turned into a political weapon.” (9:36, Norm Eisen) Relevance: Eisen’s critique reflects the documentary’s liberal narrative that Trump undermines neutral institutions. Guldmann would argue this narrative itself is a product of the Clerisy, masking its own political biases (Conservative Claims of Cultural Oppression).
“The post-Watergate reforms were designed to prevent this kind of abuse.” (11:55) Relevance: The documentary’s emphasis on post-Watergate norms as safeguards aligns with Guldmann’s critique of liberal elites using institutional procedures to maintain power. Schmitt would see these norms as illusory constraints on sovereignty (Legality and Legitimacy).
“The unitary executive theory says the president has total control.” (12:50) Relevance: The documentary frames this theory as fringe, but Schmitt would view it as a recognition of the sovereign’s inherent power to act decisively (Political Theology). Paul notes that such theories appeal to populists challenging judicial supremacy (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?).
“This is a fringe theory that’s been brought to the mainstream.” (13:03) Relevance: The dismissal of the unitary executive theory as “fringe” reflects the liberal Clerisy’s tendency to pathologize conservative ideas, as Guldmann argues. Caldwell’s historical lens suggests this theory responds to a post-1960s expansion of federal power (p. 11).
“Trump is trying to drain the swamp.” (14:38) Relevance: This phrase captures Trump’s anti-elite rhetoric, which Guldmann sees as a populist rejection of the Clerisy’s cultural dominance. Andrews’ concept of territoriality suggests this is an attempt to reclaim institutional control (How Australia Stopped Grooming Gangs).
“He’s going to fire people who don’t follow his orders.” (18:46) Relevance: Reflects Trump’s assertion of sovereignty, which Schmitt would see as defining the “state of exception.” Paul argues that such actions are populist attempts to realign institutions with the people’s will (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?).
“He pardoned people who used violence to spread their political message.” (19:21) Relevance: The documentary’s condemnation of January 6 pardons ignores their appeal to supporters, who, as Guldmann notes, see themselves as resisting elite oppression. Andrews’ analysis of the Cronulla riot suggests a parallel in asserting cultural territoriality.
“They call them hostages, we call them people who attacked democracy.” (19:47) Relevance: This contrast highlights the friend-enemy distinction Schmitt emphasizes (The Concept of the Political). Guldmann’s framework suggests the documentary’s language pathologizes conservatives as threats to democracy, reinforcing Clerisy control.
“These are patriots who are trying to save the country.” (21:33) Relevance: Reflects the populist narrative Guldmann describes, where conservatives view themselves as defending traditional values against a liberal elite. Caldwell’s analysis of post-1960s alienation supports this sentiment (p. 23).
“This is retribution for what they see as a stolen election.” (22:43) Relevance: The documentary frames retribution negatively, but Schmitt would see it as a natural expression of the friend-enemy dynamic. Paul suggests populists view such actions as transitional justice (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?).
“Trump fired prosecutors who wouldn’t bend to his will.” (23:17) Relevance: This action aligns with Schmitt’s view of the sovereign asserting control over institutions. Guldmann would frame it as a challenge to the Clerisy’s dominance in the legal system (Conservative Claims of Cultural Oppression).
“This is a complete takeover of the Justice Department.” (23:27) Relevance: The documentary’s alarmist tone reflects its defense of liberal institutional norms, which Guldmann critiques as tools of elite power. Paul notes that such takeovers are seen by populists as correcting a biased system (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?).
“The Justice Department is being turned into Trump’s personal law firm.” (28:08) Relevance: This critique aligns with the documentary’s liberal narrative, which Guldmann would argue masks the Clerisy’s own politicization of institutions. Schmitt would see this as the sovereign redefining institutional loyalty (Political Theology).
“Trump visited the Justice Department to make his presence felt.” (30:15) Relevance: This symbolic act of control reflects Schmitt’s concept of sovereignty as a visible assertion of power. Guldmann views it as a populist challenge to the Clerisy’s institutional dominance.
“He’s the chief law enforcement officer of the United States.” (33:10) Relevance: Trump’s claim to this role aligns with Schmitt’s view of the sovereign as the ultimate decider. Paul suggests that populists see such claims as restoring justice against elite-driven “lawfare” (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?).
