Israel’s stunning success blowing up Hezbollah terrorist leaders through their pagers (9-17-24)

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What could be more democratic than Trump-proofing? (9-15-24)

01:00 Ruthless podcast on the Harris v Trump debate is the best dissection of the ABC News debate, https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/emergency-pod-how-abc-rigged-the-debate/id1535384390?i=1000669207209
04:30 They’re eating the dogs, https://x.com/mjfree/status/1834655232019640606
08:30 Stand-Up 101: The Fundamentals, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WHK0m9iqmjQ
12:00 Comic Catherine Shannon, https://www.instagram.com/catherineshannon/reels/
14:00 Howard Kurtz analyzes ABC’s biased debate
17:00 Trump-Proofing Is Anti-Democratic, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=157423
44:00 The morality of abortion, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=157431
48:00 Kip joins to talk abortion
55:00 Kip’s gratitude for Pierre Grimes & the Noetic Society, https://www.noeticsociety.org/
1:20:00 The New York Times Displays Contradictory Attitudes Towards IQ, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=157412

Posted in America | Comments Off on What could be more democratic than Trump-proofing? (9-15-24)

Abortion

I don’t talk much about abortion. It’s not a big issue for me, but my thinking on it has been fairly consistent: Most abortions are immoral and abortion should be legal for the first trimester. I like what France does – you have to indicate that you are in distress to get an abortion.

When I hear women celebrating their abortions, that disturbs me. When I hear women say that abortion is just something that every woman goes through, that disturbs me. But what primarily disturbs me in these conversations is the painful recognition of my own moral weakness.

I identify as a sex and love addict, and as an addict, I recognize that when I am in the throes of addiction, I’ll use everyone I can to meet my addictive needs.

My stepmom has a good nickname for me – “User!”

I first had sex in February of 1989 and that relationship lasted until I moved to Australia that September.

Once down under, I decided to convert to Judaism, and as part of that commitment, I determined to not just abstain from sex, but to abstain from behavior and situations that made sex more likely. Eventually, to get my wild self under control, I quit masturbation for over a year and as much as possible avoided touching women. This monk life was accompanied by isolation and depression as I struggled with Chronic Fatigue Syndrome. I spent about 20 hours a day in bed.

In 1992, a Seventh-Day Adventist scholar counseled me that my greatest need was for community. I agreed with him. I began placing and responding to single ads and a trickle of women came to visit me in Newcastle, CA 95658. My commitment to chastity weakened in the presence of attractive women, and in the face of one woman’s outrageous curves (E-cup breasts), I plunged into sin. I enjoyed my plunges so much that at times I decided to up their intensity by going in raw and pulling out before my climax.

“I can’t believe you did that,” she said. “You’re normally so disciplined.”

“What would you do if you got pregnant?” I asked.

“I’d get rid of it, and I wouldn’t even tell you,” she said.

The sex addict in me was thrilled while the thoughtful considerate part of me was appalled.

Once launched into my fuckathon (by 1993 I had regained enough of my health to live two-thirds of a normal life), I tried to reassure myself that I was doing my promiscuity ethically. This was a delusion. I think most women regret sex that does not lead to marriage. I’d tell myself that I’d never touch a married woman. Then I repeatedly encountered married women who delighted in leading me on for the attention highs and then springing “I’m married” once I began my final march to intercourse.

I don’t believe I’ve ever had sex with a married woman, but way too much of the reason for that was luck.

To the best of my knowledge, I’ve never impregnated anyone nor ever caught an STD. I’ve never broken the law, though there was that time when I was shagging in the back of my girlfriend’s station wagon in the empty synagogue parking lot and the police rolled up on us and we got off because the officer recognized me as the guy who’d opened the door for him at the synagogue a few days previous.

At the time, I lived across the street from the shul. There was a mixed race couple next door (black guy, white woman). To demonstrate my non-racist credentials, I showed the guy around the synagogue one day. Shortly thereafter, he disappeared and the police showed up looking for him due to charges of assault on his girlfriend. She told us that she was afraid of him.

At least two girlfriends (I was first with Beverly Hills adjacent Woman A for a few weeks and then I had a pre-arranged trip to New York for a month to stay with Woman B, then I came back to stay with Woman A until she wised up, lent me $500 to repair my car, which I paid back within two months) broke up with me in 1994 because their friends, family and therapists told them that I was using them. At the time, I was desperately poor and living out of my car. It was a blessing to stay in their nice apartments. Both women were five years older than me and they were ready to settle down. My two previous girlfriends were 8 and 11 years older than me.

The more sex I had, the more positions and scenarios I tried, the more partners I had, the more I thought about sex. I became intoxicated and then addicted. Twelve-step programs and growing older helped me get better. I’ve been emotionally sober in this arena since 2012 (meaning that I respect my behavior over the past 12 years with women as I have not acted like a pig, and I have not engaged in mortifying self-destructive and socially destructive behavior such as promiscuity and cheating and lying).

