Stephen Turner (b. 1951) studies the beliefs groups hold not because they map the world but because they let the group function. I call these convenient beliefs. A convenient belief lowers internal friction, holds a coalition together, and justifies action without forcing costly self-examination. Its worth to the group lies in what it does, not in whether it checks out against history, law, or demography. The belief might be true. Turner’s point is that truth is not what selects it.
Religious Zionist communities in Judea and Samaria run on a cluster of such beliefs. Each one folds theology, security, history, and daily life into a single coherent picture that makes settlement sustainable. Here are ten.
God gave the whole Land of Israel to the Jewish people in an eternal covenant. This turns settlement from a policy into obedience. A man does not negotiate over a divine grant. Residence becomes duty.
Settling the land fulfills a commandment and hastens redemption. In the teaching of Abraham Isaac Kook (1865-1935) and his son Zvi Yehuda Kook (1891-1982), every new home and yeshiva draws the world closer to its end. Hardship and risk gain cosmic weight.
Jews are the indigenous people returning after two thousand years of exile, and Palestinian national identity is a recent construction without deep roots. This reverses the colonial story. The settler restores. He does not displace.
Settlements give Israel strategic depth and a buffer against attack. Building on the hilltops becomes self defense rather than expansion. Withdrawal invites rockets, so staying is prudence.
There is no peace partner. Every Israeli concession meets rejection and more violence. Failed talks reflect the other side’s bad faith, not any settler obligation to compromise.
International law, UN resolutions, and foreign criticism apply a double standard and often rest on antisemitism. This lets the settler set outside pressure aside as bias rather than law.
The community, the subsidies, the open space, and the traditional home make the West Bank a sound place to raise Jewish children. Quality of life keeps pragmatic settlers alongside the ideological ones.
The land belongs to the Jewish people, and Arab residence confers no sovereign claim over it. Eternal title outranks present demography.
Living here carries on the pioneering spirit of early Zionism and blocks the permanent partition of the homeland. Withdrawal betrays the founders. Settlement becomes the only consistent Zionism.
Providence protects the settlers, and opposition from abroad or at home is a test of faith. Violence, isolation, and hardship become proof of the cause rather than reasons to rethink it.
These beliefs reinforce each other. They coordinate action, justify the flow of state resources, hold solidarity against critics, and turn moral doubt into moral clarity. A religious settler leans on the first two. A secular one leans on the fourth and the seventh. The cluster carries them both.
Turner might add a caution the critics of settlement tend to skip. Every coalition runs on convenient beliefs, and the people who oppose the settlements hold their own: that the 1967 lines are natural, that a Palestinian state brings peace, that international law speaks with one clear voice. Naming the settlers’ convenient beliefs does not refute them. It shows what the beliefs do. Whether any of them is also true is a separate question, and it stays open.