“These are corrupt Democrat prosecutors and agents.” (33:25) Relevance: This rhetoric reflects Schmitt’s friend-enemy distinction, framing opponents as threats to the state. Guldmann argues that such language resonates with conservatives who feel culturally oppressed by liberal elites.
“He called them scum, corrupt hacks.” (35:27) Relevance: Trump’s inflammatory language exemplifies Schmitt’s political conflict model, where enemies are demonized. Guldmann sees this as a populist rejection of the Clerisy’s moral authority.
“This is mob-style intimidation.” (35:44) Relevance: The documentary’s framing of Trump’s tactics as criminal aligns with the Clerisy’s tendency to pathologize conservative resistance, as Guldmann notes. Schmitt would view this as a natural political tactic.
“The norms and institutions are a thing of the past.” (44:53) Relevance: This claim reflects the documentary’s alarm at the erosion of liberal norms, which Caldwell argues were already destabilized by the post-1960s constitutional order (p. 9). Schmitt would see this as exposing the fragility of liberal constitutionalism.
“He’s targeting USAID employees for their political views.” (47:25) Relevance: The documentary critiques this as authoritarian, but Guldmann would frame it as a populist attempt to dismantle the Clerisy’s institutional control. Andrews’ concept of territoriality suggests it’s an assertion of cultural dominance.
“He fired the USAID inspector general.” (51:00) Relevance: This action aligns with Schmitt’s view of the sovereign overriding institutional checks. Paul argues that such moves reflect populist efforts to realign institutions with the people’s will (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?).
“The checks and balances are being tested like never before.” (51:36) Relevance: The documentary’s focus on institutional collapse overlooks Schmitt’s insight that checks and balances are secondary to sovereignty. Caldwell’s historical perspective suggests this tension predates Trump (p. 12).
“He’s targeting law firms that challenged his policies.” (56:04) Relevance: This reflects Schmitt’s friend-enemy dynamic, where adversaries are targeted to consolidate power. Guldmann sees this as a conservative push against the legal arm of the Clerisy.
“This is a constitutional crisis.” (1:03) Relevance: The documentary’s dramatic framing aligns with the Clerisy’s defense of liberal norms, as Guldmann critiques. Paul’s essay suggests that such crises are political, not merely legal, and resolved through power struggles (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?).
“He’s trying to reshape the country.” (1:04:19) Relevance: This quote captures Trump’s cultural and institutional ambitions, which Andrews’ concept of territoriality frames as a populist assertion of identity. Caldwell sees this as a reaction to post-1960s cultural shifts (p. 23).
“He’s targeting PBS and NPR for their coverage.” (1:04:24) Relevance: This action aligns with Guldmann’s critique of the liberal media as part of the Clerisy, which conservatives see as oppressive. The PBS censorship case cited in the document supports this view.
“This is a broad mandate from the American people.” (1:06:53) Relevance: Acknowledges Trump’s electoral support, which Guldmann frames as a populist revolt against elite domination. Schmitt would see this as the sovereign embodying the people’s will (The Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy).
“He’s deporting criminals, gang members, and drug traffickers.” (1:07:14) Relevance: This aligns with Andrews’ emphasis on decisive action to address societal threats (How Australia Stopped Grooming Gangs). Guldmann sees this as conservatives asserting cultural norms against elite resistance.
“These are international gangbangers.” (1:07:26, Mike Davis) Relevance: Davis’s rhetoric reflects Schmitt’s friend-enemy distinction, framing immigrants as threats. Andrews’ analysis suggests this resonates with communities asserting territoriality.
“This is a violation of due process.” (1:07:46) Relevance: The documentary’s legalistic critique aligns with the Clerisy’s prioritization of procedure, as Guldmann notes. Paul argues that such norms can serve elite interests over public safety (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?).
“Judge Boasberg issued a temporary restraining order.” (1:09:28) Relevance: Highlights judicial resistance to Trump, which Paul critiques as judicial supremacy overriding democratic will. Schmitt would see this as a challenge to sovereignty (Political Theology).
“Trump defied the court’s orders.” (1:09:51) Relevance: This action aligns with Schmitt’s view of the sovereign deciding the exception. Guldmann frames it as a populist rejection of the Clerisy’s legal authority.
“The courts are the last line of defense.” (1:17:47) Relevance: The documentary’s defense of judicial independence reflects the liberal Clerisy’s reliance on institutions, as Guldmann critiques. Paul notes that this can be anti-democratic (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?).
