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The Great Delusion About The Great Books Curriculum

In his 2018 book, The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities, John J. Mearsheimer wrote:

My view is that we are profoundly social beings from the start to the finish of our lives and that individualism is of secondary importance… Liberalism downplays the social nature of human beings to the point of almost ignoring it, instead treating people largely as atomistic actors… Political liberalism… is an ideology that is individualistic at its core and assigns great importance to the concept of inalienable rights. This concern for rights is the basis of its universalism—everyone on the planet has the same inherent set of rights—and this is what motivates liberal states to pursue ambitious foreign policies. The public and scholarly discourse about liberalism since World War II has placed enormous emphasis on what are commonly called human rights. This is true all around the world, not just in the West. “Human rights,” Samuel Moyn notes, “have come to define the most elevated aspirations of both social movements and political entities—state and interstate. They evoke hope and provoke action.”
[Humans] do not operate as lone wolves but are born into social groups or societies that shape their identities well before they can assert their individualism. Moreover, individuals usually develop strong attachments to their group and are sometimes willing to make great sacrifices for their fellow members. Humans are often said to be tribal at their core. The main reason for our social nature is that the best way for a person to survive is to be embedded in a society and to cooperate with fellow members rather than act alone… Despite its elevated ranking, reason is the least important of the three ways we determine our preferences. It certainly is less important than socialization. The main reason socialization matters so much is that humans have a long childhood in which they are protected and nurtured by their families and the surrounding society, and meanwhile exposed to intense socialization. At the same time, they are only beginning to develop their critical faculties, so they are not equipped to think for themselves. By the time an individual reaches the point where his reasoning skills are well developed, his family and society have already imposed an enormous value infusion on him. Moreover, that individual is born with innate sentiments that also strongly influence how he thinks about the world around him. All of this means that people have limited choice in formulating a moral code, because so much of their thinking about right and wrong comes from inborn attitudes and socialization…

If Mearsheimer (b. 1947) is correct that humans are tribal, profoundly social beings whose moral codes are largely fixed by early childhood socialization rather than reason, the modern justification for the Great Books curriculum requires a complete overhaul.

Today, elite American universities usually defend the Great Books through a standard liberal framework. They claim these texts teach individual critical thinking, expose students to universal human truths, and allow autonomous actors to construct their own moral worldview through reason.

If Mearsheimer is right, that entire defense is an illusion. Here are the implications for the curriculum and how it must be taught to yield maximum social value.

A Great Books education cannot be a tool for self-creation or the discovery of universal human rights. Under Mearsheimer’s logic, a student does not read Plato or Machiavelli as an atomistic individual operating in a vacuum of pure reason. He reads them through the lens of the social group that nurtured him.

Reason does not drive the student’s preferences; his tribal socialization drives how he employs his reason. Therefore, expecting a Great Books curriculum to transform students into universal cosmo-liberals who view all of humanity as an undifferentiated group of rights-bearing individuals is a structural error. The texts will simply be weaponized to defend the existing prejudices of the student’s tribe.

If Mearsheimer is right, the curriculum must abandon its post-World War II framing of universalism. Instructors should stop teaching these texts as a steady march toward the realization of global human rights or a borderless liberal peace.

Instead, maximum social value is achieved by teaching the Great Books as the specific, tribal inheritance of Western civilization. The curriculum should be taught as a historical record of how one particular culture established its internal cohesion, managed its internal conflicts, and survived. Teaching the texts this way aligns with human nature by reinforcing a shared social fabric rather than pretending students can discard their group identity for a phantom global citizenship.

If people are tribal and reason serves socialization, then the Great Books are best used to understand the competitive nature of human groups. The curriculum should emphasize writers who analyze power, group survival, and the limits of reason.

Thucydides and Machiavelli must form the core of the curriculum. They show that the international system is anarchic and that groups must compete for survival.

Hobbes and Rousseau should be taught to demonstrate how fragile social order is, and how deeply men depend on a sovereign or a community to escape isolation.

Locke and Mill should still be read, but explicitly as the tribal ideology of the West—an ideology that can create internal stability at home but causes disaster when crusading elites attempt to export it globally through ambitious foreign policies.

To provide the highest social value, instructors must shift the classroom environment from an exercise in abstract moralizing to an analysis of group logic.

Classes should focus on how values are infused into societies and how those values create cohesion or conflict. Instead of asking students, “What is the abstractly just choice in this text?” the instructor should ask, “How does this text help a society survive, and what happens to a group when these core ideas fracture?”

By treating the Great Books as a study of group survival and the limits of human reason, the curriculum prepares citizens for the world as it is—an arena of competing groups—rather than the world as liberal hyper-individualism imagines it to be. This approach curbs the dangerous universalist impulses of the ruling class and grounds students in the reality of their own social architecture.

Does anyone do anything close to this?

No major institution implements this approach, because it directly contradicts the dominant post-World War II consensus. Most existing Great Books programs, whether at secular institutions like St. John’s College and the University of Chicago, or traditional religious schools like Thomas Aquinas College, teach the canon to cultivate universal reason, individual moral self-determination, or human flourishing. They are designed to expand the mind beyond the tribe, not to ground the student within the logic of tribal survival.

However, three distinct traditions approach this realist, group-centric philosophy from different angles.

One. The closest operational version of this curriculum exists inside military war colleges and specific international relations graduate programs, rather than undergraduate humanities departments. Institutions like the U.S. Naval War College or the Stratis Strategy Center treat classic texts exactly as tools for civilizational and political survival.

When these programs teach Thucydides, Hobbes, Machiavelli, and Clausewitz, they discard the liberal lens entirely. They do not read Thucydides to mourn the loss of Athenian democracy; they read him to analyze how shifting power balances make war inevitable. The text serves as an instrument to train strategic elites to ensure state survival in an anarchic world.

Two. The intellectual lineage following Leo Strauss (1899–1973) reads the Great Books with a deep skepticism toward universal progress, modern liberalism, and the standard Enlightenment narrative. Straussians argue that classical political philosophy contains esoteric truths about the permanent friction between political order and philosophical inquiry.

Thinkers in this tradition, such as Allan Bloom (1930–1992) in The Closing of the American Mind, argued that the Great Books should be used to protect the specific cultural and political health of Western civilization against the solvent of modern moral relativism. While Straussians still place a high value on reason, they reject the post-WWII cosmopolitan human rights consensus, viewing it as a dangerous delusion that blinds a society to the enduring realities of regime survival and political conflict.

Three. During the early to mid-20th century, the “Western Civilization” courses introduced at Columbia University and later adopted across America resembled this model. They were established partly to provide a diverse, immigrant-heavy nation with a unified civic identity and a shared cultural vocabulary. The goal was explicit socialization: to ground American citizens in a specific civilizational inheritance so they could understand and defend the institutional structure of their society. As the century progressed, this model was either abandoned or rewritten to fit the universalist, globalist paradigm, shifting the focus from preserving a specific inheritance to critiquing it through a global lens.

If Mearsheimer’s anthropology is correct, the most important Great Books are those that dismantle the illusion of universal liberal progress and expose the raw mechanisms of group survival, socialization, and power.

To achieve maximum social value for Americans today, the curriculum must prioritize texts that explain how tribes form, how they maintain internal cohesion, and how they collide in an anarchic world.

Here are the essential books that must form the core of that education.

1. Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War

Thucydides is the foundational text for this entire framework. He provides the ultimate demonstration of how groups behave under the pressure of survival, stripping away the rhetoric of justice and human rights.

The central takeaway is the Melian Dialogue, where the Athenian empire tells the weak Melians that “the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must.” Thucydides teaches that when the chips are down, group interest and security override moral declarations. For Americans socialized to believe that global institutions and universal norms dictate world politics, Thucydides is the ultimate antidote.

2. Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan (Part I and II)

Hobbes (1588-1679) provides the psychological and structural blueprint for why humans are profoundly social and tribal.

Hobbes demonstrates that the “state of nature,” a world of atomistic individuals operating as lone wolves, is a nightmare of constant fear and violent death. Humans flee this isolation by surrendering their autonomy to a sovereign power in exchange for protection. Hobbes illustrates Mearsheimer’s point perfectly: our social nature is driven by the stark reality that survival requires being embedded in a tight, rule-bound society. It forces students to realize that the state is not a luxury or a vehicle for global charity, but a fragile fortress that keeps chaos at bay.

3. Niccolò Machiavelli, The Prince and Discourses on Livy

Machiavelli (1469-1527) is essential because he separates political reality from Christian or liberal morality. He analyzes the world as it is, not as it should be.

Machiavelli teaches that a leader’s primary moral duty is the survival and glory of his state, which often requires actions that are immoral on an individual level. In Discourses on Livy, he focuses on how civic virtue and intense socialization are required to keep a republic from decaying from within. This teaches Americans that internal cohesion is not automatic. It requires deliberate, tribal cultivation and a shared identity.

4. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourse on the Origin of Inequality

While Rousseau (1712-1778) is often claimed by the left, his political architecture is deeply collectivist and particular.

Rousseau explains how a society creates a “General Will” that is greater than the sum of its individual parts. He argues that true citizens are shaped completely by their laws and customs from childhood. He famously notes that a citizen of Sparta was so thoroughly socialized that he did not view himself as an individual, but purely as a part of the Spartan collective. Rousseau exposes the fiction of the modern cosmopolitan traveler, showing that a man without a specific country and a specific tribe is politically homeless and weak.

5. Edmund Burke, Reflections on the Revolution in France

Burke (1729-1797) provides the conservative, sociological defense of Mearsheimer’s observation that family and society infuse values into a child long before he can think for himself.

Burke attacks the French revolutionaries for trying to rebuild society from scratch based on abstract, universal “rights of man.” He argues that society is a contract between the dead, the living, and those yet to be born. Our loyalties start with our immediate group, what he calls the “little platoon,” and expand outward to the nation. Burke teaches Americans that prejudice, tradition, and inherited habits are not irrational biases to be erased by liberal education, but vital social glue that protects a civilization from fracturing.

6. Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political

Schmitt (1888–1885) is the most controversial addition, but if Mearsheimer’s tribal view is correct, his inclusion is non-negotiable.

Schmitt argues that the core of politics is the distinction between friend and enemy. A group only exists politically if it can decide who is part of the group and who poses an existential threat to it. He mocks liberalism for trying to turn politics into an endless economic debate or a legalistic conversation about universal human rights. Schmitt teaches Americans that the world cannot be neutralized into a single human family; as long as different human groups exist, the friend-enemy distinction will remain.

If taught together, these six authors teach Americans that their survival depends on the strength and internal cohesion of their specific political community. They show that liberalism’s universalist crusades abroad are dangerous delusions born from a misunderstanding of human nature, and that the first duty of any society is to protect its own borders, its own people, and its own shared cultural heritage.

The anthropology of John J. Mearsheimer and that of the National Socialists share a fundamental starting point: both reject the liberal view of human beings as atomistic individuals possessing universal human rights. Both argue that humans are inherently social, group-oriented, and bound to their specific community for survival.

However, beneath this surface structural similarity lies a vast, unbridgeable chasm regarding the nature of that group identity and the rules that govern the world.

Both perspectives operate on an explicitly anti-universalist logic. They agree that the concept of universal human rights is a fiction, often used by dominant powers as an ideological smokescreen to achieve hegemony.

Both views hold that the individual is secondary to the collective. A person is born into an existing society that shapes his identity, language, and moral outlook long before his individual reasoning skills develop.

Both systems view international politics as a zero-sum arena of competing groups where survival is the ultimate goal and law or morality cannot save a weak state from a strong one.

The crucial difference is what defines the group and how that group must behave.

Nazi anthropology is rooted in biological determinism and racial mysticism. They believed that race is a hard, genetic reality that dictates a man’s spiritual, intellectual, and moral worth. In their view, the racial group must expand biologically, conquer other races, and either subjugate or eliminate them in a social-Darwinist struggle for global racial dominance.

Mearsheimer’s anthropology is cultural and structural. He defines the primary group as the nation—a socially constructed community bound by shared history, language, and culture, not genetics. More importantly, Mearsheimer is an offensive realist. His structural logic dictates that states seek security, not endless conquest. He argues that the international system penalizes states that attempt global or regional domination because other groups will naturally balance against them. Where Nazism commands aggressive, genocidal expansion, Mearsheimer’s framework warns that such expansion is a strategic blunder that leads to national ruin.

The movements and societies that closest exemplify Mearsheimer’s view are those that champion particularist nationalism—the idea that a specific people has a right to its own state, that its primary duty is to its own citizens, and that it has no interest in governing or transforming the rest of the world.

1. 19th-Century Classical Zionism

The political Zionism formulated by Theodor Herzl (1860–1904) aligns remarkably well with Mearsheimer’s anthropology. Herzl recognized that humans are fundamentally tribal and that anti-Semitism was a permanent feature of European group dynamics. He realized that Jews could never survive as atomistic individuals relying on the liberal promises of universal tolerance or assimilation. The only rational solution for survival was for the Jewish people to become a nation among nations, embedded within their own state with a hard border to protect their specific collective.

2. The Mid-20th Century Anti-Colonial Independence Movements

Movements like the Indian Independence Movement led by the Indian National Congress, or the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN), operated on a deeply particularist, national-cohesion logic.

They rejected the British or French liberal claims of a “universal civilizing mission.”

They recognized that their survival and dignity required intense internal socialization around a shared national identity to throw off foreign rule.

Once independence was achieved, these movements generally focused on state-building and internal consolidation rather than exporting their ideology globally. They wanted their own state for their own tribe, period.

3. Gaullism in post-WWII France

The political philosophy of Charles de Gaulle (1890–1970) rejected both Anglo-American liberal universalism and Soviet internationalism. De Gaulle famously argued that the only permanent realities in world history are nations (les réalités nationales), while ideologies like liberalism or communism are merely passing fashions used by empires to advance their own interests. Gaullism prioritized French internal cohesion, independent nuclear deterrence, and a cold, clear-eyed focus on national survival in an anarchic world, while explicitly rejecting the urge to join global ideological crusades.

4. The Contemporary National-Conservative and Sovereigntist Movements

The modern resurgence of populist nationalism across the West—exemplified by movements emphasizing border control, economic protectionism, and cultural preservation—is the closest contemporary match. These movements explicitly argue that globalist institutions pretending to represent a “global community” are a delusion. They share Mearsheimer’s view that a man’s primary moral obligation is to his own national family, and that the state should focus entirely on the security and well-being of its own people rather than spending blood and treasure on ambitious foreign policies to spread liberalism abroad.

If Mearsheimer’s anthropology is correct, free speech and free inquiry cannot be justified as inalienable, universal human rights. They do not exist as natural properties of human beings. Instead, they are fragile, highly specific cultural tools created by a particular society to help it solve problems and survive.

In this framework, free speech is a luxury asset that a cohesive tribe permits itself under specific conditions—never an absolute principle that trumps the security of the group.

Mearsheimer argues that reason is subordinate to socialization. However, a society still needs reason to calculate its interests, develop technology, and assess threats in an anarchic world. If a state completely suppresses free inquiry, its leadership class becomes blind, trapped in its own dogmatic echo chamber.

Therefore, a realist framework allows for free inquiry not to validate the individual’s self-expression, but to prevent strategic blunder.

