How can a race realist support school vouchers?

Comments at Steve Sailer:

* How can a race realist support school vouchers? It means blacks and Latinos get to attend white parochial schools for free. Having money is what separates Whites from the rabble… do you really want to forfeit that advantage? My Catholic school was great precisely because blacks and lower class Latinos were priced out.

Vouchers do nothing but pile the ineducable and unruly into better schools…for which I’m already being reamed thousands of dollars per year in real estate taxes.

All they can contribute is the disorder, stupidity, and criminality they bring with them, which was the cause of their former schools being latrines.

If teachers could remove the disruptive from their classrooms, where would they go?

All you’d end up with is formerly good schools and the same set of problems we have now. And a bazillion more expensive dolt-wrangling Programs.

We need to attack this entire problem from its supply side: r-strategy reproduction, low-IQ reproduction, and immigration from low-IQ nations/peoples.

Humanity does not evolve and thrive where the worst are full of passionate intensity (so to speak) and the best lack all conviction.

* I have a different theory to explain why conservatives support school choice. It’s because, in politics, you have to have a solution to offer. It doesn’t have to be a practical solution, just plausible enough so you have to have a response when the question comes up.

Q: Education?
A: School choice!

You can’t very well expect an American politician to respond, “Our schools aren’t ‘broken.’ Blacks are doing about as well as can be expected considering their lower IQ and lack of impulse control.”

This was illustrated in the 2012 campaign by Obama. He had proposed a jobs program–Stimulus 2.0–that was so unpalatable that Harry Reid wouldn’t even support it. However, what was important was that when Obama was campaigning, and a reporter asked what he was going to do about unemployment, he could say, “I’ve put forth a jobs bill but the Republican congress won’t even consider it, so you should ask them.”

The jobs bill performed its only actual intended function, providing Obama with a way to answer the unemployment question.

* The City Journal article was utterly silent on the Somali black versus American black versus Mexican problem. From other accounts of school violence in the Twin Cities, a lot of the trouble stems from intra-NAM race war. You get some American brutha who hits on some Somali sista and all hell will break loose when the young Somali males react.

Being hard-line Muslims, Somalis are generally disgusted with the sluttish and sexual behavior of American blacks and more than perhaps anything else wish to have their own hardline Sharia-based schools in the Twin Cities.

Why didn’t City Journal even dip its toe into that stream? Is it incompatible with their pro-immigrant ideology?

* The wisdom of Prussia’s three-class franchise is more apparent than ever.

Wikipedia: The Prussian three-class franchise system (German: Dreiklassenwahlrecht), after the revolutions of 1848 in the German states, was introduced on 30 May 1849 by the government of the Prussian king, Friedrich Wilhelm IV, for the election of the lower house of the Prussian parliament. It was completely abolished in 1918. The system was used in Prussia, Brunswick, Waldeck and (until 1909) Saxony.

Those eligible to vote were men over 24, divided by their direct tax revenue into three classes. The three classes were calculated according to how much tax one paid, by dividing the entire range of taxes into thirds. The first class ranged from the highest tax payer on down until one third of total tax revenue was reached; the second was for those with a lower income until another one third of total tax revenue was reached; the third was for the bottom third of tax payers. While the last were generally poor people paying little to no tax individually, it could happen that a rich person living in a particularly rich tax district ended up in the third class, which happened to chancellor Bernhard von Bülow in 1903.

Voting took place in public and was oral; there was no secret ballot. It was also indirect; representatives known as electors (Wahlmänner) were voted for, each class electing a third of all the electors. The classes of course contained widely differing numbers of people even though the number of electors was the same for each one. In 1849, the first class constituted 4.7% of the population, the second class 12.7% and the third class 82.6%. The distribution meant that a first-class vote had 17.5 times the value of a third-class vote. A three-class franchise system was also used for local elections in parts of Prussia, one result of which was that the industrialist Alfred Krupp was the only person able to vote for the electors in the first class in Essen.

Prussia’s controlling position in the German Empire meant that the system was at the heart of debates about reform. Extending suffrage would, however, have meant the downfall of the ruling conservative politicians, elected by the wealthy voters favoured by the three-class system. Thus, despite popular dissatisfaction, the Prussian franchise persisted.

* A Short Story: Victimization as a way of life became institutionalized in the United States in the Civil Rights era of the 1960s. In the intervening decades, more “identity” groups saw the social and economic advantages of victimization and jumped aboard. In the name of justice, calls for affirmative action, equity, and reparations spread across ever larger classes of people. For example, all People of Color became a victim class. Indeed, all females — infants, girls, women, the aged — found themselves defined as a victim class.

Then Hussein Obama, a street pimp from Chicago, sweet talked his way into the White House. Under him, the spreading Cult of Victimization accelerated as national and international policy. In time, up to 70 percent of the population of the United States claimed victim status based on one criterion or another. The infection quickly spread to Europe and the Third World, where entire populations started claiming victimization that could only be addressed by open borders and massive immigration to Western Europe and the United States. The new victims asserted new-found human rights as immigrants, refugees, and asylum seekers; they sought redress for the harm done to them.

But victims require victimizers. Who were they? The only non-victim class of candidates left to fill this ideological role were White Males and the patriarchy and Western Civilization they created. Cultural Marxism (a thinly veiled spinoff of classical economic Marxism, a.k.a. Communism) became the ideological glue that held this new-found class warfare … this fetid mess … together.

The global victim classes found commonality and class solidarity in what they called the intersectional oppression they had suffered at the hands of White Males at some time in their personal, cultural, or national histories. But they had to act quickly. The lines were becoming longer and longer as the victimized masses queued up at the pay window to claim redress. At some point, the victim classes realized that Western Civilization would be “cashed out” and there would be nothing left for them. They had to act while there was still time.

* Unfortunately, in a society where public schools are abysmal, all a private school needs to do is be ok in order for it to stay in business and be considered good.

Private school, or a public school in a “good” district, will get your kids away from violence and chaotic classrooms, but the education is unlikely to be excellent, even at the so-called “good” ones.

That’s the problem with generally lowered standards in a society. It has a way of dragging everything down.

I heard a saying once: “If you spend time with cripples, you start to limp.” We’re seeing this in our education system. The bad schools are the cripples, and the good schools are limping along.

I don’t know what the solution is, except to have higher quality people. Enforce law and order, encourage stable two-parent families, outlaw immigration except for geniuses, and maybe within 2 or 3 generations we can turn this around.

About Luke Ford

I've written five books (see My work has been noted in the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, and 60 Minutes. I teach Alexander Technique in Beverly Hills (
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