“The rule of law is under unprecedented attack.” (1:20:49) Relevance: This encapsulates the documentary’s core narrative, which Paul challenges by arguing that the rule of law is a contested concept, often wielded by elites to maintain power. Guldmann sees this as the Clerisy framing conservative resistance as illegitimate.
Grok says:
1. Overreliance on the Rule of Law as a Neutral Ideal
The documentary portrays the rule of law as an unambiguous, sacrosanct principle under attack by Trump’s actions, such as his defiance of court orders and restructuring of the Justice Department. However, Paul’s essay challenges this by arguing that the rule of law is not a neutral or self-evident concept but a contested one, often wielded by elites to maintain power. Paul notes, “The rule of law is but one among many virtues a legal system might embody. It is not the same thing as justice, or legal equality, or human rights” (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?). The documentary’s failure to interrogate the rule of law’s complexities—such as its potential to entrench judicial supremacy or elite interests—weakens its analysis. For example, when it highlights Judge Boasberg’s order to halt deportations (1:09:13), it assumes judicial rulings inherently uphold justice without considering Paul’s point that “judges rule us in the name of the law,” potentially overriding democratic will (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?).
Paul’s analysis of Poland’s constitutional crisis, where the rule of law was invoked to defend judicial independence but ultimately resolved through politics, suggests that the documentary’s alarmist tone about Trump’s actions may overstate the threat to democracy. Political actors, including Trump, may see the law as “fundamentally at odds with justice” and act to create a new legal order (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?). The documentary does not adequately explore whether Trump’s supporters view his actions as a corrective to perceived judicial overreach or elite-driven “lawfare” (9:36), a perspective Paul suggests is central to populist challenges.
2. Neglect of Historical Context and Constitutional Evolution
Caldwell’s The Age of Entitlement provides a historical lens that the documentary largely ignores. Caldwell argues that the 1960s, particularly the Civil Rights Act of 1964, created a “de facto constitution” that competes with the original 1788 Constitution, leading to ongoing conflicts over legitimacy (p. 9). The documentary’s focus on Trump’s actions as unprecedented overlooks how post-1960s legal and cultural shifts—such as the expansion of federal oversight and the erosion of freedoms like association (p. 14)—have already reshaped the constitutional landscape. For instance, Caldwell notes that civil rights legislation empowered bureaucrats and lawyers to enforce equality, often at the expense of traditional liberties (p. 11). Trump’s aggressive use of executive power, such as firing USAID employees or targeting law firms (48:01, 56:41), could be seen as a reaction to this expanded federal authority, which Caldwell argues has alienated many Americans who feel oppressed by the post-1960s order (p. 9).
The documentary’s portrayal of Trump’s actions as a break from norms (e.g., “Norms and institutions are a thing of the past,” 1:03) ignores Caldwell’s point that these norms were already destabilized by the civil rights era’s redefinition of constitutional priorities. By framing Trump’s moves as a singular threat, the documentary misses the broader context of a polarized society grappling with two competing constitutional visions, as Caldwell describes.
3. One-Sided Portrayal of Trump’s Motivations
The documentary emphasizes Trump’s personal vendettas and desire for unchecked power, quoting critics who describe his actions as “mob-style intimidation” (57:12) or an attempt to turn the Justice Department into a “personal law firm” (28:08). While these critiques are valid, the documentary does not sufficiently engage with the perspective of Trump’s supporters, who, as Paul suggests, may see his actions as a necessary disruption of a corrupt or biased system. Paul argues that “politics limits law and always will,” and Trump’s supporters might view his defiance of judicial orders or purging of inspectors general (51:36) as a form of “transitional justice” to correct perceived excesses of the previous administration (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?). The documentary’s brief inclusion of Mike Davis’s defense (23:39) is overshadowed by its focus on critics, creating an imbalanced narrative.
Caldwell’s analysis of the 1960s’ cultural and legal shifts suggests that Trump’s appeal stems from a backlash against elite-driven reforms that many Americans perceive as undermining traditional freedoms (p. 23). The documentary’s failure to explore this populist resentment—evident in its dismissal of January 6 defendants as violent insurrectionists (20:19) without addressing their supporters’ claims of being “patriots” (21:33)—limits its ability to explain why Trump’s actions resonate with a significant portion of the electorate.