Free speech functions as a diagnostic tool. It allows a society to stress-test its policies, weed out incompetent leaders, and adapt to changing external realities. A tribe that allows zero internal debate will eventually miscalculate its security environment and be destroyed by more adaptive competitors.

Because the primary goal of any group is survival, free speech will always be sharply curtailed the moment it threatens internal cohesion or national security.

If humans are tribal, then no society will ever tolerate speech that attacks its own founding myths or encourages alignment with an external enemy. When a nation faces an existential crisis or goes to war, the illusion of universal free speech vanishes instantly. The tribe moves to suppress dissent, enforce narrative conformity, and punish those who fracture the group’s willpower.

Under this view, the recent rise of corporate and state censorship across the West is not an aberration; it is human nature reasserting itself as elite consensus fractures and global competition intensifies.

For the university and the Great Books classroom, a Mearsheimer-style anthropology completely changes the rules of debate.

The goal of education cannot be a completely open-ended, consequence-free interrogation of all values. Because children and young adults are highly susceptible to socialization and have unformed critical faculties, exposing them to endless, unchecked deconstruction before they are anchored in their own tradition does not liberate them. It atomizes them, rendering the society weak and fragmented.

Free inquiry within a Great Books curriculum must therefore occur inside a secure perimeter. Students are taught the Western tradition first to anchor their identity and build social cohesion. Only after that value infusion is secure can free inquiry be deployed as a practical discipline—a tool to analyze the world accurately, understand the motivations of competing tribes, and ensure the survival of their own.

If Mearsheimer’s anthropology is correct, how should intellectuals go about their work (which tends to seek importance through deconstruction) with regard for both their own safety, standing and the health of society? Would Leo Strauss’s technique of hiding one’s heretical views be useful?

If Mearsheimer’s anthropology is correct, intellectuals are playing with fire. The standard modern intellectual seeks status and tenure through deconstruction—peeling back the layers of national myths, traditional morality, and social hierarchies to expose them as arbitrary.

In a liberal framework, this is viewed as a noble, courageous pursuit of truth. In Mearsheimer’s framework, it is a form of civic suicide. By dissolving the shared values that bind the group, the deconstructive intellectual actively weakens the internal cohesion his society needs to survive in an anarchic world.

Furthermore, because humans are tribal at their core, a society will eventually protect itself. When an intellectual’s deconstruction threatens the group’s core survival mechanisms, the tribe will inevitably turn on him to protect its structural integrity.

To maintain his safety, protect his social standing, and preserve the health of his society, the intellectual must completely alter his methodology.

The technique described by Leo Strauss of esoteric writing becomes an essential tool for survival under this anthropology. Strauss argued that before the modern era, the greatest political philosophers (like Plato, Al-Farabi, and Maimonides) wrote with two distinct audiences in mind. They packed their texts with an exoteric (surface-level) meaning for the general public, and an esoteric (hidden) meaning for a small circle of philosophic readers.

If Mearsheimer’s view holds, this dual-layer technique is useful for three reasons:

The general public requires intense socialization and a firm infusion of values to function cohesively. Raw, unvarnished truths about the amoral nature of power, the arbitrariness of legal orders, or the fragility of religious myths can cause mass cynicism and social decay if broadcast indiscriminately. Esoteric writing allows the intellectual to explore these dangerous realities with other elites without shattering the protective illusions of the broader populace.

By burying heretical or realist conclusions beneath a surface layer of orthodox, patriotic, or conventional language, the intellectual avoids triggering the tribe’s defense mechanisms. He retains his elite standing and avoids cancellation or persecution because the standard gatekeepers only read the surface narrative.

A society needs a small, clear-eyed group of thinkers who understand the world exactly as it is to prevent strategic blunders. Esotericism creates a secure, private room where the ruling elite can analyze raw power dynamics and structural realities without causing domestic panic or political fragmentation.

If an intellectual chooses not to hide his views through Straussian esotericism, Mearsheimer’s anthropology demands that he shift his public work from deconstruction to construction.

Instead of asking, “How do I dismantle this inherited tradition?” the responsible intellectual must ask, “How do I fortify the social structures that keep this community safe?”

His public scholarship should focus on reinforcing civic virtue, strengthening the “little platoons” of family and local community, and explaining the realities of international competition to the public. He uses his reason not to tear down the foundational myths of his tribe, but to help the tribe adapt its traditions to meet modern existential threats. By aligning his work with the survival instincts of the group, the intellectual guarantees his own safety, elevates his social standing, and fulfills his primary duty to the civilization that nurtures him.

Orthodox Jewish intellectuals working within the framework of the mesorah (the transmitted tradition) provide an exact, living example of this principle. They operate with a clear understanding that ideas have social consequences, and that indiscriminate distribution of certain truths can shatter the communal cohesion required for group survival.

Within the mesorah, this careful gatekeeping of knowledge is not seen as malicious deception. It is an act of deep pastoral and communal responsibility.

The classical architecture of Jewish thought has always maintained a strict boundary between public instruction and elite analysis.

The public arena is governed by Halakha (the law). It is clear, action-oriented, and universal across the community. It provides the intense, daily socialization that Mearsheimer identifies as essential for group survival. It binds the atomized individual to the collective through shared rituals, diet, and calendar, creating an incredibly resilient social fabric.

Conversely, esoteric truths—whether the philosophical complexities of Maimonides’ Guide for the Perplexed or the mystical insights of Kabbalah—were historically restricted. The Mishnah explicitly states that certain deep, potentially destabilizing topics should not be taught publicly, but only to a single student at a time, and only if that student is wise, mature, and capable of understanding on his own.

The logic behind this restriction matches the Straussian and Mearsheimer critique of modern intellectual life. An intellectual who drops complex, deconstructive, or highly abstract ideas into the public square without regard for the recipient’s foundation causes deep harm.

For the masses, whose faith and social stability are built on inherited habits and healthy socialization rather than abstract philosophical proofs, exposing them to raw, unshielded theological difficulties or historical-critical analysis does not liberate them. It induces doubt, anxiety, and eventual alienation from the community. It strips away the protective insulation of the mesorah, leaving the individual atomized and vulnerable.

Orthodox intellectuals who respect the mesorah use their critical faculties to fortify the fortress, not to breach its walls. When they encounter challenging historical data, philosophical contradictions, or complex theological questions, they process these issues within elite, highly trained circles.

Their public-facing work is constructive. They translate complex realities into actionable, stable guidance that preserves the community’s boundaries and strengthens its internal loyalty. They recognize a fundamental truth that modern secular academia has forgotten: an intellectual’s primary duty is to ensure that the chain of tradition remains unbroken, preserving the social architecture that allows his people to survive in a chaotic world.

Changing the Immutable: How Orthodox Judaism Rewrites Its History

If Mearsheimer’s anthropology is correct, it changes how a reader should interpret Marc Shapiro’s Changing the Immutable.
Shapiro, writing as a modern academic historian, approaches his subject with a clear commitment to objective factual truth. He uncovers hundreds of instances where the Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) world has censored, airbrushed, or altered historical texts, photographs, and rabbinic rulings. The standard liberal response to Shapiro’s book is moral outrage at an “Orwellian” suppression of facts.
If you read Shapiro through Mearsheimer’s lens, however, the book ceases to be an expose on religious dishonesty. Instead, it becomes a brilliant, empirical case study in how a highly successful tribe manages its internal socialization to ensure its own survival.
Mearsheimer’s framework adds value to understanding Shapiro’s findings in three ways:
One. Shapiro notes that Orthodox historiography often views truth as entirely instrumental—what matters is not what happened, but what leads to piety and faith in the Sages. Mearsheimer’s anthropology explains exactly why this happens. If humans are tribal, and if intense childhood socialization is the primary tool for injecting the values needed to keep the tribe intact, then an accurate historical record is a secondary luxury. The primary function of history within the tribe is pedagogical. The text must serve the social architecture. If an ancestor held a view that would confuse a modern student, weaken his faith, or cause internal fracturing, altering the text protects the student’s unformed critical faculties and preserves communal unity.
Two. Shapiro documents the censorship of radical or unconventional positions held by towering figures like Maimonides, Rabbi Samson Raphael Hirsch, and Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook. Through a Mearsheimer-style lens, this textual tampering is a defensive operation. In an open, anarchic cultural marketplace, exposing the masses to complex internal contradictions, historical deviations, or lenient past standards creates cognitive dissonance. It introduces doubt, which leads to atomization—the individual breaking away from the collective. By smoothing over the rough edges of history, the rabbinic elite maintain a unified front that shields ordinary members from the destabilizing effects of raw, unvarnished data.
Three. Shapiro shows that this practice is not a modern aberration; it has precedents dating back to talmudic times. Mearsheimer’s view implies that this plasticity is precisely why the Jewish people survived thousands of years of exile without a state. A rigid adherence to literal, unchanging history would have shattered the group under changing external pressures. The ability of the elite to quietly adapt the past to serve the religious needs of the present is a structural device. It allows the tribe to slide its cultural norms in response to external threats while maintaining the vital illusion of absolute, unbroken continuity.
Shapiro provides the data; Mearsheimer provides the underlying logic. Changing the Immutable demonstrates that when a community prioritizes the survival of its collective identity over the liberal value of absolute informational transparency, it chooses the path aligned with human anthropology.

Open Orthodoxy

If Mearsheimer’s anthropology is correct, it provides a cold, structural explanation for why the Open Orthodoxy movement—founded by Rabbi Avi Weiss in the late 1990s—faced such severe institutional backlash and why its attempt to merge liberal universalism with Orthodox communal structures was bound to create intense friction.

Open Orthodoxy explicitly sought to combine a strict commitment to Halakha (Jewish law) with an embrace of modern liberal values, including intellectual openness, inclusivity, and expanding leadership roles for women (such as ordaining female spiritual leaders).

Evaluating Open Orthodoxy through Mearsheimer’s lens strips away the ideological rhetoric and reveals the underlying group dynamics at play.

Mearsheimer argues that reason is subordinate to socialization. By the time a person reaches adulthood, his family and society have already imposed an enormous value infusion on him.

Open Orthodoxy attempted to inhabit two distinct, powerful systems of socialization simultaneously: the insular, particularist, authority-driven world of traditional Orthodoxy, and the open, egalitarian, universalist world of modern Western liberalism.

From a realist perspective, these two systems operate on contradictory core logics. Orthodoxy socializes the individual to submit to cumulative legal precedent and communal boundaries to preserve the group’s distinct identity. Modern liberalism socializes the individual to prioritize autonomy, equality, and universal rights. Open Orthodoxy tried to use reason to harmonize these two worldviews, but Mearsheimer’s framework suggests that because raw socialization drives our deepest preferences, the two tribes were destined to clash. Mainstream Orthodoxy viewed the movement not as a minor halakhic variation, but as a dangerous infection of foreign liberal socialization threatening the tribe’s internal architecture.

As seen in the analysis of Marc Shapiro’s work, traditional societies often guard their texts, histories, and practices to maintain an unblemished narrative that ensures absolute continuity and maximum internal cohesion.

Open Orthodoxy championed absolute transparency, intellectual openness, and a willingness to confront difficult modern critique. In Mearsheimer’s view, while this approach satisfies the liberal desire for truth, it strips away the protective insulation that a tribe uses to guard its members’ unformed critical faculties. By bringing modern academic critique, secular ethics, and egalitarian demands directly into the halakhic framework, Open Orthodoxy inadvertently threatened the very mechanisms that keep the Orthodox collective tightly bound. Mainstream rabbinic authorities reacted defensively because they recognized, consciously or instinctively, that breaking the traditional narrative front would lead to individual atomization and the eventual dissolution of the community’s distinct borders.

Mearsheimer’s anthropology dictates that when a group feels its core survival mechanism or identity is threatened, it moves to enforce narrative conformity and punish those who fracture its unity.

The fierce institutional pushback against Open Orthodoxy—including public condemnations from organizations like Agudath Israel, which declared the movement a radical departure from tradition, and the exclusion of its rabbis from mainstream circles—is exactly how a tribe behaves when it senses an existential threat. Mainstream Orthodoxy acted to protect its borders. By drawing a hard line and casting Open Orthodoxy outside the camp, the dominant Orthodox leadership reasserted the friend-enemy distinction necessary to keep their own community’s identity clear, sharp, and resilient against outer cultural pressures.

Through Mearsheimer, Open Orthodoxy is understood not merely as a theological debate over the limits of Jewish law, but as a structural experiment that tested whether a traditional, particularist tribe could absorb the hyper-individualistic values of its surrounding civilization without triggering its own survival alarms.

The Jacobs Affair

The Louis Jacobs affair is a case study for John Mearsheimer’s anthropology. The controversy erupted in British Jewry during the early 1960s when Rabbi Louis Jacobs (1920–2006) published We Have Reason to Believe. In the book, he used modern historical-critical methods to argue that the Torah was not dictated verbatim by God to Moses on Mount Sinai, but was instead a product of historical development through a series of divine-human encounters.

Jacobs thought he was offering a vital synthesis to save Anglo-Jewry, allowing Oxbridge-educated young Jews to remain committed to Orthodox law (Halakha) without intellectual dishonesty. Instead, the Orthodox establishment, led by Chief Rabbi Israel Brodie and fueled by a shifting demographic toward more traditional Eastern European families, blocked Jacobs from becoming principal of Jews’ College and effectively forced him out of the United Synagogue.

Through a standard liberal lens, this is a tragedy of fundamentalist overreach crushing free inquiry and intellectual honesty. If Mearsheimer’s anthropology is correct, however, the affair looks completely different. It reveals structural realities of how human groups maintain themselves.

Jacobs believed he could isolate Jewish practice from its foundational myth. He argued that one could reject literal verbal revelation while remaining fully committed to Jewish observances as divinely ordained via history.

Mearsheimer’s framework explains why the establishment found this position intolerable. A group’s daily socialization relies on an absolute value infusion during early childhood. Children are trained in the rigorous restrictions of the law long before they can reason. The psychological power that sustains this intense, lifelong socialization is the shared belief that the law is the unvarnished, direct command of God.

By introducing the documentary hypothesis and historical-critical analysis into mainstream Orthodox training, Jacobs was threatening to dissolve that authority structure. The establishment recognized that if the masses began to view the Torah as an evolving historical document, the absolute authority of the law would weaken, leading to individual atomization and assimilation.

Jacobs made the precise error that Leo Strauss warned against: he broadcast a destabilizing, elite academic critique directly to the public square.

Jacobs originally formulated these ideas for weekly classes at the New West End Synagogue and then published them in a popular book for the general reader. He operated under the liberal assumption that absolute transparency and open information are always net benefits for a community.

From a realist perspective, this was a massive strategic miscalculation. He forced a public confrontation on a topic that a highly cohesive tribe cannot afford to debate openly. By bringing the heresy out of the private library and into the public pews, he left the rabbinic leadership with no choice but to react.

The subsequent blacklisting of Jacobs, the removal of his congregation’s management committee by the United Synagogue council, and the vitriolic communal split were not irrational acts of malice. They were the natural, defensive movements of a tribe protecting its borders.

