Why have so many conservatives been debanked?

Grok says:

The question of why many conservatives claim to have been debanked—meaning their bank accounts were closed or services denied—doesn’t have a single, clear-cut answer backed by comprehensive data. It’s a messy issue, with allegations flying from conservative circles, denials from banks, and a tangle of regulatory and cultural factors in play. Here’s what’s driving the conversation.
Conservatives, including figures like Mike Lindell, Sam Brownback, and even Melania Trump in her memoir, have reported losing access to banking services, often with little explanation. They argue it’s political targeting—banks punishing them for their views or affiliations, like supporting Trump, opposing ESG (environmental, social, governance) policies, or being tied to industries like fossil fuels or firearms. The narrative gained traction with high-profile cases: JPMorgan Chase closed the National Committee for Religious Freedom’s account in 2022, led by Brownback, and Bank of America allegedly dropped clients like Indigenous Advanced Ministries in 2023. Posts on X and comments from figures like Marc Andreessen on Joe Rogan’s podcast amplify this, claiming it’s a systemic attack on “politically exposed persons” (PEPs)—a term from banking regs twisted here to mean conservatives.
Banks, though, push back hard. Bank of America says they serve “70 million clients and welcome conservatives,” denying any political litmus test. JPMorgan’s Jamie Dimon has said they’d “never close an account for political reasons, full stop.” Their line is that account closures stem from regulatory compliance—stuff like the Bank Secrecy Act or anti-money-laundering (AML) rules. These laws force banks to “know their customers” and ditch risky ones, like those tied to crypto, cannabis, or anything hinting at financial crime. Problem is, banks can’t legally disclose why they close accounts, so the vagueness fuels suspicion. If a conservative gets debanked, they might assume it’s their politics, not some hidden compliance issue.
There’s also the regulatory angle. Critics point to “Operation Choke Point” under Obama, where feds allegedly pressured banks to cut off “high-risk” sectors like payday lending or gun sales—industries conservatives often defend. Some see a sequel under Biden, dubbed “Chokepoint 2.0,” with claims that regulators flag terms like “MAGA” or “TRUMP” in transaction monitoring, per a 2023 House subcommittee report. No hard proof ties this to mass debanking, but it stokes the fire. States like Florida and Tennessee have even passed laws since 2024 to stop banks from denying service over politics or religion, showing how seriously some take it.
On the flip side, evidence of widespread, coordinated debanking of conservatives is thin. No big dataset tracks how many accounts get closed or why. Banks say closures are routine—tens of millions of accounts get axed yearly for overdrafts, fraud, or inactivity, per Sen. Elizabeth Warren’s take in a 2025 hearing. Crypto firms, not just conservatives, also complain of debanking, suggesting it’s more about risk than ideology. And some conservatives might exaggerate or misattribute closures to politics when it’s mundane stuff like paperwork errors.
So why the perception? It’s partly cultural. Progressives dominate corporate boardrooms, and banks face pressure from activist investors or employees to align with “woke” priorities—think Net-Zero Banking Alliance or ESG scoring. If a coal company or gun shop gets debanked, conservatives see it as ideological bias, even if banks call it risk management. Add in a lack of transparency—banks won’t say “we dumped you for buying too many Bibles”—and distrust grows. X posts from users like @JackPosobiec or @FarmGirlCarrie reflect this sentiment, but they’re anecdotes, not proof.
Bottom line: some conservatives have been debanked, and politics could play a role in certain cases, especially for outspoken activists or fringe industries. But whether it’s a grand conspiracy or just a byproduct of tight regs and corporate caution is unproven. Both sides have their stories—conservatives cry censorship, banks cry compliance—and without clearer data, it’s a standoff.

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The Value Of Tracking

A key part of recovery in 12-step programs such as Underearners Anonymous, Debtors Anonymous and various 12-step food programs is tracking. You track how you spend your time, how you earn and spend, and what you eat and when. Any thoughts on the value of tracking to overcome compulsive behavior?

Grok says:

Tracking is a powerful tool for overcoming compulsive behaviors, and its value lies in both practical and psychological mechanisms. At its core, tracking brings awareness to patterns that might otherwise remain unconscious. When you’re dealing with compulsions—whether it’s underearning, overspending, or overeating—those behaviors often thrive in the shadows of autopilot. By logging specifics like time, money, or food, you force yourself to confront what’s really happening, stripping away the vagueness that can fuel denial or avoidance.
Practically, it gives you data. If you’re in Underearners Anonymous and track how you spend your hours, you might spot where you’re undervaluing your work or wasting time on low-return activities. In Debtors Anonymous, seeing every dollar in and out can reveal triggers—like emotional spending—that you didn’t fully clock before. For food programs, noting what you eat and when can pinpoint emotional or situational cues, like stress or boredom, that drive the compulsion. Data isn’t judgment; it’s just a mirror, and that clarity can cut through the haze of habit.
Psychologically, tracking builds accountability and intention. It’s not just about recording—it’s about pausing to reflect. That act alone can interrupt the compulsive cycle, giving you a split second to choose differently. Over time, it rewires your brain to associate the behavior with scrutiny rather than instant gratification. Studies on habit formation, like those from the Journal of Behavioral Medicine, back this up—self-monitoring consistently boosts self-regulation across domains like addiction, weight management, and finances.
That said, it’s not foolproof. The value depends on consistency and honesty—half-hearted tracking or fudging the numbers undermines the whole point. And for some, it can tip into obsession, replacing one compulsion with another. The 12-step context helps here, pairing tracking with community support and higher-purpose stuff to keep it balanced.

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What was going on with journalist Michael Hastings before his fiery death?

Grok says:

Michael Hastings, the journalist behind the explosive Rolling Stone piece “The Runaway General” that toppled General Stanley McChrystal in 2010, was a live wire in the years before his death on June 18, 2013. His final months were a whirlwind of intense work, personal turbulence, and a creeping paranoia that friends and family later flagged as uncharacteristic. Here’s what was swirling around him before that fiery crash in Los Angeles.
Hastings was deep into his craft, chasing stories that poked the powerful. At the time of his death, he was a BuzzFeed staff writer, digging into a profile of CIA Director John Brennan for Rolling Stone. Brennan was a big fish—the architect of Obama’s drone program and a key player in tracking journalists and their sources. Hastings’ last BuzzFeed post, dated June 7, 2013, “Why Democrats Love to Spy on Americans,” ripped into the NSA’s surveillance machine, sparked by Edward Snowden’s leaks. He was rattled by the government’s pursuit of whistleblowers—his friend Jeremy Scahill’s film Dirty Wars screenings, which he attended, only fueled that fire. On June 17, he emailed colleagues at BuzzFeed, blind-copying a military pal, Staff Sgt. Joe Biggs, saying he was “onto a big story” and needed to “go off the radar.” He added that the feds might be sniffing around his circle—pure Hastings, always suspecting the worst.
His personal life was a mess too. Hastings had a history of substance struggles—sober from alcohol for 14 years by 2013, per the coroner’s report, but he’d started dabbling again. Family told investigators he’d picked up drugs about a month before, possibly meth (traces of amphetamine showed up in his system, though not enough to cause the crash) and maybe DMT, a hallucinogen. His brother Jonathan flew to LA on June 17 to stage an intervention, fearing a “manic episode” tied to drugs or trauma. Hastings had been institutionalized for rehab in 1999, and his fiancée’s death in a 2007 Baghdad bombing left scars—PTSD, some said. His widow, Elise Jordan, later called it “emotional volatility,” not suicidal intent, though he’d once bragged about feeling “invincible,” like he could leap off a balcony and walk away.
The paranoia spiked in those final days. Friends like Cenk Uygur of The Young Turks said he was “incredibly tense,” convinced his Mercedes was being tampered with. USA Today reported he told people he was scared and wanted out of LA. Hours before the crash, he hit up WikiLeaks lawyer Jennifer Robinson, hinting at trouble. Then, around 4:25 AM on June 18, his car smashed into a palm tree on Highland Avenue at over 100 mph, erupting in flames. The coroner said he died instantly from blunt force trauma—skull fractures, a torn aorta—not the fire or drugs. No note, no clear why.
What was going on? Hastings was a man on edge—pushing a big story, wrestling old demons, and seeing shadows. Some scream conspiracy (the FBI denied investigating him, despite a FOIA’d file showing they’d tracked his work since 2012). Others, like Jordan, call it a tragic fluke—a crash, not a hit. Either way, he was a pressure cooker: brilliant, battered, and burning out fast.

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Why did author Evan Wright commit suicide?

What was going on with him in his final years?

Grok says:

Evan Wright, the acclaimed journalist and author of Generation Kill, took his own life on July 12, 2024, at age 59, via a gunshot wound to the head, as confirmed by the Los Angeles County Medical Examiner. Figuring out why is trickier—no suicide note’s been made public, and his family’s kept the details close. But piecing together what’s out there from his final years gives some clues about what might’ve been weighing on him.
In the lead-up to his death, Wright was deep into revisiting his teenage trauma at The Seed, a “scared straight” program in Florida he’d been sent to at 13 after getting expelled from Hawken School for selling weed (well, catnip he passed off as weed). He’d been promoting Teen Torture, Inc., a Max documentary released July 11, 2024—the day before he died—where he spoke about the abuse he endured there: sleep deprivation, public humiliation, threats, the works. On X, he posted about it a lot that last week, calling survivors “my brothers and sisters” and hinting at a lingering pain. July 10, he tweeted about still searching for a support group for “Adult Children of Alcoholic Lawyers,” a nod to his rough upbringing with lawyer parents—his dad split when he was 8, and his mom had a breakdown after a friend’s murder. His sister Nora told TheWrap he’d suffered from PTSD since those Seed days, and his nephew Jacob Goldin said he’d been “unhinged” lately, “running from something.”
Wright’s career was still humming—he’d won awards, written books like American Desperado, and worked on TV gigs like Homeland. But that last stretch was intense. He was plugging away at The Seed: A Memoir, a book he’d been wrestling with for years, maybe decades. Karl Taro Greenfeld, in an Alta piece, said Wright’s process was “tortured,” spinning wild theories about The Seed’s founders linking to Reagan’s War on Drugs or MAGA. It’s hard to tell if that was genius or a mind spiraling. His X posts mixed politics, trauma, and dark humor—active right up to July 11, when he retweeted Paris Hilton’s testimony about similar programs. Then, nothing.
What was going on? No one’s got a clean answer. PTSD from The Seed seems like a big piece—reliving it for the doc and book might’ve cracked something open. His nephew’s “not acting himself” line suggests a sharp shift, maybe despair or panic. No reports of booze or drugs in his system (the coroner didn’t release toxicology), and his wife Kelli and three kids were still in his life, though how tight things were there’s anyone’s guess. David Simon called him “feral” but charming; maybe that wild edge turned inward.
Why’d he do it? Could’ve been the weight of old wounds, stirred up fresh, with no off-ramp. Or something snapped that night—impulse, not a plan. We’re left with fragments: a guy who faced Iraq’s chaos head-on but couldn’t outrun his own.

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‘The Democrats and their allied institutions— Hollywood, labor, the media, universities, woke corporate CEOs — are all very weak right now’

Grok:

Mark Halperin’s take here, posted on X, paints a vivid picture of the political landscape as he sees it in early 2025—a reeling Democratic coalition versus a ruthless Trump machine. Let’s break it down and test its weight.
Halperin’s first claim: Democrats and their allies—Hollywood, labor, media, universities, woke CEOs—are “very weak” and “discombobulated.” There’s some truth to this. Post-2024 election (assuming Trump’s win, given the context), Democrats have been licking wounds. Biden’s exit, Harris’s likely loss, and infighting over progressive versus moderate paths have left the party fragmented—Axios reported in late 2024 on DNC soul-searching after a “shellacking.” Hollywood’s influence feels muted; box office flops and backlash to “woke” messaging (e.g., Disney’s Mufasa underperforming) hint at cultural fatigue. Labor’s clout’s waned—union membership’s down to 10% per BLS 2024 stats—while media trust sits at historic lows (Gallup’s 2023 poll had it at 32%). Universities face enrollment dips and public skepticism over DEI, and CEOs like Disney’s Bob Iger are backpedaling on political stances after shareholder pushback. Discombobulated? Sure—lacking a unified counterpunch.
Then there’s Trump’s operation, which Halperin calls “extremely good at undermining the opposition” with a “high priority” on crushing them. This tracks too. Trump’s team—think Bannon’s war-room style, MAGA X influencers, and RNC operatives—has honed a relentless attack machine since 2016. Post-January 6, they’ve leaned harder into digital warfare, with X as a megaphone (Elon’s 2024 platform tweaks boosted right-wing reach). The “boots on the neck” imagery fits Trump’s playbook: recall his 2020 debate taunts or 2024 rallies mocking Harris’s laugh. His camp doesn’t just win—they humiliate, from memes to fundraising off foes’ missteps (e.g., $200M hauled in post-2020 on “stolen election” claims). Halperin’s not wrong—they prioritize domination over sportsmanship.
But is it overstated? Democrats aren’t dead yet—House gains in 2024 and state-level wins show resilience, per Politico’s tallies. Their allied institutions still have cash and reach; Hollywood’s weak but not broke, and media like CNN pivots fast. Trump’s operation excels at optics and morale-breaking, yet governing’s messier—policy wins like tax cuts or border walls take more than trash talk. Halperin’s flair (“I’m not leaving till you’re dead”) captures the vibe but skips the grind of reality.
It’s a snapshot, not gospel. Halperin’s a seasoned observer—his Game Change creds hold up—but he’s got a flair for drama that can oversell a moment. March 2025 feels like a Trump high-water mark, with Dems staggering. Check X: MAGA’s crowing, leftists are sniping at each other. Still, history says pendulums swing—2010’s Tea Party wave faded by 2012. Halperin’s right on the now: Trump’s got the boots out. Whether they stay on the neck depends on what the opposition musters next.

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