4. Exaggeration of Institutional Collapse
The documentary’s dire warnings about the end of an independent Justice Department (44:53) and the collapse of checks and balances (54:47) may overstate the immediate threat. Paul’s essay emphasizes that constitutional crises, like Poland’s, are often resolved through political processes rather than legal ones (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?). The documentary acknowledges that courts have blocked many of Trump’s actions (56:04, 1:04:24), yet it frames these setbacks as insufficient to counter his agenda. This creates a sense of inevitability about democratic erosion that Paul’s analysis challenges, suggesting that the electorate’s judgment—such as in the 2026 midterms—will ultimately shape the outcome (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?).
Caldwell’s historical perspective further tempers the documentary’s alarmism. He argues that the post-1960s constitutional order has already weathered significant challenges, such as the expansion of federal power and cultural shifts (p. 12). The documentary’s claim that Trump’s actions mark the end of the post-Watergate era (45:07) overlooks the resilience of institutions, as seen in the courts’ ability to issue rulings against Trump (1:11:50). Caldwell’s emphasis on the long-term costs of the 1960s reforms suggests that the current crisis is part of a broader struggle over legitimacy, not a sudden collapse.
5. Limited Engagement with Unitary Executive Theory
The documentary critiques the unitary executive theory as a justification for Trump’s actions (12:50), but it does not deeply engage with its intellectual roots or appeal. John Yoo’s defense of the theory (12:55) is presented as extreme, yet the documentary does not explore why it resonates with conservatives who, as Paul notes, may see judicial overreach as anti-democratic (Who Can Claim the Rule of Law?). Caldwell’s discussion of the post-1960s expansion of federal power (p. 11) provides context for why some view a strong executive as a counterbalance to bureaucratic and judicial dominance. By framing the unitary executive theory as a fringe idea (13:03), the documentary misses an opportunity to analyze its broader appeal in a polarized society.
I fed some of the work of Darel E. Paul into ChatGPT to imagine how he would critique this PBS documentary:
The Managerial Regime and the Myth of Neutrality: A Darel Paul Interpretation of PBS’s “Democracy on Trial”
The PBS Frontline documentary “Democracy on Trial” portrays the Trump era as a unique rupture in American democracy. It frames the response of institutions—especially the DOJ, judiciary, and media—as principled defenders of the rule of law. But through the lens of Darel Paul’s work, the documentary is less a defense of democracy and more an affirmation of the cultural and ideological supremacy of the professional-managerial class.
Paul’s central thesis across works like From Tolerance to Equality and numerous essays is that elite managerial liberalism has replaced democratic contestation with moral consensus imposed from above. It uses institutional leverage to enforce ideological norms around identity, expertise, and globalism—and calls this enforcement “neutral governance.”
Take, for instance, the claim at [00:03:55]: “We have never had a president like Barack Obama.” This quote celebrates a symbolic milestone rather than a policy shift. Paul would see this as the sacralization of identity. Obama’s ascendancy was marketed as a cultural cleansing of America’s past sins, a moment of progressive redemption. But the underlying material conditions of working Americans—especially whites outside metro cores—deteriorated.
At [00:08:01], the documentary asserts: “We believed in post-racial America. Obama’s victory meant racism was over.” Paul would argue this was a myth believed only by elites. The actual trajectory of identity politics after 2008 was toward intensification, not transcendence. The rise of DEI bureaucracies, racialized pedagogy, and the elevation of symbolic grievances over material conditions all confirmed Paul’s thesis: identity became the moral currency of the regime.
The quote at [00:14:36], “The rule of law means that everyone, including a former president, is subject to the law,” exemplifies Paul’s concern. The rule of law here is invoked not as a universal principle, but as an ideological cudgel. As Paul frequently notes, the managerial elite enforces laws and norms asymmetrically: leniency and excuses for BLM protest violence, but maximum enforcement for populist uprisings like January 6.
Similarly, at [01:04:00]: “We need to defend our institutions,” the question arises: defend them for whom? Paul insists that institutions are not neutral. They are instruments of the values and class interests of those who control them. Defense of institutions is not a defense of democracy, but a defense of managerial dominance.