The Anglo-Jewish community at the time was facing severe assimilation pressures from secular British society. To survive, the group required absolute clarity regarding its identity, laws, and boundaries. When Jacobs introduced a theology that blurred the hard line of Orthodox dogma, the leadership invoked the friend-enemy distinction. They cast Jacobs out to preserve the internal cohesion and narrative alignment of the remaining collective.

The Louis Jacobs affair demonstrates that when the survival mechanisms of a community collide with an intellectual’s demand for absolute historical accuracy, the tribe will always choose survival.

The Ford Affair

The Desmond Ford controversy of 1980 is a Protestant parallel to the Louis Jacobs affair, and John Mearsheimer’s anthropology explains exactly why it occurred and why the institutional fallout was so severe.

Desmond Ford (1929–2019) was a controversial Australian theologian within the Seventh-day Adventist Church. In 1979, he gave a public lecture at Pacific Union College challenging the biblical basis for the church’s unique, core pillar: the “investigative judgment” and the heavenly sanctuary doctrine. This doctrine held that in October 1844, Christ entered the second phase of his heavenly ministry to review the lives of believers and see if their good works matched their claims of faith. Ford argued from the text of Hebrews and raw biblical scholarship that this doctrine lacked scriptural support and obscured the true Protestant gospel of justification by grace alone.

The church responded by convening the Sanctuary Review Committee at Glacier View Ranch in 1980, where administrators and theologians stripped Ford of his ministerial credentials, sparking a massive schism that cost the denomination over a hundred ministers.

Through the lens of modern liberal scholarship, this was an oppressive suppression of academic freedom and theological truth. Through Mearsheimer’s anthropology, it was a textbook operation of a tribe preserving its life-support systems.

Mearsheimer notes that the primary reason for our social nature is that the best way for a person to survive is to be embedded in a society. For a religious society, the glue that binds the group together is its unique prophetic narrative.

The 1844 heavenly sanctuary doctrine is not a minor theological footnote for Seventh-day Adventism; it is the structural reason for the church’s existence. The movement was born out of the “Great Disappointment” when William Miller’s prediction of Christ’s literal return on October 22, 1844, failed to occur. The heavenly sanctuary doctrine—validated by the visions of co-founder Ellen G. White—was the psychological mechanism that rescued the proto-Adventists from existential despair. It explained that the date was right, but the event was wrong.

By attacking the biblical basis of 1844, Ford was not just correcting a verse in Daniel; he was pulling the thread that held the entire tribal history together. If 1844 was a historical mistake, the unique identity and divine commission of the Seventh-day Adventist Church dissolved. The leadership defrocked Ford because they recognized that the historical accuracy of a date is secondary to the preservation of the myth that keeps the tribe cohesive.

Ford committed the classic intellectual blunder that Leo Strauss warned against: he made his deconstruction exoteric. He shared his radical critique of the investigative judgment in a public forum, and the tapes were quickly duplicated and circulated nationwide.

In Mearsheimer’s framework, humans undergo intense early childhood socialization when their critical faculties are unformed. For generations of Adventists, their entire moral, dietary, and social rhythm was built on the absolute authority of the church’s prophets and its prophetic timeline. When Ford introduced sophisticated theological deconstruction directly to the pews, he threatened to fracture that unformed foundation. He was forcing ordinary believers to choose between intellectual transparency and communal loyalty. The leadership stepped in at Glacier View to cut off the source of the cognitive dissonance before it caused widespread individual atomization.

The Glacier View meeting and the subsequent purging of ministers who sympathized with Ford were the natural defensive reactions of a group under threat. Mearsheimer’s anthropology dictates that when a group feels its core identity is endangered, it will move to enforce narrative conformity.

Administrators demanded that Ford recant and publicly denounce external critics. When he refused, they used the ultimate tool of group defense: exclusion. By drawing a hard line and declaring Ford’s positions outside the boundaries of authentic Adventism, the hierarchy reestablished the clear borders of the tribe. They chose to lose a hundred intellectuals rather than let those intellectuals compromise the internal architecture that kept the millions in the collective secure.

The Exodus Controversy

On Passover morning in 2001, Rabbi David Wolpe stood before his packed Los Angeles congregation at Sinai Temple and delivered a series of sermons declaring that according to modern archaeology, the Exodus from Egypt almost certainly did not happen the way the Bible describes it. He argued that historical accuracy was secondary to the spiritual and metaphorical truth of the narrative, urging his congregants to be brave enough to decouple their faith from literal history.

The resulting public furor was intense. Orthodox leaders accused him of undermining the foundation of Judaism, and commentator Dennis Prager wrote that Judaism could no more survive the denial of the Exodus than the denial of the Creator.

If Mearsheimer’s anthropology is correct, this controversy was not an abstract debate about archaeology or intellectual honesty. It was a high-stakes collision between liberal universalist intellectual habits and the non-negotiable survival logic of a tribe.

Wolpe made the precise strategic error that an understanding of human socialization warns against: he introduced a deeply destabilizing, deconstructive critique inside the sacred space of the tribe at the exact moment of its peak ritual activation.

Passover is the supreme communal mechanism for what Mearsheimer calls the value infusion of early childhood. The entire structure of the Seder—the questions asked by the youngest child, the explicit command for every individual to view himself as having personally come out of Egypt—is designed to bypass adult critical faculties and forge a permanent, visceral group identity. By delivering this sermon on Passover morning to people gathered precisely to celebrate that foundational national myth, Wolpe was not merely sharing an academic finding; he was actively introducing cognitive dissonance into the machinery of tribal socialization.

Wolpe operated on a modern liberal assumption: that reason can elegantly separate a practice from its myth, allowing an autonomous individual to maintain a commitment to Jewish life out of an abstract appreciation for its spiritual values.

Mearsheimer’s anthropology explains why the community reacted with such sharp self-defense. For a minority group surviving within a massive, enveloping secular civilization, abstract spiritual truth is not strong enough glue. The intense daily restrictions of Jewish law and identity require an absolute authority structure to prevent individual atomization. The psychological engine driving that authority is the shared conviction that these events literally happened to our ancestors—that the covenant is forged in blood and history, not poetry. As his critics recognized, telling the masses that the core national rescue story is a parable severely weakens the binding power of the community’s laws.

The overwhelming institutional backlash Wolpe received from Orthodox and conservative circles was the predictable, healthy immune response of a social organism.

Mearsheimer’s framework dictates that a group must maintain its narrative alignment to survive. When a prominent intellectual publicly fractures that alignment from within, the remaining leadership must invoke the friend-enemy distinction to protect the collective boundaries. The public denunciations and the fierce pushback served a vital sociological function: they re-established the hard line around the foundational narrative, signaling to the rest of the tribe that despite a high-profile rabbi’s declarations, the historical reality of the Exodus remained a non-negotiable boundary marker for the community’s identity.

Contemporary Intellectuals Who Share Mearsheimer’s Anthropology

Several men have developed and applied the core principles of this anti-universalist, group-centric anthropology. They write across different fields, but each operates on the premise that humans are tribal, that socialization overrides raw reason, and that the liberal model of the atomistic individual is a dangerous myth. None of them needed John J. Mearsheimer to teach them these basic truths.

Yoram Hazony

The Israeli political philosopher Yoram Hazony builds an entire political framework on this anthropology in his 2018 book, The Virtue of Nationalism. He rejects the liberal social contract theory of John Locke, arguing that individuals never exist in a state of nature where they freely choose their obligations through reason.
Hazony argues that humans are born into a state of embeddedness within a family, a clan, and ultimately a nation. These collectives provide the security necessary for survival, and in return, they demand loyalty. He notes that a person inherits his traditions, language, and moral duties before he is capable of independent critical thought. For Hazony, the supreme political entity is the independent nation-state, which allows a specific tribe to preserve its internal cohesion and unique cultural heritage without trying to govern the rest of the world. He views the liberal desire for global governance or universal human rights regimes as a form of imperial overreach that ignores the tribal architecture of human nature.

John Gray

The British philosopher John Gray has spent decades dismantling the Enlightenment myth of moral progress and human autonomy in books like Straw Dogs and The New Leviathans. Gray uses a pessimistic, naturalistic approach to show that human beings are simply a species of animal, driven by deep-seated instincts and tribal needs rather than conscious reason. Gray argues that what liberals call reason is usually just a tool used to invent post-hoc justifications for pre-rational group preferences and myths. He insists that while scientific and technological knowledge accumulates over time, human morality and politics are cyclical. Societies achieve order, decay into tribal conflict, and rebuild themselves, but they never progress toward a borderless, universal liberal peace. Gray applies this view to modern geopolitics, arguing that the collapse of Western interventions abroad and the rise of hyper-partisan fragmentation at home are the natural results of liberalism trying to suppress the permanent reality of human tribalism.

Patrick Deneen

In his 2018 book, Why Liberalism Failed, political theorist Patrick Deneen argues that the current political and social crises in the West are not failures of liberalism, but the natural consequence of its success. He claims that liberalism successfully dismantled all the thick social structures that used to socialize human beings.

Deneen argues that by liberating the individual from the constraints of family, church, local community, and tradition, liberalism created an atomized population of lonely, anxious consumers who possess no shared moral code. He claims that this atomization makes the population weak, leading to a massive expansion of the state to manage the resulting social chaos. Deneen’s solution mirrors Mearsheimer’s observation about the long childhood of human beings. He argues that the only way to restore social health is to rebuild local, particular communities that can intentionally infuse values into the next generation before their critical faculties develop, rather than allowing abstract liberal ideology to raise them.

Paul Gottfried

Gottfried is an intellectual bridge between Mearsheimer’s structural realism and the domestic critique of Western political institutions. As a political philosopher and historian, Gottfried takes the essential premise of Mearsheimer’s anthropology—that humans are profoundly social, non-individualistic beings whose primary vehicle for survival is a cohesive group—and applies it directly to the internal architecture of the modern Western state.

Gottfried builds on this foundation by tracking exactly what happens when a society tries to systematically replace organic group socialization with a manufactured ideological substitute.

Gottfried’s core contribution, laid out in his 1999 book After Liberalism: Mass Democracy in the Managerial State, is the argument that classical bourgeois liberalism died long ago. Classical liberalism relied on thin state intervention and thick social institutions—the family, the church, the local community—to handle the intense value infusion and socialization of the young.

The modern Western regime, which Gottfried calls the managerial state, operates on the opposite logic. Borrowing from James Burnham, Gottfried argues that a new class of civil servants, behavioral scientists, jurists, and media elites now populates the state apparatus. This managerial class maintains its power by systematically breaking down organic, local, and historical identities to turn citizens into atomized, interchangeable individuals.

In Multiculturalism and the Politics of Guilt (2002), Gottfried explains how the modern state executes this replacement. He notes that because humans cannot function as lone wolves and desperately need shared moral codes, the managerial state cannot leave the population in a vacuum of pure reason. It must provide a form of socialization. It does this by establishing a therapeutic state that functions as a secular theocracy. Instead of traditional religious or national myths, the state infuses the population with a new moral code built around global universalism, diversity, and historical guilt. Gottfried argues that the constant public rituals of self-abasement regarding past civilizational sins are a deliberate tool of social engineering. This new value infusion trains citizens to view their own inherited traditions as pathologies that require state-directed re-education. This observation mirrors Mearsheimer’s critique of the post-WWII human rights crusade: it is an artificial universalist ideology designed to bypass human nature, used by a ruling elite to justify its ongoing management of society.

Gottfried applies this anthropology to explain why free speech and free inquiry are shrinking across the West.

In a true liberal framework, the expansion of the state should lead to a wider marketplace of ideas. In Gottfried’s realist framework, because a group requires narrative alignment to maintain its power structure, the managerial elite cannot tolerate genuine dissent.

When the state’s universalist value infusion fails to convince the populace naturally, the regime shifts from therapeutic persuasion to hard exclusion. It uses administrative power, civil rights laws, and corporate gatekeepers to enforce ideological conformity, treating traditionalist or particularist dissent not as a valid political position, but as a psychological illness that must be contained.

Gottfried takes Mearsheimer’s macro-level insights about the delusions of liberal foreign policy and applies them micro-level to our domestic life. He shows that the universalist elite crusades Mearsheimer observes abroad are simply the external expression of the aggressive, deconstructive management taking place at home.

If Mearsheimer’s Anthropology is True, Intellectuals Lose Status

A distinct subset of intellectuals has directly wrestled with the loss of status, influence, and safety that occurs when a thinker adopts a realist, group-centric view of humanity. In fact, political science literature describes this precise phenomenon as the cyclical pattern of ideological exile.

When an intellectual internalizes an anthropology like Mearsheimer’s, he undergoes a painful realization: his class—the intellectual elite—carries far less structural weight than liberalism promises. In a liberal framework, the intellectual is a secular priest, a shaper of destiny who uses reason to guide society toward progress. In a realist framework, the intellectual is merely a court scribe or an ideological decorator for raw state power.

Three prominent examples illustrate how intellectuals have processed this drop in status.

1. The Émigré Realists (Morgenthau and Herz)

The fathers of modern classical realism, Hans Morgenthau (1904-1979) and John Herz (1908-2005), fled Nazi Germany for America. They possessed a firsthand, biographical understanding of what happens when a highly socialized, tribal population turns on its intellectual class.

When they arrived in the United States, they achieved immense academic status, but they quickly experienced a profound political loss of status during the Cold War. Morgenthau, in particular, spent the 1950s and 1960s advising the American foreign policy establishment. However, when he applied his realist principles to oppose the Vietnam War—arguing that America was engaging in a blind, ideological crusade that ignored the local national realities of Southeast Asia—the Johnson administration swiftly cut him off.

Morgenthau wrote bitterly about this exclusion. He realized that the intellectual’s status in Washington was entirely contingent on his willingness to provide rationalizations for the state’s existing goals. The moment he spoke an unwelcome realist truth to power, his status evaporated, forcing him into what scholars call ideological exile.

2. George F. Kennan

George F. Kennan (1904–2005), the architect of America’s Cold War containment strategy, spent the latter half of his long life wrestling with a severe sense of status anxiety and alienation from modern Western culture.

Kennan possessed an intensely particularist, anti-universalist view of human societies. He believed that political institutions must grow organically out of a specific nation’s culture, climate, and ancestral habits. As he watched post-WWII America embrace global liberal universalism, consumerism, and the systematic dismantling of traditional social boundaries, Kennan grew deeply pessimistic.

In his extensive diaries, Kennan wrestled with his total loss of influence over the American trajectory. He realized that his clear-eyed, realist worldview made him an anomaly in a society driven by mass democracy and managerial engineering. He famously described himself as an expatriate in his own country, concluding that a man who understands the permanent, tragic constraints of human nature will always be marginalized by a ruling class addicted to the illusion of endless progress.

3. The Neoconservative Defectors (The Burnham Legacy)

Thinkers who followed the path of James Burnham (1905–1987) such as the early neoconservatives before they turned toward their own universalist crusades wrote about the psychological cost of abandoning liberal illusions.

When an intellectual defects from the dominant liberal paradigm to adopt a realist, structural view of human groups, he immediately loses his standing within elite consensus institutions (major newspapers, prestigious universities, foundation boards). Thinkers like Gottfried or Sam Francis (1947–2005) wrote extensively about how the modern managerial class uses social ostracization and professional demotion as immune responses to protect the reigning narrative.