Kamala Harris reminds me of the many women who’ve scolded me. Yes, I’ve usually deserved the scolding, but on those occasions when the scolding was over the top, I did not appreciate it, man. Remember when senators interrogated Brett Kavanagh over his drinking? I hope someone interrogates Kamala Harris over her drinking.

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The Price Of Anti-White Racism

Helen Andrews writes:

Government programs tend to funnel money from white taxpayers to non-white beneficiaries. White students are a tiny fraction of public school enrollment in cities like New York and San Francisco, about 15%, but white parents are disproportionately among the cities’ wealthiest taxpayers. Sixty percent of Medicaid recipients are non-white, as were the majority of people who gained health coverage under Obamacare between 2010 and 2015, “which might help explain the white animus to Obamacare,” Carl writes. “It’s yet another government healthcare program disproportionately paid for by whites and disproportionately benefitting minorities.”

The migration of white families from cities to the suburbs in the second half of the 20th century—the phenomenon known as “white flight”—represented a huge financial cost, Carl observes. “Whites fled inner-city neighborhoods and the homes and businesses they had built there, losing billions of dollars of capital that their ancestors had worked decades and even centuries to accumulate.” Between 1950 and today, the white share of the population has plummeted in cities such as Milwaukee (97% to 33%), Philadelphia (87% to 34%), Chicago (89% to 31%), Boston (95% to 44%), New York (90% to 31%), and Akron (94% to 55%). Behind those numbers are millions of tragic stories of families who fled streets no longer safe to walk down and schools no longer safe for their children to attend. Carl’s own forebears were among them.

In March 2024, the salaries of hundreds of diversity, equity, and inclusion bureaucrats at the University of Virginia were revealed by a Freedom of Information Act request. The highest paid made $587,340; the total cost of all DEI staff was $20 million.

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Trump-Proofing Is Anti-Democratic

The same people who argue that Donald Trump represents a mortal threat to democracy are also doing everything they can to Trump-proof and render the election of Donald Trump as meaningless as possible.

Christopher Caldwell writes:

European diplomats and their advisors boasted of how they planned to “Trump-proof” the international order, starting with aid to the Ukrainian war effort. On one hand, European leaders were recognizing the immovable democratic reality that the present-day Republican Party represents: none failed to swear loyalty to the Trumpian proposition that Europe ought to pay more for its defense. On the other hand, they continued to cast Trumpism as a “threat to democracy,” albeit one that could be neutralized with the help of a few political tricks. They proposed a $100-billion five-year funding plan for the Ukrainian war effort, shifted authority over the arms-contributing nations from the U.S. to NATO itself, and declared Ukraine’s path to NATO membership “irreversible.”

Even in the best of circumstances, “Trump-proofing” would appear to be a counterproductive strategy. Leaders do not get to lay out the policies of their elected successors. Were NATO to reconfigure itself in such a way as to stymie the verdicts of American democracy, it would alienate many more Americans from the alliance than President Trump has thus far managed to. And the roll-out was poorly timed. A few days after the summit, a gunman in Butler, Pennsylvania, would try to Trump-proof the West in his own way: by sending the former president to kingdom come.

But Europeans are less worried than one would think by that kind of threat to democracy. Wrapped up in a collection of American-style arguments over corruption and populism and ethnic strife, they have adopted a style of politics that a decade ago seemed unique to the United States: mixing up domestic and foreign policy, constitutionalizing policy differences, suppressing dissent over dubious experimental policies, failing to distinguish between loyal opposition and treason, refusing to surrender power when they surrender power…

In an extraordinary essay published in Le Figaro in mid-July, the political philosopher Pierre Manent described a situation in which the rhetoric of “defending democracy” was itself becoming a threat to democracy. The excommunication of the National Rally creates a powerful governing tool for the political class, “a means of social and moral control that it uses to undermine the sincerity and the freedom of the civic conversation.”

In a functioning democracy, Manent points out, voters choose between competing visions for the community. But in today’s hyper-moralized democracy the choice is between “the legitimate community and those excluded from the legitimate community.” The ruse is self-defeating. If one party to the elections is illegitimate, then the government is, too: We didn’t vote to install it, voters will say, but to exclude the alternative. That is why the National Rally has been able to attract voters without ever having developed a coherent plan for governing. The establishment’s attempt to delegitimize the main party of the French working class has boomeranged back on the establishment itself.

…the most truculent members of NATO tend to be the most lightly armed. Between them, he notes, the Baltic states—Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia—have fewer than 50,000 soldiers and not a single main battle tank.

Pierre Manent wrote first for Le Figaro and then had his essay translated into English:

Perhaps the dissolution of the National Assembly, along with its consequences, will turn out to be the “extrinsic accident” that, according to Machiavelli, requires cities to “become aware of themselves” and to refound themselves. In the confusion and the lightning flash of this summer, a light has been lit: we must return home. Salvation will not come from “Europe,” which withdraws as soon as an emergency knocks on the door, and still less from the people-humanity that finds unity and energy only in hatred. Salvation will come only from “us,” from the French people governing ourselves according to the representative republic, the regime whose authority our higher courts have time and again obscured and whose functioning they have hindered. No one will come to our aid if we do not want to govern ourselves.

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