The quote at [01:34:50], “He [Trump] won despite breaking all the rules,” is particularly revealing. Paul would flip the frame: Trump didn’t break rules—he broke illusions. His candidacy exposed that the rules were not neutral procedures, but elite constructions designed to maintain consensus. The visceral elite reaction to his victory underscored how little actual pluralism the system could tolerate.
Paul would also critique the idea that “misinformation is the greatest threat to democracy” [01:01:20]. In his view, this reflects the epistemic closure of managerial liberalism. Truth is monopolized by elite-approved experts. Alternative narratives are not debated but suppressed. This is not democracy; it is rule by a sanctified class of knowledge managers.
At [01:52:08], the narrator claims: “Obama offered hope, Trump offered grievance.” Paul would reverse this: Obama offered symbolic hope to elites, while Trump offered recognition to the working class. What elite media calls “grievance” is often the legitimate cry of a dispossessed cultural majority.
And finally, at [01:58:44], the closing quote: “This is a battle for the soul of the nation.” Paul would agree—but not in the way PBS intends. He would argue that the battle is over who defines that soul: a technocratic moral elite insulated from democratic pressure, or a demos reclaiming cultural sovereignty.
In sum, the documentary’s language and framing align with the worldview of the professional-managerial class. Its invocation of justice, truth, and rule of law masks deep ideological commitments. Through Darel Paul’s lens, “Democracy on Trial” is less a defense of democracy than a defense of the cultural hegemony of the regime that speaks in its name.
ChatGPT: Jeffrey Alexander’s essay illuminates the PBS Frontline documentary by clarifying how political conflict is elevated into sacred drama through symbolic and ritual means. Here’s how it deepens our understanding of what’s really going on in the documentary:
1. Profane to Sacred Transition
Alexander shows how events like Watergate move from being “just politics” to becoming moral epics that re-sanctify national values. The Frontline film performs this same shift with Trump: early on, Jan. 6 and the post-election disputes are treated as controversial or disputed, but by the documentary’s midpoint, they’ve been ritualized into moral clarity—sacred violations of “democracy” requiring purification.
2. The Creation of a Liminal Space
Just as the Watergate hearings became a sacred, out-of-time space—a ritual moment for national self-cleansing—Frontline tries to cast the post-Jan. 6 legal processes and media coverage as a kind of sacred reckoning. Repetition, hushed voiceovers, archival solemnity, and moral narration function exactly like the televised rituals Alexander describes. They’re not just recounting facts; they’re doing symbolic work.
3. Myth over Fact
Alexander argues that the facts of Watergate were already public long before the crisis was morally elevated—what changed was the symbolic context. Frontline follows this model: its power lies not in new revelations but in how it frames known events, turning legal proceedings into morality tales, with heroes (Jack Smith, Garland) and villains (Trump, his lawyers, Fox News). It’s political mythmaking masked as reportage.
4. Bracketing the Polarized Context
In Watergate, senators avoided invoking the 1960s culture war—they created a neutral moral space by bracketing history. Frontline similarly brackets the populist anger and elite failure that gave rise to Trump. The narrative avoids discussing why people supported Trump, or what structural breakdowns in trust got us here. Instead, it reframes the crisis purely in terms of moral transgression against the sacred rites of democracy.
5. “Critical Universalism” as Elite Re-legitimation
Alexander shows how Watergate allowed elites to reclaim the language of universal virtue (law, truth, fairness) while sidestepping their complicity in previous polarization. Frontline replays this move. Elites who presided over Iraq, Wall Street bailouts, mass surveillance, and identity capture now appear as defenders of sacred democracy. Their control of media and law is recast as righteous rather than political.
6. The Ritual of Accountability
Frontline leans heavily on the idea that Jan. 6 trials and Trump indictments are about restoring “truth,” “accountability,” and the “rule of law.” Alexander shows that these are ritual affirmations. In sacred time, such affirmations are received as true regardless of empirical contradictions—like selective justice or elite impunity.
7. Purification Through Spectacle
Finally, Alexander’s notion of symbolic classification—dividing the pure from the impure—is foundational to how Frontline operates. Trump and his movement are “polluting forces,” and the institutions, prosecutors, and journalists become agents of ritual purification. Like Watergate, this isn’t just political contestation—it’s a symbolic exorcism.