These intellectuals wrestled with the fact that choosing a realist anthropology means volunteering for marginalization. They recognized that a society built on the myth of universal human rights will view a structural realist not as an analyst with a competing theory, but as a moral heretic who must be stripped of his platform to preserve the group’s ideological purity.

Edward Shils (1911–1995) provides the exact sociological architecture for why this happens. In his major work, The Intellectuals and the Powers, Shils explored the permanent, structural tension between the people who run a society (the powers) and the people who manipulate symbols, ideas, and critiques (the intellectuals).

Shils observed that intellectuals possess an inherent, almost visceral need to penetrate beyond the immediate, concrete experience of daily life to touch what they perceive as ultimate truths. This orientation produces an inevitable hostility toward ordinary society. Shils noted that ordinary life is necessarily slovenly, full of compromise, improvisation, and material concerns. Because the institutions of power must manage this messy reality, the intellectual views the state and its ruling class as compromised, hypocritical, and morally blind.

This creates the drive to bite the hand that feeds them, operating through two distinct dynamics that map directly onto Mearsheimer’s group anthropology.

Shils argued that modern secular intellectuals are the direct structural descendants of the ancient priesthood. They inherited the priestly, theological, and apocalyptic impulses of religious traditions, but converted them into secular philosophical, technical, or revolutionary projects.

The intellectual bites the institutional hand because he views himself as answering to a higher authority—whether that authority is abstract Justice, Reason, Progress, or Historical Truth. Even when an institution provides the intellectual with tenure, funding, and high social standing, he cannot rest content. His very identity relies on maintaining a critical distance from raw power. To praise the institution or defend its practical survival needs feels like a betrayal of his sacred calling. He must deconstruct the structure to prove his independence from it.

Shils identified a profound arrogance at the heart of this adversarial stance. Intellectuals often harbor a deep revulsion for the middle and working classes because ordinary citizens refuse to measure up to the intellectual’s unrealistic, uninvited expectations.

The intellectual views society as a highly plastic, monolithic mass that can be reshaped by pure ideas. He assumes that if he deconstructs an old myth, a traditional hierarchy, or a national narrative, the population will automatically elevate itself into a more rational, enlightened state.

When you layer Shils’ sociology on top of Mearsheimer’s anthropology, the tragic nature of modern intellectual life becomes clear.

The intellectual thinks he is performing a noble, independent act of purification by attacking the founding myths and structures of his host institution. He believes his critical reason sets him apart from and above the group.

Mearsheimer’s framework shows that this is an illusion. The intellectual is not an autonomous actor floating above the tribe; he is entirely dependent on the stability and protection that the host institution provides. By systematically biting the hand that feeds him—by deconstructing the shared values, borders, and narrative alignment that keep the broader society cohesive—the intellectual actively dismantles his own life-support system.

When the protective illusions of the society fracture under his critique, the result is not an enlightened utopia. The result is the return of raw, chaotic tribalism. And as both Shils and Mearsheimer warn, when a tribe feels its survival threatened by internal subversion, its first instinct is always to crush the intellectual who is undermining the fortress walls.

There is a still deeper status wound here: Mearsheimer’s anthropology humiliates the intellectual not only before the state, but before himself.

The intellectual’s highest self-image depends on the belief that he has achieved distance from inherited loyalties. He is not merely American, Jewish, French, Catholic, liberal, or bourgeois. He sees through these formations. His status comes from demystification. He unmasks the nation, the family, religion, sex roles, borders, canons, myths, and inherited moral languages as constructed objects. He proves his superiority by showing that what ordinary people treat as sacred remains contingent, historical, interested, and unstable.

But if Mearsheimer is right, this act of unmasking itself represents a social product. The deconstructor does not stand outside group life. He performs the prestige behavior of his own group. His skepticism does not equal pure reason defeating socialization. It represents the style of socialization rewarded by universities, journals, foundations, elite media, and professional-managerial networks.

This cuts deeply against the intellectual class. It turns the intellectual’s favorite weapon back against him. The unmasker stands unmasked.

Several landmark works of twentieth-century literature and memoir capture this exact psychological wound. They depict the moment when the hyper-rational, cosmopolitan intellectual realizes his absolute autonomy is a myth—that his sophisticated skepticism was merely a high-status tribal performance subsidized by an architecture he helped destroy.Here are the novels, memoirs, and rich accounts that best illustrate the unmasker standing unmasked.

1. Arthur Koestler, Darkness at Noon (1940)

Arthur Koestler (1905–1983) wrote the definitive novel about the intellectual humiliated by his own system of thought. The protagonist, Rubashov, is an old Bolshevik intellectual who spent his life deconstructing traditional morality, family, and religion in the name of historical materialism and pure reason. He believed he had achieved total distance from local, bourgeois sentiments.

When the state imprisons Rubashov and demands his false confession, he tries to use his superior intellect to reason his way out. Instead, his interrogator, Gletkin, turns Rubashov’s own weapons back on him. Gletkin points out that Rubashov himself established the logic that the individual is nothing and the collective is everything. Rubashov realizes his entire life of elite, revolutionary critique was not a soaring act of independent reason, but a rigid conformity to the prestige system of his party.

Sitting in his cell, the ultimate status wound opens up. He realizes that by dismantling the traditional moral guardrails of society, he paved the way for his own destruction. Koestler illustrates this psychological collapse: “The party’s warm, breathing body felt no pain when it shed a cell. You could not argue with the party. You could not prove it wrong. It possessed the truth, and if you stood outside it, your reason equaled zero.”

2. Czesław Miłosz, The Captive Mind (1953)

The Polish poet and essayist Czesław Miłosz (1911–2004) wrote this masterpiece of psychological memoir to explain how Central European intellectuals willingly surrendered their independent minds to Stalinist totalitarianism after World War II.

Miłosz introduces the concept of Ketman—the ancient practice of acting out a public performance of absolute orthodoxy while secretly maintaining a private, ironic superiority. The Eastern European intellectuals believed their sophisticated, private skepticism proved they were “free-floating” above the system.

Miłosz unmasks them. He proves that their elaborate intellectual defenses were simply high-status rationalizations to protect their safety and standing. They were not autonomous figures of reason; they were credentialed professionals desperate to stay aligned with the new ruling class. Miłosz captures the status wound:
“The intellectual wants to feel necessary, to feel that he has a place in the social architecture. He will invent the most complex philosophies to hide the simple fact that he is terrified of being isolated from the group that distributes prestige.”

3. Fyodor Dostoevsky, Demons (1872)

Though written earlier, Dostoevsky (1821–1881) predicted the exact sociological dynamic of Gouldner’s “culture of critical discourse.” The novel features a circle of provincial Russian intellectuals who meet in salons to mock the nation, the church, the family, and traditional authority. They believe their progressive skepticism proves their civilizational superiority.

Dostoevsky ruthlessly exposes their salon radicalism as a prestige game. They do not hate authority because they love freedom; they hate authority because mocking it is the fashion of the elite metropolitan class they crave to join. When a real, amoral operative (Pyotr Verkhovensky) arrives and turns their fashionable deconstruction into actual violence and murder, the salon intellectuals are horrified. They realize their elegant skepticism was a subsidized luxury. They rebelled against the traditional household while relying on its continued stability to keep them safe.

4. Lionel Trilling, The Middle of the Journey (1947)

The literary critic Lionel Trilling (1905–1975) wrote this novel to capture the exact moment American liberal intellectuals lost their innocence. The book follows a group of affluent, suburban New York intellectuals who view themselves as completely liberated from traditional American patriotism and middle-class morality. They speak in the dialectic of critique and universal progress.

The character Gifford Maxim shocks them by defecting from the underground Communist apparatus and reclaiming a traditional, religious view of human sin and limits. The liberal characters experience this not as a theological disagreement, but as a direct status insult. Trilling shows that their commitment to universalism and deconstruction is actually their “local badge of belonging.” To challenge their skepticism is to threaten their class position within their elite professional network.

These works provide the concrete narrative flesh to the bone of Mearsheimer’s anthropology. They show the intellectual at the end of his cycle: huddled in a cell, exiled from his country, or staring at the wreckage of a shattered town, finally realizing that the toga he wore so proudly was never a symbol of universal reason. It was simply the uniform of a faction that forgot it needed a fortress to survive.

Karl Mannheim (1893–1947) gave the liberal intellectual one of his most flattering self-descriptions: the “free-floating intelligentsia.” In Ideology and Utopia, Mannheim treated intellectuals as relatively less bound to one class perspective because they could move among social locations and synthesize competing viewpoints. Mearsheimer’s anthropology places severe pressure on this claim. If socialization, group attachment, and inherited moral intuitions do most of the work, the intellectual never truly floats. He may float above ordinary loyalties, but only because the prestige system of the intellectual class itself holds him aloft.

Pierre Bourdieu (1930–2002) sharpens the point. What the intellectual experiences as independent judgment represents cultural capital, habitus, and class position disguised as universal insight. The ability to speak in the language of critique, complexity, irony, and suspicion does not distribute equally across society. It requires family background, schooling, credentials, and institutional training.

Deconstruction does not operate simply as an intellectual method. It operates as a class marker. To say “nation,” “family,” “merit,” “objectivity,” “civilization,” or “truth” in scare quotes signals membership in a community that gains status by dissolving the moral certainties of other communities. The intellectual’s pose of universal skepticism functions as a local badge of belonging.

Alvin Gouldner (1920–1980) added the theory of the New Class and its “culture of critical discourse.” Gouldner saw modern intellectuals and technical experts as a rising class held together by a shared speech code: analytic, skeptical, rule-bound, reflexive, and hostile to inherited authority. This discourse can liberate, but it also elitizes because it grants power to those trained in its idiom. Intellectuals routinely mistake their own class language for liberation.

This explains why deconstruction feels morally intoxicating. It allows the intellectual to convert dependency into superiority. He depends on the university, the publishing house, the foundation, the bureaucratic state, the media institution, and the liberal rights regime. Yet by criticizing those structures, he experiences himself as free from them. His critique launders dependence into independence.

Mearsheimer’s anthropology destroys that consolation. The intellectual does not stand outside power. He sits inside a protected enclosure built by power. His autonomy does not exist naturally. Power subsidizes it. His freedom to deconstruct the nation, the border, the police, the family, or the inherited moral order exists only because some prior structure still maintains enough cohesion to protect him while he does it.

Julien Benda (1867–1956) famously defended the older ideal of the intellectual in The Treason of the Intellectuals. Benda demanded a clerk devoted to universal truth and justice rather than tribal passion. For Benda, the betrayal occurred when intellectuals attached themselves to nationalism, race, class, or party. Mearsheimer’s anthropology suggests that Benda’s noble ideal represents a liberal fantasy. The intellectual who claims to speak for humanity simply speaks for a universalist faction within a particular civilization. Benda wanted the intellectual to abandon the sword for the toga. Mearsheimer implies that the toga also forms a uniform.

This realist anthropology threatens the intellectual temperament because it denies the source of intellectual authority. The liberal intellectual believes his authority comes from reason, moral universalism, and emancipation from inherited prejudice. The realist answer is colder: his authority comes from institutional placement, group protection, credentialed status, and alignment with the moral mythology of his class.

Once this is seen, deconstruction loses its innocence. It ceases to be the heroic act of reason against myth. It becomes one tribal technique among others. Warriors use weapons. Priests use ritual. Bureaucrats use procedure. Intellectuals use critique.

Christopher Lasch diagnosed the late-modern version of this problem in The Revolt of the Elites. He argued that the new meritocratic upper classes had become increasingly rootless, cosmopolitan, and detached from the obligations of ordinary citizenship. The elite did not merely govern the people. It seceded from them. The intellectual’s universalism grows in direct proportion to his loss of concrete obligation. He becomes most fluent in humanity when he is least bound to neighbors, ancestors, countrymen, or place.

This produces a paradox. The intellectual claims to defend the weak against the powerful, but his own social existence depends on unusually powerful institutions. He can afford anti-tribal universalism because he lives under the protection of a successful tribe. He can mock borders because borders protect him. He can despise national myths because national myths helped build the order that pays him. He can attack inherited moral communities because those communities continue to supply much of the social trust his critique presupposes.

The intellectual therefore occupies a structurally adolescent position. He rebels against the household while still eating from its table. His rebellion may expose real hypocrisy and real cruelty, but it also depends on the continued patience, wealth, and confidence of the order he attacks.

This is the deepest reason intellectuals often hate realist anthropology. It makes gratitude intellectually mandatory.

A tragic realist does not have to deny the value of critique. Some myths deserve exposure. Some institutions deserve attack. Some inherited loyalties become cruel, corrupt, or insane. But the realist insists that critique is never free. Every act of deconstruction spends down inherited social capital. A society can survive some demystification, but it cannot survive the total delegitimation of every loyalty that makes sacrifice possible.

That is the limit intellectuals refuse to face. They assume that once the old myths are dismantled, people will become freer, kinder, more rational, and more universal. Mearsheimer’s anthropology says otherwise. Strip people of inherited loyalty and they do not become angels. They look for new tribes. Often they find worse ones.

The intellectual’s tragedy is that he wants to be above the tribe, but he needs the tribe. He wants the prestige of moral transcendence, but his own status is produced by a particular social order. He wants to dissolve collective illusions, but his life depends on collective illusions that motivate soldiers, taxpayers, parents, police officers, teachers, and ordinary citizens to keep the world functioning.

If Mearsheimer is right, the mature intellectual must give up the fantasy of being a secular angel. He is not the voice of humanity floating over history. He is a socially formed creature, protected by a group, speaking from a location, using a class language, and dependent on institutions he did not create.

That does not make intellectual life worthless. It makes it more modest.

The honest intellectual under realist anthropology becomes less like a prophet and more like a steward. His task is not to burn down every inherited structure in the name of abstraction. His task is to distinguish between necessary myth and destructive falsehood, between cohesive loyalty and pathological hatred, between legitimate criticism and civilizational vandalism.

That role offers a much lower status than the one liberal universalism promises. But it is also a more truthful one.

The most resilient examples of the intellectual-as-steward operate within traditional religious structures, but the type also exists in secular political history. These thinkers share a specific trait: they possess immense analytical power and could easily succeed in the game of elite deconstruction, but they choose instead to fortify the inherited structures that protect their communities.

The following thinkers embody this realist stewardship.

Rabbi Lord Jonathan Sacks (1948-2020)

Rabbi Sacks spent his career operating at the absolute peak of British intellectual life, holding degrees from Cambridge and Oxford while serving as Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of the Commonwealth. He was entirely fluent in the secular “culture of critical discourse,” yet he explicitly rejected the path of deconstruction.

Sacks understood Mearsheimer’s reality: that a society cannot survive on a diet of pure, atomistic liberalism. In books like The Home We Build Together and Morality, he used his immense cultural capital not to mock traditional loyalty, but to defend it as the essential infrastructure of human life. He acted as a steward of the mesorah, translating ancient particularist wisdom into a language that could help both his specific community and the broader Western world preserve the social trust necessary to prevent a slide into chaotic tribalism. He knew the toga was a uniform, and he wore it deliberately to protect the household.

Augustine of Hippo (354-430)

Augustine provides the foundational Christian model for this anthropology. He was a master rhetorician trained in the elite imperial schools of the Roman Empire. He understood power, prestige, and the intellectual vanities of the pagan elite.

When Rome fell in 410, the pagan intellectuals blamed Christianity for weakening the empire’s traditional civic myths. Augustine did not respond with abstract liberal universalism. In The City of God, he acted as the ultimate realist steward. He analyzed the raw, libido dominandi (lust for mastery) that drove Rome, stripping away its grand imperial illusions. Yet, he did not leave his readers in a vacuum of deconstruction. He immediately built a sturdier psychological and theological fortress for the Christian community, providing the structural continuity and moral architecture that allowed Western civilization to survive the collapse of the imperial state.

Christopher Lasch (1932-1994)

Outside of theology, Lasch represents the rare secular intellectual who underwent the painful realization that his own class was destroying the country. He started his career on the secular, Marxist left—the premier breeding ground for professional deconstructors.

As he matured, Lasch saw through the prestige system of the elite universities. In The True and Only Heaven and The Revolt of the Elites, he turned his critical weapons directly onto his fellow intellectuals. He exposed their cosmopolitan universalism as a class marker designed to evade concrete obligation to their neighbors and country. Lasch became a steward of what he called “lower-middle-class values”—family, locality, loyalty, and a sense of limits. He used his platform to defend the organic social structures of ordinary Americans against the civilizational vandalism of the professional-managerial elite.

Sir Roger Scruton (1944-2020)

The British philosopher Roger Scruton represents the modern secular counterpart to the rabbinic steward. He was an elite academic who specialized in aesthetics and political philosophy, yet he spent his life defending what he termed oikophilia—the love of home.

Scruton explicitly recognized that the elite academic left gained its status through a “culture of repudiation.” In books like The Aesthetics of Architecture and Green Philosophy, he argued that human beings require local attachments, beautiful environments, inherited laws, and shared sacred spaces to remain sane and cooperative. He chose professional marginalization by British university elites to write manuals on how to conserve the specific cultural inheritance of the West. He understood that the intellectual’s freedom is a subsidized luxury, and he dedicated his life to paying his debt to the culture that hosted him.

If humans remain tribal, and if reason functions primarily as a weapon to defend group preferences, then an intellectual who understands this reality possesses a rare and dangerous instrument. He can stop wasting his analytical power on the internal deconstruction of his own household and instead weaponize it as an offensive tool against competing tribes.

This approach transforms the intellectual from an internal demolitionist into an intelligence officer or a counter-propagandist. It mirrors what the late political analyst Sam Francis (1947-2005) described as the development of a counter-hegemonic elite.

Turning deconstruction outward against the enemies of your people operates through three primary modes.

1. Demystifying the Enemy’s Universalist Pretentions

The most effective way to deploy outward deconstruction is to strip the enemy of his favorite ideological camouflage. As Mearsheimer notes, powerful groups routinely dress up their specific tribal interests in the language of universal human rights, international law, or global moral imperatives. They do this to demoralize their opponents and claim the moral high ground.

An intellectual armed with realist anthropology can unmask these grand declarations.

When a competing tribe says “humanity,” “equity,” “democracy,” or “the international community,” the outward-facing intellectual does not argue the abstract philosophy. He applies cold analysis to expose the raw material interest, the funding structures, and the status anxieties driving the rhetoric. He proves that the enemy’s universalism is simply a tribal weapon designed to disarm his own people’s defensive instincts.

2. Infiltrating and Mapping the Competitor’s Social Architecture

Every human group, no matter how powerful, relies on internal socialization, prestige systems, and collective illusions to maintain its cohesion. They possess their own vulnerable points, their own taboos, and their own elite networks that depend on specific narratives.

The outward-facing intellectual maps these networks. He analyzes the enemy’s habitus and cultural capital. By understanding how the competing group socializes its young and rewards its elites, he can identify the exact stress lines where their internal consensus fractures. He uses deconstruction to induce cognitive dissonance within their ranks, turning their own critical discourse back onto them to weaken their willpower and strategic alignment.

3. Defending the Fortress by Attacking the Siege Engine

When an intellectual turns his powers outward, he provides his own people with a critical service: ideological immunity.

Ordinary citizens are often vulnerable to the sophisticated psychological warfare and moralizing rhetoric deployed by competing elites. They lack the specialized training to see through high-status speech codes. The outward-facing intellectual uses his skills to intercept these foreign narratives before they can infect his community’s socialization. He breaks down the enemy’s propaganda in plain language, showing his people exactly how the trick works. He converts what looked like an elevated moral demand into an obvious tribal maneuver, preserving his group’s internal trust and confidence.

This path allows the intellectual to satisfy his natural bent for deconstruction without committing civilizational vandalism. He does not suppress his analytical skepticism; he directs it. He stops biting the hand that feeds him and starts biting the hand that threatens him.

When an intellectual turns his deconstructive weapons outward, he stops treating ideas as abstract truths and starts treating them as terrain to be taken or defended. History provides several stark examples of master deconstructors who realized that their survival depended on the survival of their specific group, and who subsequently turned their analytical power entirely against the enemies of their people.

James Burnham (1905-1987)

James Burnham is the foundational American model for this exact transition. He began his career as a high-level Marxist intellectual, working directly with Leon Trotsky. He was a master of the materialist, structural deconstruction of capitalist society. He knew exactly how to look past the rhetoric of politicians to find the hidden economic and power interests underneath.

When Burnham broke with the left in 1940, he did not abandon his analytical tools; he turned them outward. In The Managerial Revolution (1941) and The Machiavellians (1943), he laid out a cold, amoral analysis of how ruling classes maintain power through ideology. Then, during the Cold War, he became the premier intellectual strategist for the American conservative movement, writing a regular column for National Review.

Burnham used his deep understanding of Marxist dialectics and social architecture to unmask Soviet political warfare. He wrote manuals like The Web of Subversion and Suicide of the West, where he systematically deconstructed the psychological vulnerabilities of Western liberals, showing how Soviet proxies used universalist language to disarm American willpower. He used his genius for deconstruction to build an ideological shield for his country.

Willmoore Kendall (1909-1967)

Kendall was a brilliant, iconoclastic political scientist who understood human tribalism. He recognized that a society’s survival depends entirely on what he called its “orthodoxy”—the core, shared consensus of myths, values, and traditions that a community infuses into its members to keep them cohesive.

Kendall watched the mid-century American liberal elite use the language of absolute free speech and universal human rights to steadily chip away at the local, traditional, and religious consensus of the American public.

Instead of playing the polite academic game, Kendall used his immense analytical power to turn the tables on the liberal elite. In essays like The Open Society and Its Fallacies, he ruthlessly deconstructed the inner logic of liberal universalism. He proved that the “open society” was a political myth designed to strip traditional communities of their right to self-defense. He argued that any tribe has a natural, anthropological right to suppress speech that threatens to dissolve its core architecture. He weaponized political theory to defend the American hinterland against the deconstructive project of the coastal managerial class.

Jeane Kirkpatrick (1926-2006)

Kirkpatrick was a political scientist who weaponized realist anthropology to alter American foreign policy during the late Cold War.

In her landmark 1979 essay, Dictatorships and Double Standards, Kirkpatrick turned her deconstructive powers directly against the Carter administration’s universalist human rights policy. The dominant elite consensus argued that America must withdraw support from traditional, autocratic allies (like the Shah of Iran or Anastasio Somoza in Nicaragua) if they failed to meet universal liberal standards of governance.

Kirkpatrick used a cold, realist analysis to dismantle this logic. She exposed the universalist human rights framework as a dangerous delusion that ignored basic human anthropology. She argued that traditional autocracies operate within organic, deeply socialized structures that maintain basic social order. By forcing these societies to adopt rapid, abstract liberal metrics, the West simply shattered their internal architecture, creating a vacuum that was invariably filled by totalitarian Soviet client states. She unmasked the high-status rhetoric of the State Department, proving that its universalist moralizing was actively producing disastrous strategic outcomes for the nation.

These intellectuals did not write to impress the international academic community or to win praise for their nuanced, open-ended skepticism. They understood that the world is an arena of competing groups. They took the sophisticated tools of elite critique, tools usually used to weaken a society from within, and used them to strip the armor off their opponents, ensuring the defense and survival of their own household.

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Renee DiResta and the Information Wars

In December 2014, a visitor carrying the measles virus walked through Disneyland. Within weeks the outbreak spread across California and beyond, infecting more than a hundred people in a country that had declared measles eliminated in 2000. In the Bay Area, Renée DiResta (b. 1981), a former Wall Street trader turned venture capitalist, had a son approaching preschool age. She did what a trader does before taking a position. She pulled the data. California published vaccination rates by school, and the numbers stunned her. Some Bay Area preschools, filled with the children of engineers and executives, had immunization rates below those of South Sudan. She began looking at where the anti-vaccine message came from, and with the data scientist Gilad Lotan she mapped the networks. The maps showed that on Twitter about a quarter of the anti-vaccine content came from 0.6 percent of the accounts. A small, coordinated, passionate minority looked like a mass movement. She had found the subject that consumed the rest of her career.

Nothing in her training pointed toward public health. DiResta grew up in Yonkers, New York, the daughter of a family with no connection to Silicon Valley or Washington. At Stony Brook University she took five years to finish two degrees, computer science and political science, with two minors. During the summers of those undergraduate years, from 1999 to 2004, she interned at the Central Intelligence Agency. She decided against staying at the Agency, took the LSAT, and considered law school. Instead she took a job at Jane Street Capital, the quantitative trading firm in New York, where she started as a clerk writing code to scrape data from Bloomberg terminals in the days before the firm had data feeds. She stayed seven years and became an equity derivatives trader and market maker. The work rewarded speed, pattern recognition, and comfort with incomplete information. Prices moved on rumor before they moved on fact. A trader who understood how a story spread through a market before it appeared in a newspaper had an edge. She later said the common thread across her jobs was a love of high-intensity environments with big analytical problems and adversarial behavior.

In 2011 she moved west and became a principal at O’Reilly AlphaTech Ventures, a seed-stage fund, where she focused on hardware, manufacturing, and logistics. She co-authored The Hardware Startup in 2015 and joined the founding team of Haven, a supply-chain logistics company. She was, at that point, a competent and obscure figure in the technology economy, one of thousands of people in the Bay Area who moved between trading, investing, and startups. The Disneyland outbreak changed the trajectory.

In 2015 she co-founded Vaccinate California, a parents’ group that backed legislation to end California’s personal belief exemption for childhood vaccination. The fight over that bill taught her the lesson she repeated for the next decade. Her side had the medical establishment, the data, and majority opinion. The other side had the feeds. Anti-vaccine activists ran coordinated hashtag campaigns, flooded legislators’ social media accounts, and dominated search results. She called this the asymmetry of passion. Online influence requires no majority. It requires repetition, emotional intensity, and platforms whose recommendation engines reward engagement over accuracy. She noticed something else. When she followed anti-vaccine groups on Facebook, the recommendation engine began suggesting chemtrail groups, anti-GMO groups, and Pizzagate. The platform did not merely host conspiracy communities. It introduced people to them.

The 2016 election made that observation a national security question. After the intelligence community concluded that Russia had interfered in the campaign, the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence went looking for outside experts who could read platform data. DiResta had by then joined New Knowledge, an Austin-based firm that tracked online manipulation, as director of research. On August 1, 2018, at 9:32 in the morning, Chairman Richard Burr (b. 1955) called a hearing to order in room SH-216 of the Hart Senate Office Building. Poster boards displaying fake social media accounts stood on easels beside the witness table. DiResta sat with witnesses from RAND, Graphika, Oxford, and the German Marshall Fund, the emerging expert class of a field that had not existed three years earlier. She told the senators the country faced a defining threat of the generation and warned that future operations might use fake audio and video generated by artificial intelligence. She testified about Russian campaigns that pushed anti-fracking messages into oil regions and GMO fears into farm states. The senators, men who had grown up on network television, listened to a former derivatives trader explain how trending algorithms could be gamed.

At the committee’s request, DiResta and her New Knowledge co-authors then analyzed the datasets Facebook, Twitter, and Alphabet had turned over. Their report, “The Tactics and Tropes of the Internet Research Agency,” released on December 17, 2018, examined Russian Internet Research Agency operations against Americans from 2014 through 2017. The finding that stayed with her concerned race. The IRA ran fake pages aimed at Black Americans, built audiences around Black pride and police violence, and then pushed messages of alienation, including encouragement to sit out the election. The operation spent less effort converting voters than fragmenting communities and convincing people that participation was pointless. Burr said the data showed how aggressively Russia had worked to divide Americans by race, religion, and ideology.

Two days after the report’s release, the New York Times published a story that complicated everything. During the 2017 Alabama Senate race between Roy Moore (b. 1947) and Doug Jones (b. 1954), a small project funded through Democratic-aligned money had run a deceptive online experiment, including a scheme to make it appear that Russian bots backed Moore. New Knowledge’s chief executive, Jonathon Morgan, had participated. Public reporting centered on Morgan and others, and no clear public evidence shows DiResta directed the Alabama tactics. The association still cost her. A researcher who studied disinformation worked at a firm whose leadership had run a disinformation-style experiment. Her critics never let the detail go, and they did not need to prove more than proximity for it to work.

In June 2019 she joined the Stanford Internet Observatory as technical research manager, recruited by its founding director Alex Stamos (b. 1979), the former Facebook security chief. The Observatory studied abuse across information systems: state influence operations, election rumors, child exploitation, and later the effects of generative AI. Her team published research exposing covert Pentagon influence operations, a report that pushed the Department of Defense to reexamine its own propaganda practices, a fact her critics rarely mention.

In 2020 the Observatory joined the University of Washington, Graphika, and the Atlantic Council’s Digital Forensic Research Lab in the Election Integrity Partnership. During election week, students and analysts worked in shifts, logging viral claims about mail ballots, voting machines, and stolen votes into a ticketing system, the kind of workflow software a corporate help desk uses. A rumor about Sharpie pens invalidating ballots in Arizona would come in, an analyst would open a ticket, trace the spread, assess the claim, and in some cases flag it to a platform. Election officials, civil society groups, and platform trust-and-safety teams all touched the pipeline. To the researchers this was rapid-response scholarship, a public service in a year when the President of the United States was telling his supporters the election was rigged. To their later critics it was a censorship switchboard, a place where academics, government entities, and platforms sat in one reporting chain deciding which speech lived and which died. Both descriptions attach to the same ticketing queue. The fight that followed was over who gets to label a claim false, who gets notified, and what a platform does next. A companion effort, the Virality Project, applied the same model to COVID-19 vaccine rumors in 2021.