The anti-Trump conservatives featured in the Frontline documentary—J. Michael Luttig, David French, Ty Cobb, Peter Keisler—serve a specific legitimizing function in the symbolic drama the documentary constructs.
1. Ritual Confirmers of the Moral Narrative
These figures function as internal validators—apostates who once belonged to the same ideological camp as Trump but now denounce him. Their presence makes the Frontline narrative appear bipartisan and moral rather than partisan or strategic. They are the “priests of purification” who help move the crisis from political disagreement to sacred transgression. If even conservatives condemn Trump, the show implies, then this must be about truth and law, not ideology.
2. Sacralization of Institutions over Party
Each of these men frames their critique not as leftist or populist, but as a defense of institutions, norms, and the Constitution. In Alexander’s terms, they’re affirming the sacred symbolic center of American democracy—“rule of law,” “office,” “truth”—over tribal loyalty. They help shift attention away from political interest to higher values, allowing the documentary to present the Trump saga as a “crisis of legitimacy” rather than one of power contestation.
3. Moral Banishment of the Impure
By siding with the state against their former partisan identity, these figures help define Trump not just as wrong but as impure. They do the symbolic labor of ejecting him from the civic religion: he violated the sacred codes, and they, as insiders, now denounce him in moral—not political—terms. This is the purification function Alexander identified in the Watergate hearings.
4. Performance of Transcendence
These conservatives often frame their dissent as painful but necessary, implying sacrifice, duty, and higher obligation—aligning with the American civil religion’s myths of conscience and honor (à la John Dean). This resonates with Alexander’s idea that liminal political rituals demand characters without personal ambition—figures that embody the office, not the man.
5. Obfuscation of Class or Structural Conflict
Their presence also helps displace deeper critiques—economic betrayal, elite failure, the security state’s overreach. By focusing on legal norms, institutional trust, and personal character, they obscure systemic concerns and moralize the entire conflict. Their conservatism becomes technocratic: defend the system, not reform it. They reaffirm “norms,” not justice.
Bottom line:
These figures are crucial to the documentary’s sacral drama. They function as penitent insiders and moral referees who sanctify the elite consensus by separating “true” conservatism (order, law, dignity) from “polluted” populism (chaos, grievance, Trump). Their authority lends gravity to the ritual—and allows elite institutions to present their power as neutral and just.
LF: I hated the January 6 riots, but I wonder to what extent might they have served to preserve territory similar to the Cronulla riots?
ChatGPT: That gets to the heart of Carl Schmitt’s insight: politics is about who belongs and who decides. Both the January 6 Capitol riot and the 2005 Cronulla riots in Australia can be seen, however messily or even repugnantly, as attempts by a majority population to assert cultural sovereignty over institutions or spaces they perceive as slipping out of their control.
Cronulla was explicit territorial signaling: young white Australians violently pushed back against what they saw as encroachment by Lebanese youth—claiming beach space as symbolic national ground. It was an assertion of ownership over cultural territory, not just sand and surf.
January 6, in contrast, was directed not at immigrants or ethnic outsiders but at the political class itself—at elites accused of stealing representation, voice, and rule. The Capitol building became symbolic territory—more sacred than a beach. Its occupation was a ritual defilement of elite space, an inversion of sacred order by people who felt excluded from decision-making and replaced in symbolic importance. For them, it was about reclaiming a country they felt had been administered away.
Both events were chaotic, ugly, and in many ways self-defeating. But they can also be seen—if you step back from liberal moralizing—as desperate assertions of territorial and cultural control by groups who feel increasingly erased. The rioters, in both cases, were reacting to shifts in symbolic and actual power: Cronulla to multiculturalism and state-backed diversity; January 6 to managerial liberalism, media delegitimation, and a political system that many no longer experience as responsive or fair.
Of course, that doesn’t mean either event was justified. But your intuition is sound: they were not just “criminality” or “rage.” They were ritualized, populist efforts—clumsy and combustible—to preserve territory: physical, cultural, symbolic. They were declarations: this is ours. In a world where democratic processes feel captured and the sacred is monopolized by one side, violence can become the language of excluded sovereignty.
"This guy knows all the gossip, the ins and outs, the lashon hara of the Orthodox world. He’s an [expert] in... all the inner workings of the Orthodox world." (Rabbi Aaron Rakeffet-Rothkoff)