The reckoning arrived in December 2022, when Elon Musk gave internal Twitter documents to a handful of writers. Matt Taibbi (b. 1970), Michael Shellenberger (b. 1971), and others used the Twitter Files to argue that content moderation had fused with government pressure and elite preference, and they named DiResta as a central node in what they called the censorship-industrial complex. The undergraduate CIA internship, two decades old, became the load-bearing biographical fact. On podcasts and Substacks she became “CIA Renée,” a spy running a global censorship operation from a Stanford office. The House Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government, chaired by Jim Jordan (b. 1964), subpoenaed Stanford’s documents in April 2023, enforced the subpoena in June, interviewed Stamos under oath, and included students, undergraduates among them, in its document demands. Stephen Miller’s (b. 1985) America First Legal sued DiResta, Stamos, and Kate Starbird (b. 1975) of the University of Washington in a case that a Louisiana federal court allowed into discovery in December 2024. Stanford spent millions on legal defense. DiResta answered her accusers in an Atlantic essay about becoming the main character of the fantasy-industrial complex. She had spent years studying how a rumor cascade selects a villain, strips away context, and hardens into a bespoke reality. Then she watched one do it to her. Her Substack biography compresses the experience into four words and a count of her children: Twitter Files bête noire, mom of three.

The constitutional question reached the Supreme Court as Murthy v. Missouri, a suit alleging that federal officials had coerced platforms into suppressing disfavored speech about elections and COVID-19. On June 26, 2024, the Court ruled six to three, in an opinion by Justice Amy Coney Barrett (b. 1972), that the plaintiffs lacked Article III standing. The ruling settled nothing underneath. It never decided when government contact with a platform becomes coercion. Her defenders read the decision as vindication. Her critics read it as a procedural escape from a First Amendment problem, and the private suits continued.

By then the Stanford Internet Observatory was finished as an election-research operation. Stamos had stepped back in November 2023. In June 2024 Stanford University declined to renew DiResta’s contract, other contracts lapsed, and remaining staff were told to look for jobs. The university disputed reports that it was dismantling the Observatory and said child-safety work, the trust-and-safety journal, and the annual conference would continue under a faculty sponsor. Jordan posted that free speech had won again. Shellenberger declared victory over a censorship operation. The Election Integrity Partnership announced it would not work on the 2024 election or any future one. Whatever Stanford called it, the outcome was the one the campaign’s architects wanted. Lawsuits, subpoenas, legal bills, and harassment had priced election-rumor research out of one of the richest universities on earth, and every other university watched it happen.

DiResta landed at Georgetown University. In October 2024 the McCourt School of Public Policy appointed her associate research professor, with positions in the Massive Data Institute and the Tech & Public Policy program. She became a contributing editor at Lawfare and kept writing for The Atlantic. That same year she received the Carl Sagan Prize for Science Popularization for translating propaganda research into public writing, and she published her synthesis, Invisible Rulers: The People Who Turn Lies into Reality, with PublicAffairs. The paperback arrives August 4, 2026.

The book argues that the modern information environment fuses two older systems, the propaganda machine and the rumor mill. Propaganda once moved downward through states, parties, and broadcasters. Rumor moved sideways through neighborhoods, churches, and workplaces. Social media collapses the two channels into one. A rumor becomes a meme, the meme becomes a movement, the movement becomes a news story, and the story becomes political reality. Her invisible rulers are no cabal. They are the interlocking forces of influencers, recommendation algorithms, and online crowds, operating where the old gatekeepers have lost authority. Small groups manufacture the appearance of consensus. Platforms reward outrage, certainty, novelty, and tribal belonging. Francis Fukuyama praised the book’s account of bespoke realities. Her opponents reviewed the author rather than the argument.

Her prescriptions frustrate both camps. She wants changed platform defaults, user control over algorithmic feeds, friction before virality, transparency about amplification, and civic education in propaganda literacy, rather than mass takedowns. Free-speech advocates see residual faith in expert moderation and institutional coordination. Anti-disinformation activists want harder intervention, faster. Her answer is that the information environment is already governed. Engagement algorithms and manipulation-for-hire govern it now. The choice is between opaque private rule and rules the public can see, contest, and revise.

At Georgetown her work has widened into a general theory. With Josh Goldstein of Georgetown’s Center for Security and Emerging Technology she published “Full-Spectrum Propaganda in the Social Media Era” in Security Studies, arguing that well-resourced states no longer choose between overt and covert operations. They run integrated campaigns across state television, diplomatic accounts, state news sites, covert persona networks, and influencers who may not know they serve one, with channels citing each other to build the appearance of independent confirmation. The framework sorts channels along two axes, overt against covert and broadcast against social, and treats the audience as a distribution channel the state could never build alone. She has applied the same logic to TikTok and ByteDance, arguing that the deeper risk lies past data collection in algorithmic control, since whoever owns recommendation can steer a society’s attention quietly over time. That claim remains her framework rather than a settled empirical verdict in each case, and she treats it as such. Her current research extends to AI-generated propaganda, scams, and privacy-preserving ways to verify humanness online without building a checkpointed internet.

The trajectory holds together better than it first appears. A woman trained on adversarial systems, at the Agency, on the trading floor, in venture capital, found in social platforms the largest adversarial system ever built and spent a decade mapping who exploits it. Her supporters call her the clearest analyst of propaganda in the platform age. Her critics call her the face of an expert class that decided its political judgments were science and used platform back channels to enforce them. Both descriptions draw on real material. She did help build reporting pipelines that connected researchers, officials, and platforms, and reasonable people can find that arrangement corrosive to free expression whatever its intent. She also produced some of the most rigorous public documentation of state manipulation campaigns in existence, and the movement that destroyed her research center relied on distortion, selective leaks, and harassment to do it. She studied how lies become social facts and then became one.

The problem she works on remains unsolved and might be insoluble. A self-governing people needs some shared account of reality, and the attention economy pays for fragmentation, paranoia, and spectacle. Every response so far has either done too little or created a new authority nobody trusts. DiResta’s career is the test case for whether a free society can defend the idea of shared fact without building a ministry of truth, and the returns to date suggest the question will outlive everyone now fighting over it.

Notes

Career history, CIA internships during the summers from 1999 through 2004, Jane Street, the LSAT detour, OATV, Haven, the concept of full-spectrum propaganda, the paperback publication date of August 4, 2026, and the Carl Sagan Prize all come from Renée DiResta’s own biography and the Niskanen Center interview, which also covers her Yonkers upbringing, five undergraduate years, clerk work, and the Disneyland origin story: Renée DiResta and Niskanen Center.

Vaccinate California, the finding by Gilad Lotan that 25 percent of anti-vaccine tweets originated from just 0.6 percent of accounts, her appearance in The Social Dilemma, and her 1981 birth year are documented at Wikipedia.

The August 1, 2018 Senate Intelligence Committee hearing, including the 9:32 a.m. start time, the SH-216 hearing room, Senator Richard Burr’s opening statement, and the witness list, is documented in the official transcript: U.S. Senate. DiResta’s statement describing online manipulation as one of the “defining threats of our generation,” along with the poster illustrating fake accounts, is covered by NBC News. Her testimony regarding anti-fracking and anti-GMO campaigns is summarized by CBS News.

The release of the Senate Intelligence Committee’s reports on December 17, 2018, together with Senator Burr’s statement, is documented here: U.S. Senate.

The dismantling of the Stanford Internet Observatory, including Alex Stamos’s departure in November 2023, the nonrenewal of DiResta’s contract, the timeline surrounding the House Judiciary Committee investigation led by Jim Jordan, and Stanford’s response, is covered by Platformer and NPR. Reactions from Jordan and Michael Shellenberger are reported by The Washington Times.

The December 2024 ruling allowing the America First Legal lawsuit to proceed is documented here: America First Legal.

Her appointment at Georgetown University’s McCourt School is documented at Georgetown University.

The paper “Full-Spectrum Propaganda in the Social Media Era,” coauthored with Josh Goldstein, together with Georgetown’s discussion of the project, appears here: CSET and Georgetown University.

The description “Twitter Files bête noire. Mom of 3.” comes from her Substack biography: Substack.

I added several pieces of self-evident background without separate citation. These include comparing the logic of a trading floor to the way rumors move markets before verified information arrives, likening the Election Integrity Partnership’s workflow to a help-desk ticketing system, using the Sharpiegate controversy as a representative EIP case because it is extensively documented in the final report The Long Fuse, describing senators of that generation as having grown up in the era of network television, and referring to the Pentagon report that, according to DiResta’s own biography, prompted the Department of Defense to reevaluate its approach. The details of Murthy v. Missouri, decided on June 26, 2024, by a 6-3 vote in an opinion by Justice Amy Coney Barrett on standing grounds, are matters of public record.

The Watchman of the Shared World: Renée DiResta’s Hero System

Renée DiResta’s life turns on two terrors, and each has a date.

The first arrived in December 2014. Her son had just turned one. A visitor carrying measles walked through Disneyland, and within weeks a disease America had declared eliminated moved through California. She pulled the state’s vaccination data and found preschools in the richest zip codes in the country with immunization rates below South Sudan’s. The terror was the oldest one there is, the body of a child who cannot yet defend against the world. Behind it stood a second-order version of the same terror, a society that had forgotten why the shots existed, a herd dissolving its own immunity because strangers on the internet told mothers a story.

The second terror arrived in December 2022. Writers with access to Twitter’s internal files named her a central node of a censorship operation, and within weeks a woman who studied rumor cascades for a living watched one select her. “CIA Renée” spread through podcasts and hearings and lawsuits. Strangers rewrote her biography while she held the original. This is the other death, the one Ernest Becker (1924-1974) says man fears as much as the grave. A person lives twice, once in a body and once in a name, and the name can be killed while the body walks around. DiResta has felt the cold of both deaths, the viral and the symbolic, and her hero system is built against the pair of them.

Becker holds that a man handles the knowledge of death by enlisting in a hero system, a cultural project that promises his life will count in something that outlasts him. The soldier has the nation, the monk has eternity, the founder has the company, the mother has the child. The system tells him what a hero is, and if he performs heroism by its lights, it pays him in the only currency that quiets the terror, the feeling of mattering permanently. DiResta’s heroism is watchfulness. The hero sees the machine that others cannot see, the troll farm behind the Facebook page, the 0.6 percent of accounts producing a quarter of the noise, the recommendation engine steering a bored mother from playground groups to Pizzagate. Having seen it, the hero warns the city. The project that outlasts her is the shared world, a public that can still agree on what happened, and her immortality is the immortality of the guard on the wall, invisible in the histories of peaceful years, present in every year that stayed peaceful.

The training reads like a preparation she never planned. Summers at the CIA as an undergraduate, seven years making markets in equity derivatives at Jane Street, where a trader learns that a price moves on a rumor hours before it moves on a fact, and the one who traces the rumor to its source eats the one who believes it. Venture capital, a hardware book, a logistics startup. Then the preschool spreadsheet, and the discovery that the skills of the tape reader worked on the feed. By 2018 she sat in room SH-216 of the Hart Senate Office Building telling senators, “This is one of the defining threats of our generation.” By 2020 she helped run a partnership that logged election rumors into a ticketing system and flagged some to the platforms. The watchman had a wall to stand on.

Every hero system runs on a subtraction story, the account of the self with the costs and appetites removed, and hers is the analyst’s. In the subtraction story she never sought power. She followed data, and the data kept leading uphill, from a parents’ group to the Senate to Stanford, and power kept arriving unrequested, the way a subpoena arrives. Her story subtracts that a ticket flagged to a platform is not observation, it is governance, a quiet participation in deciding which speech circulates. It subtracts the coalition, the foundations, universities, agencies, and one political party’s adjacent institutions that funded the wall and consecrated the watchman, and whose enemies noticed the pattern before her allies did. It subtracts the Agency summers, reduced on her website to a wry aside about what people on the internet love to discuss. And it subtracts the pleasure, because standing where the levers meet is a pleasure, and the analyst’s self-portrait allows curiosity as the only appetite. None of this makes her the villain of the caricature. It makes her a person, which the subtraction story is designed to prevent.

Her sacred values are reality, protection, and speech, and each word means what her hero system needs it to mean. Set the same words down in other systems and watch them change.

Take reality first. For DiResta, reality is a commons, like a water supply. It is the set of claims that survive method, the count certified, the vaccine trialed, the takedown documented, and it can be poisoned upstream by actors who understand the pipes. Defending it is public health. Monitoring is not an imposition on the commons, monitoring is how a commons stays potable. Now hand the word to a Soviet-born engineer in San Jose who left Kiev in 1979. For him reality is what remained after he subtracted the official version, and he performed that subtraction daily for thirty years as a civic discipline. He reads about an Election Integrity Partnership with a ticketing queue and feels the hair rise on his arms, because in his hero system the man who trusts the ministry dies stupid, and heroism is the samizdat instinct, the belief passed hand to hand beneath the notice of the certifiers. Her water department is his ministry. Hand the word next to a Hasidic diamond dealer on 47th Street. His reality was sealed at Sinai and transmitted through men whose names he can recite. The feed is noise from a world that was never going to include him in its consensus, and its collapse costs him nothing, because his hero system never banked at that branch. He trades stones worth millions on a handshake and the word mazel, which is to say he lives inside a high-trust reality of his own tribe’s manufacture, and it works. DiResta’s nightmare, the splintering of shared reality into bespoke realities, describes his people’s condition for three thousand years, except his tribe calls the bespoke reality a covenant and has buried its dead in it with honor.

Take protection. In her system the word points at the herd. Protection is the immunization rate, the pre-bunked rumor, the friction added before a lie goes viral, the child kept safe by the health of the whole. She came to the work as a mother, and the maternal charge under the analytic prose is what gives her writing its heat. Now give the word to a homeschooling Baptist mother in east Tennessee, and it points the other way with equal heat. Protection means the state’s needle stays out of her child’s arm and the school’s screen stays out of her child’s head, and she has read enough, in her own counter-canon with its own experts, to die on this. She is also guarding a child from death, and in her system from the second death, the eternal one, which the epidemiologists do not model. Each mother performs heroism at her own kitchen table, and each reads the other as the threat her heroism exists to stop. Give the word last to an emergency physician in Queens in April 2020, intubating patients whose families were still forwarding cures from WhatsApp. For him protection collapsed into triage, and misinformation stopped being a research topic the week it started arriving on gurneys. His system and DiResta’s are allies, but his runs on the body in front of him, and hers runs on the population curve, and the difference shows in what each will trade for control.

Take speech. DiResta’s formulation, echoed across her camp, is freedom of speech without freedom of reach, speech as an ecosystem to be gardened, the microphone distinguished from the mouth. Within her hero system this is a modest claim, since some editor always decides what amplifies, and she asks only that the deciding be visible and accountable. Hand the word to an old ACLU lawyer, the kind of Jew who defended the Nazis’ right to march through Skokie in 1977 and considered it the proudest wound of his career. For him speech is the individual’s shield against exactly the coalition DiResta assembled, the state, the university, the dominant press, and the platform, all agreeing on what counts as poison. He hears ecosystem and garden and smells the gardener’s boot. His heroism was defending the speech he hated, and a generation later the institutions that gave him his medals switched systems without holding a funeral. Now hand the word to a Salafi preacher in Cairo, and something stranger happens. He agrees with her. Speech must be governed, the feed corrupts, the young are led astray by influencers, and a righteous order curates what circulates. He commands right and forbids wrong, she moderates content and demotes harm, and the two systems, which share no god, no politics, and no century, converge on the premise that the information environment is too dangerous for laissez-faire. The disagreement is over which clerisy holds the pruning shears. The ACLU man notices the convergence and rests his case.

There is also the tribalist, and he deserves his full turn, since his is the oldest system on the field. The tribalist, nationalist, and traditionalist holds that men do not live in an information commons, they live in peoples, and every people that survives curates its story. The Passover Haggadah is curated. The Gettysburg Address is curated. Grandmothers are moderation systems. From inside this hero system, DiResta’s error is not that she governs speech, everyone governs speech, it is that she claims to govern from nowhere, in the name of a species-wide public that has never existed, with method standing in for a god. Her shared world, the tribalist says, is the tribal story of one tribe, the credentialed, the mobile, the institutionally employed, and the revolt against her was other tribes recognizing a rival priesthood and treating it as one. Yet the tribalist grants her more than her libertarian critics do. He honors watchmen. He agrees the feed is a weapon and that someone must stand on the wall, and he respects that she stood there under fire and paid. His correction is one sentence long. Know whose wall you stand on, and say the name of your people, because a watchman who claims to guard everyone is either lying or lost.

What lifts DiResta’s case above the usual run of these essays is that she is herself a professional student of hero systems and came within one step of Becker without citing him. Invisible Rulers describes bespoke realities, influencers who sell belonging, crowds that manufacture consensus, ordinary people who join online movements for identity and status and the feeling of fighting a great battle. This is Becker’s material wearing a lanyard. Becker wrote in The Denial of Death that culture is a shared illusion that makes the terror of mortality livable, and that men will kill to defend the illusion because the illusion is what stands between them and the abyss. DiResta documents the supply side of modern illusion with more empirical care than anyone alive, the troll farms, the recommendation engines, the engagement payouts. Where she stops is the demand side. Her account explains why a lie reaches a man. It does not explain why he grips it like a rope over a drop, why correction reads to him as attempted murder, why the anti-vaccine mother and the election-fraud believer defend their claims with a ferocity all out of scale with any policy stake. Becker explains it. The claims are load-bearing walls in immortality projects. The mother who believes the shot is poison has organized her heroism around protecting her child from it, and to accept the correction is to have been, for years, the danger in her own house. No fact-check offers her a way to survive that. Remove every troll farm on earth and the hunger for the saving lie remains, because the hunger comes out of the grave, and the platforms did not dig the grave, they only sold advertising on the way down. This is the ceiling on DiResta’s entire field, and she has spent a decade pressing against it with better and better instruments.

Her own ordeal proves the point on her body. In Escape from Evil Becker argues that groups purge accumulated death anxiety by loading it onto a victim whose destruction lets the group feel its world cleansed. The movement that made “CIA Renée” was not doing analysis, it was doing hero work. It had a cosmology, the regime of censors strangling the people’s voice, and a cosmology needs a devil with a face, and a woman who had interned at Langley, traded at Jane Street, worked at Stanford, and flagged tweets was a casting director’s gift. Killing her name paid her accusers in the same currency her watchman’s post paid her, the feeling of defending a world. She understands this in outline. Her Atlantic writing on becoming the main character of what she calls the fantasy-industrial complex is controlled, ironic, and wounded in the right places. What her published work has not yet said is that the machine that processed her runs on the same fuel as the machine she serves, that watchman and mob are both terror-management, and that her side’s certainty of guarding reality feels, from the inside, exactly like the other side’s certainty of exposing it.

How self-aware is she of the trade-offs? More than most subjects of this series. She concedes the central point her honest critics make, that the information environment will be governed by someone, and she argues in the open about who and how, which is candor of a kind the platforms never offered. She has admitted the wall cost her, the harassment, the subpoenas, the security consultations a mother of three should never need. The blind spot sits where Becker predicts it, at the foundation. She writes as if a baseline reality waits underneath the manipulation, recoverable once the pipes are cleaned, and the possibility she does not entertain in print is that the appetite for bespoke reality is constitutional, that her preschool parents in Palo Alto were not tricked into fearing the needle so much as they were shopping for a heroism, and that her own coalition supplies its members the same product in a different wrapper. A watchman can see every enemy outside the wall. The one thing the post does not let him see is the wall.

She earns empathy, and the empathy should be said plainly. She did the work. The reports on the Internet Research Agency and on the Pentagon’s own covert operations were real contributions to public knowledge, and the second one cut against her supposed masters, which her enemies never mention. She absorbed years of organized cruelty without becoming cruel in print. She kept writing under her own name while strangers rewrote it. Whatever one makes of the ticketing queue, the woman standing behind it was braver than the institutions that abandoned her, and Stanford’s lawyers should have to read that sentence twice.

Her hero is the sentinel, the one who stays awake over the sleeping city and accepts that the city will never know which nights the watching saved it, and whose reward is the sight the sleepers are spared. The rival her writing never names is the church, the original shared-reality machine, which governed what circulated for centuries and could do what no trust-and-safety team can, forgive the believer his saving lie while slowly trading it for a larger one, because it had something to offer the man on the rope besides a correction. And the cost her ledger cannot price is what a decade of studying belief as manipulation does to the student, because a woman who has traced ten thousand convictions back to their engines can no longer take a conviction whole, including her own, and the watchman’s final wage is a city she can see with perfect clarity and no longer live in as a citizen.

The Expert Without a License: Renée DiResta and Stephen Turner’s Problem

During election week in November 2020, an analyst on the Election Integrity Partnership rotation opened a ticket. The claim under review said Sharpie pens invalidated ballots in Maricopa County. The analyst traced the accounts spreading it, wrote an assessment, and the ticket moved through a queue that connected university researchers, election officials, civil society groups, and the trust-and-safety desks of the platforms. Downstream, a voter in Mesa saw a label under a post telling him the claim about his own ballot was disputed. He never learned who wrote the ticket. He had no way to weigh the analyst’s evidence, no vote over the analyst’s appointment, and no procedure for appeal that he could name. He experienced the analyst’s judgment the only way a citizen can experience judgment he cannot inspect, as power.

Stephen Turner (b. 1951) has spent a career on the question that loop poses. In “What Is the Problem with Experts?” and in Liberal Democracy 3.0: Civil Society in an Age of Experts and The Politics of Expertise, Turner argues that expertise creates a standing embarrassment for liberal theory. Liberal democracy rests on the premise that citizens can discuss public claims and judge them, and that officials answer to that judgment. Expert knowledge breaks the premise, since the citizen cannot assess the claims of the epidemiologist or the actuary on their merits. Democracies have lived with the break through settlements. Experts advise, officials decide, citizens judge the officials, and the expert’s cognitive authority gets validated over time in use, the way the lay passenger validates aeronautical engineering every time the plane lands. Turner’s warning concerns the cases where the settlement fails, where expert judgment enters the decision loop at a point the citizen cannot see, and where nothing in the citizen’s experience ever tests it. There the expert rules without a license, and the political system stores up a legitimacy debt that someone eventually collects.

Renée DiResta poses Turner’s problem, and her career supplies the case study his books lacked.

Begin with how the expertise came into existence, because Turner insists on the question most commentary skips. Cognitive authority has a supply side. Some expertise wins acceptance through results any layman can check. Some wins acceptance only within a sect that already believes. And some gets called into existence by subsidy, by foundations and agencies that want a class of knowers to exist, and that certify the knowers they fund. Misinformation studies belongs to the third kind. Before 2016 the field barely existed. After the election, money arrived at speed. Foundations wanted grantees, platforms wanted researchers to receive their data sets, the Senate wanted outside analysts, and universities wanted centers. The Stanford Internet Observatory launched in 2019 with platform cooperation and philanthropic funding, and DiResta became its technical research manager without a doctorate, a former derivatives trader whose credential was a body of work the new field certified because the new field had no older standard to apply. None of this says the work was bad. Much of it was careful. Turner’s point cuts elsewhere. The field’s authority was conferred by its patrons before it could be validated by its public, and a discipline whose peer reviewers were summoned by the same grants that summoned the authors reviews in a circle.

Watch the circle from inside, through her eyes, because from inside it looked like duty. A measles outbreak had shown her that coordinated minorities could capture the feed. The Senate had handed her platform data and asked what Russia did with it. She answered with the most detailed public accounting then available and told the committee the country faced a defining threat of the generation. When the 2020 election approached, election officials had no capacity to monitor viral rumors and platforms had no appetite to coordinate. Someone had to stand in the gap. The researchers stood in it. From inside, the ticketing queue was a public service performed by the only people equipped to perform it, and the talk with platforms was speech, citizens petitioning companies, protected like anyone’s.

Now watch from the other side, through the eyes of a House staffer in 2023 reading subpoenaed emails in a windowless room, because Turner requires this view too. The staffer sees a federal agency that cannot censor speech under the First Amendment. He sees that agency in contact with a university consortium. He sees the consortium flagging posts to platforms, and the platforms acting on some flags. He does not need a conspiracy for the pattern to alarm him. He needs only the observation Turner supplies, that expert judgment had been wired into an enforcement circuit at a point no voter could reach, and that the wiring let each node disclaim the power the circuit as a whole exercised. The agency only shared concerns. The researchers only shared findings. The platform only enforced its own policies. Authority without an author. The staffer’s boss, Jim Jordan, put the conclusion on a poster. DiResta’s camp answered that the committee misread routine research correspondence, leaked fragments, and defamed scholars. Both descriptions fit the record, and that both fit is the finding. The settlement between knowledge and power had never defined where advice ends and rule begins, so each side could describe the same emails in good faith and reach opposite verdicts.

Turner’s typology sharpens the diagnosis. The misinformation expert differs from the aviation engineer in the audience for his claims. The engineer’s audience includes the public, which validates him in use across millions of uneventful flights. The misinformation expert’s audience was never the public. It was platforms and agencies, bureaucracies that acted on his findings, and the public met the findings only as outcomes, a label, a demotion, a vanished account. Turner names this configuration as the most corrosive one available, expertise exercised on the public through intermediaries rather than accepted by the public through experience. The citizen in Mesa cannot check the analyst. He can only obey the label or resent it. Multiply him by fifty million and the resentment becomes a constituency.

The revolt, when it came, followed Turner’s script so closely one could teach the script from the clippings. He argues that expertise which outruns its license does not get refuted, since the public lacks the means to refute it. It gets revoked. The revocation arrives as politics, crude, opportunistic, indifferent to the merits of particular studies, because revocation is the one instrument a democratic public retains over knowledge claims it cannot assess. The Twitter Files, the Weaponization subcommittee, the America First Legal suits, and the Murthy litigation made a single motion in different registers. They did not engage the field’s findings about the Internet Research Agency or rumor cascades. They attacked the field’s standing to sit in the loop. Matt Taibbi and Michael Shellenberger built the case in installments. Jordan enforced subpoenas and read student names into the record. Stephen Miller’s lawyers sued. The methods ranged from journalism to harassment, and the merits ranged from real questions to fantasy, and Turner’s frame holds through the whole range, because a legitimacy crisis does not select its collectors for fairness. The debt gets collected by whoever shows up.

One episode deserves its own paragraph, because it was the exception that proved the license problem. In October 2020, when the New York Post published the Hunter Biden laptop story, platforms suppressed the link, and figures across the expert class treated the story as probable foreign disinformation. Here, for once, the public got what Turner says the field otherwise never provides, a claim it could validate in use. The laptop was real. The story checked out. Every citizen could run the test himself, and millions did, and the field failed the one lay-checkable test it ever faced in public. An engineer survives a thousand landings and earns deference. A field survives on deference and loses its one landing. No committee hearing damaged the enterprise as much as that single verifiable miss, because it converted the skeptic’s suspicion from theory into experience.

The Supreme Court had the chance to write the missing settlement and declined. In Murthy v. Missouri, decided June 26, 2024, the majority found the plaintiffs lacked standing and left unaddressed the question underneath, when government contact with a platform becomes coercion. Turner might have predicted the abstention. Liberal constitutional doctrine has categories for the state and for the speaker, and thin ones for the commissioned intermediary, the expert consortium that is neither state nor citizen and carries messages between them. The Court looked at the circuit and could not find the node where the constitution attaches. So the circuit remains unadjudicated, the researchers remain exposed, and the next administration of either party inherits the ambiguity intact.

Stanford, facing millions in legal costs and no constitutional cover, ran the calculation a patron runs. By June 2024, Alex Stamos had stepped back, DiResta’s contract lapsed, staff were told to look for work, and the university insisted nothing was being shut down while the election work stopped. Turner’s supply-side analysis explains the collapse without any reference to who was right. Subsidized expertise lives at the pleasure of the subsidy. A field created by patrons in 2017 could be uncreated by patrons in 2024, and the personnel could do nothing about it, because the field had never acquired the independent base that validated disciplines hold, a public that misses them when they go. Aviation engineering cannot be dissolved by a nervous provost. Election-rumor research could be, and was.

DiResta’s response to the collapse is where her case turns instructive rather than merely illustrative, because her remedies read as an attempt to renegotiate the license on Turner’s terms, whether or not she has read him. The program in Invisible Rulers retreats from the configuration that destroyed her. Takedowns and flagging pipelines put expert judgment at an invisible point in the loop. Her proposals move judgment to points the citizen can inspect. Changed platform defaults are visible rules. User control over algorithmic feeds hands the lever to the layman. Friction before virality operates on all claims alike, without an analyst adjudicating each one. Transparency requirements let outsiders audit what the deference once concealed. The phrase she coined years earlier, freedom of speech, not freedom of reach, already contained the retreat, since it concedes the speech and fights only over amplification design. Read through Turner, the program amounts to converting Type-of-expertise, from judgment exercised on the public through bureaucracies toward engineering the public can validate in use, from the priest toward the civil engineer. It is the most serious attempt at relicensing the field has produced, and it came from the person the revocation hit hardest, which is no accident, since she alone among her peers has felt the full price of ruling without a license.

The relicensing remains incomplete at the point Turner would watch. Media literacy sits in her program alongside the design remedies, and literacy curricula are expertise teaching citizens whom to trust, a catechism for correct deference, drafted by the same class whose deference collapsed. And the design remedies still require someone to set the defaults and define the friction, which reopens the appointment question one level up. Turner’s deepest claim is that the problem admits no solution, only better and worse settlements, and that the standard fixes reproduce the problem at a remove, transparency reports written by experts, oversight boards staffed by experts, fact-checkers ranked by other fact-checkers. Her program improves the settlement. It does not escape the regress, and nothing can, which is Turner’s conclusion and should be the field’s.

What her case adds to the Turner literature is a limiting case the typology implies without developing. Every prior expertise claimed a competence the citizen lacks in some domain, bridges, drugs, monetary policy. Misinformation expertise claims competence over the citizen’s own weighing of testimony. Its founding premise holds that laymen cannot reliably judge which claims to believe, and must have the judging environment managed for them. But the layman’s capacity to weigh testimony is the one competence liberal democracy cannot delegate, since it grounds the vote, the jury, and the discussion Turner’s liberals stake everything on. The aviation engineer says, you cannot build the plane, and the citizen agrees and boards. The misinformation expert says, you cannot be trusted to decide what to believe, and the citizen who agrees has conceded the premise of his own self-government. This is why the field drew a revolt no economist ever drew, and why the revolt reached for constitutional language rather than technical rebuttal. The expertise did not sit inside the liberal settlement awkwardly, the way nuclear physics does. It contradicted the settlement’s first axiom, and the public heard the contradiction before the field did.

DiResta now works at a policy school, writes at Lawfare, publishes on full-spectrum state propaganda, and argues in public about defaults and friction and audit. She has become an expert on the terms of her own license, which no one in her field was in 2019, and the education cost her the field, the post, and for a season the name. The citizen in Mesa still cannot check her work. But her current program asks less of his deference and more of his inspection than anything her field produced in its funded years, and Turner’s framework suggests that this, rather than any hearing or ruling, is what the beginning of a legitimate settlement looks like, experts bidding for a license from the public instead of billing the public for one it never signed.

DiResta: ‘Corrections Are Censorship: Jacob Siegel’s Latest Fiction’

Renee DiResta writes on her Substack:

Jacob Siegel misleads readers in his new book. When I asked for corrections, he cried censorship in The Free Press—writing as accuser, investigator, and fact-checker all in one. A lie-machine exposé.
Jacob Siegel published a book last week called The Information State. It is a sweeping grand theory of how a deep state censorship machine was assembled to control American public opinion. It’s really just an expansion of his Tablet essay on the “censorship industrial complex” from 2023, in which he declared Frame Game Mike Benz a State Department “whistleblower” and echoed the allegations of the Twitter Files; if you read that, you’ve read the book. This is actually the problem: tons of evidence has come out since, in the courts and in Congress, and Siegel chose to ignore it and just repeat the same allegations. It’s since come out that Benz worked at State Department for two months, but no matter…same sources as scaffolding, etc.

In the book, Siegel insinuates the usual bullshit: I ran a wing of this censorship complex out of the Stanford Internet Observatory, I may be a secret CIA agent, etc. There’s a lot of guilt-by-association and straight-up errors. He describes a project I worked on as possibly the largest censorship initiative in existence.

Siegel’s book relies on innuendo, and then he pretends to be shocked when readers fall for the innuendo; that game is what we’re going to break down here. His reviewers keep doing what he wants them to do: reading between the lines and coming to (false) conclusions. The problem is that his fictional character — me — has leapt from the page, and dared to request factchecks over this, from three publications. After they’ve looked over the evidence, pubs have issued corrections in line with their editorial standards. The Brownstone Institute did nothing. The Free Beacon Issued a correction. The Baffler pulled their review.

On the merits, DiResta wins the narrow dispute. The 22 million figure comes from a post-election research dataset, and the actual flagging numbers, roughly 4,800 URLs with about 65 percent receiving no action, are in the public record: reports, amicus briefs, congressional testimony. Even the Jordan subcommittee, which had every ticket under subpoena and every incentive to inflate, never claimed 22 million flags. When your most hostile investigator with full document access declines to endorse a number, that number is dead. Her strongest structural point is the closing question: if the mass flagging did not happen, what was the mass censorship? Siegel’s book needs the big number because without it EIP shrinks to an academic tagging project that platforms mostly ignored.
Her account of Siegel’s method is also accurate as a description of how innuendo works in this genre. He never writes “EIP flagged 22 million tweets for censorship.” He builds a character sketch, describes round-the-clock monitoring and takedown requests, then drops the number in that context and lets reviewers complete the inference. When they do, he bears no responsibility for the false sentence because he never wrote it. This is a real technique and she names it well. Her Free Press complaint also lands: an accusatory email from the accuser is not a fact-check, and “she did not deny it” after stripping her reply down to one sentence is a construction any editor should catch.
Now the weaknesses. “Crazy bitch shit” and “lose his mind” cost her. She predicts in the piece that she will be cast as an unhinged woman, then hands Siegel the quote to do it with. When you know the trap, walking into it reads as either lack of discipline or a calculation that her audience rewards the register. Probably both. Substack pays for combat, and her subtitle (“lie-machine exposé”) shows she knows it.
The maternity leave passage is her weakest ground, and her April 16 update concedes as much. She says she did not lead EIP, then says she absolutely was a leader of it and proud of it. Her distinction, singular founder-villain versus one leader among several, is defensible, but she needed two paragraphs and an update to make it, and Siegel needed one screenshot. In a fight about precision, that is an unforced error. She calls his move a motte-and-bailey; a reader could say her original sentence was the bailey and the update the motte.
There is also a category question she skates past. She frames corrections requests to publications as pure counterspeech, and mostly that is right. But when the person requesting the correction spent years as the country’s most prominent scholar of platform moderation, and one outlet responds by pulling a review entirely rather than fixing it, the optics do some of Siegel’s work for him even though she asked only for a correction and the screenshot backs her. The Baffler’s overreaction is not her fault, but “the review vanished after she emailed” is the kind of fact pattern that feeds his narrative machine regardless of intent, and she knows how those machines run better than anyone.
The larger structure is the one you have seen before: both parties now occupy positions where the fight is the product. Siegel sells a book whose thesis requires a censor, so a correction request is the best marketing he could ask for. DiResta writes a Substack called Calling Bullshit on the Bullshit Industrial Complex, so his attack is her content. Each accusation funds the other side’s next post. That does not make them equally right. On the checkable facts she is right and he is not. But it explains why the dispute escalates rather than resolves, and why neither party has an incentive to let it die.

The Great Delusion

If John J. Mearsheimer’s anthropology is right, it provides a structural validation of DiResta’s empirical observations while reframing the ultimate stakes of her work.
DiResta’s research documents how ordinary digital tools can be used to launder conspiracy theories, elevate niche beliefs into mainstream opinions, and distort consensus. In a traditional liberal framework, the solution to this problem relies heavily on education, fact-checking, and the critical faculties of individual citizens who, when presented with accurate information, will logically reject falsehoods. Mearsheimer’s anthropology suggests that this individualist, reason-based defense is a fundamental misunderstanding of the human animal. If reason is the least important of the ways we determine our preferences, and if individuals develop deep attachments to their group long before critical faculties form, then no amount of fact-checking will dissolve a tribal narrative. When an online crowd rallies around a specific rumor or bespoke reality, they are not engaging in a detached intellectual exercise. They are engaging in tribal signaling and consolidation. The facts are irrelevant because the group attachment dictates the moral code, rendering individual critical reasoning secondary.
DiResta often writes about the incentives that drive online systems, noting that when attention, money, status, or political power reward manipulation, we see more of it. She tracks how platforms allow coordinated networks to mimic real communities, creating artificial amplification that feels like grassroots consensus. If Mearsheimer is right that humans are tribal at their core and designed to survive by being embedded in a society, then digital platforms do not create polarization out of thin air; they act as a supercharged accelerator for man’s innate tribal instincts. Human beings seek out social groups to escape the atomistic void of individualism. Social media algorithms simply automate and optimize this search, herding individuals into hyper-socialized digital tribes with unprecedented speed. The “invisible rulers” DiResta describes—the influencers who game algorithms to turn lies into reality—are simply exploiting the deep human need for group belonging and collective identity.
DiResta’s work often looks for structural interventions, such as design changes to platforms, decentralized social media, protocol-based governance, or “bridging-based” recommendation systems that promote content appealing across ideological lines.
However, if Mearsheimer’s view is correct, the splintering of reality into fragmented, adversarial factions is not a technical glitch or a malfunction of the information ecosystem that can be engineered away. It is the natural, inevitable expression of human nature when freed from the artificial constraints of centralized, institutional authorities. For decades, elite institutions and a centralized media ecosystem enforced a superficial, liberal consensus that masked man’s tribal core. By decentralizing communication, the internet did not corrupt a rational public; it merely stripped away the institutional filters, allowing human beings to revert to their primary, tribal state. If Mearsheimer’s anthropology holds, the bespoke realities DiResta studies are permanent fixtures of the human landscape, because the drive to protect and defend the tribe will always supersede the pursuit of an objective, universal truth.

‘A Big Misunderstanding’

To David Pinsof, DiResta represents the misunderstanding myth. Her entire career rests on the premise that societal fractures like political polarization and vaccine skepticism are malfunctions of our informational infrastructure. She views the public as gullible targets infected by a digital virus. If tech platforms simply deployed the right interventions and experts raised public consciousness, the country might return to a shared reality.

Pinsof offers a colder alternative. The citizens sharing memes, resisting institutional mandates, and participating in online tribalism do not suffer from a technical bug or a cognitive blind spot. They understand their incentives perfectly.

From this perspective, the online ecosystem is not a broken information utility; it is a highly efficient arena for high-stakes, zero-sum competition over the coercive apparatus of the state. Partisans do not share hyper-partisan propaganda because they are too stupid to spot fake news. They share it because confirmation bias helps them win arguments, demonize political enemies, and forge alliances with their peers. Stupidity online is strategic.

DiResta frames her work as a neutral effort to protect democratic consensus and restore institutional trust. Pinsof invites us to look past these stated motives and consider the actual motives. Defining misinformation and deciding which narratives require intervention is an instrument of immense social power. By setting the boundaries of acceptable discourse, elite institutional researchers create a framework that they happen to be uniquely qualified to police. It transforms local political preferences into objective standards of truth, allowing the credentialed class to dismiss their rivals not as competitors with conflicting material interests, but as irrational actors who need a nudge from their bethers.

The conflict between online factions does not stem from bad beliefs that better algorithmic engineering can fix. It stems from deeply conflicting motives over status, power, and resources. No amount of fact-checking or media literacy can bridge that divide. The only misunderstanding in disinformation research is the belief that political warfare is just a big misunderstanding.

The Vigilant Public: Renée DiResta Through Hugo Mercier’s Not Born Yesterday

In January 2020, Princeton University Press published Not Born Yesterday: The Science of Who We Trust and What We Believe by the French cognitive scientist Hugo Mercier. The book arrived weeks before a pandemic that would make “misinformation” the most funded word in American media criticism, and it argued that the entire panic rested on a false premise. Humans are not gullible. We evolved a suite of cognitive tools that Mercier calls open vigilance, and these tools make us too hard to influence, not too easy. The masses did not need protecting from lies. The people who believed they did were repeating an error as old as Plato.

Renée DiResta built her second career on the opposite premise. A former Jane Street trader with a Stony Brook degree in computer science and political science, she moved from Wall Street to venture capital to the study of anti-vaccine networks on Twitter, then to a Senate-commissioned report on Russian influence operations, then to the research manager’s desk at the Stanford Internet Observatory, where she helped run the Election Integrity Partnership in 2020 and the Virality Project in 2021. Congressional subpoenas, lawsuits, and online harassment followed. Stanford dismantled the Observatory in 2024. She landed at Georgetown’s McCourt School of Public Policy and published Invisible Rulers, a book whose title concedes nothing to Mercier. Lies, in her account, get turned into reality by influencers, algorithms, and crowds. In his account, that hardly ever happens, and when it appears to happen, the causation runs the other way.

Reading DiResta through Mercier is not a matter of scoring one against the other. It is a stress test. Mercier’s book supplies a body of evidence about how persuasion works, and DiResta’s career supplies a decade of interventions premised on a theory of how persuasion works. Where the evidence and the interventions meet, sparks come off.

Start with Mercier’s core claim, because everything else follows from it. Communication between organisms with divergent interests survives only if receivers benefit from listening. A gullible receiver gets exploited until he stops listening. Evolution therefore built humans to check every message against prior belief, to weigh the speaker’s competence and incentives, to demand arguments, and to track who has been right before. These checks run in infants. Twelve-month-olds resist testimony that contradicts what they have seen. Three-year-olds trust reporters over guessers. The checks never turn off. They get sharper with experience.

From this Mercier derives a prediction that most educated people find hard to swallow: mass persuasion should almost always fail. He then shows that it does. The Nazi propaganda apparatus, the most notorious persuasion machine ever built, moved anti-Semitic sentiment only in the districts that were already anti-Semitic before 1933, and in districts with low prior anti-Semitism, radio propaganda backfired. Ian Kershaw (b. 1943), the historian Mercier leans on, concludes that Nazi propaganda succeeded only where it could “build on existing consensus.” Soviet propaganda fared no better. Chinese citizens who consumed more state media trusted the government less. The Chinese Communist Party eventually gave up on persuasion and shifted to friction and flooding, making inconvenient information hard to find and burying the rest under celebrity gossip.

Democracies show the same pattern with better data. The 2018 meta-analysis by political scientists Joshua Kalla and David Broockman found that the net persuasive effect of campaign contact in American general elections, all the flyers, calls, canvassers, and ads, is zero. Cambridge Analytica, the firm the Guardian credited with hijacking democracy, Mercier calls a scam, and the Republican operatives who watched it work agreed, remembering “pop psychology B.S.” and no evidence of results. The wild swings in campaign polls turn out to be largely artifacts of who answers the phone.

Now set DiResta’s threat model beside this. From her earliest work she framed the problem as one of amplification reaching vulnerable minds. Foreign governments pilot memes to see what sways opinion. Extremist groups exploit an asymmetry of passion to shape the reality of viewers. The 2018 New Knowledge report she led for the Senate Intelligence Committee treated the Internet Research Agency’s Facebook and Instagram output as a serious assault on the American mind. The Election Integrity Partnership flagged election rumors to platforms in 2020 on the theory that viral falsehoods, left standing, would corrode democratic behavior. The Virality Project extended the model to vaccines in 2021 and, in its most criticized move, advised platforms that even true stories of vaccine side effects could fuel hesitancy and deserved attention.

Each intervention assumes that exposure drives belief and belief drives action. Mercier’s chapter on fake news attacks that causal chain at both links, and he names DiResta’s founding events while doing it. The Washington Post headline “Fake News Might Have Won Donald Trump the 2016 Election” and the Independent’s Brexit equivalent appear in his text as specimens of the very misconception his book exists to correct. His counter-evidence is specific. During the 2016 campaign, fewer than one in ten Facebook users shared any fake news, and 0.1 percent of Twitter users accounted for 80 percent of the fake news on that platform. The people visiting fake news sites were not persuadable moderates but the ten percent of Americans with the most conservative information diets, intense partisans scouting for material to justify a vote they had already decided on. When Brendan Nyhan (b. 1978) and colleagues corrected Trump’s false statements to his supporters, most supporters accepted the corrections and none wavered. When political scientists Jin Woo Kim and Eunji Kim tracked the Obama-is-a-Muslim rumor across survey waves, they found the rumor changed stated beliefs among people who already disliked Obama and changed no votes at all. Disliking Obama made people accept the rumor. The rumor made no one dislike Obama.

Mercier generalizes the point through bloodletting. Galen (129-c. 216) wrote the theory that justified opening European veins for seven centuries, yet a quarter of the world’s cultures bled their sick without ever hearing of humors. The theory did not produce the practice. The practice, and the need to defend it against competitors, produced the theory. Blood libels follow the same grammar. The Kishinev pogrom of 1903 was not caused by the ritual-murder rumor, because the same rumor circulated every Easter without a pogrom, and the violence, when it came, bore no relation to the accusation. Who avenges a murdered child by looting liquor stores? Scholars of ethnic riots concur, in the line Mercier quotes, that crowds seek justifications for a course of action already under way. Wanting to commit the atrocity comes first. Believing the absurdity comes second, as cover.

If Mercier is right, DiResta’s decade of supply-side intervention targeted the wrong side of the market. Flagging tickets, labeling posts, and pressuring platforms all attack supply, and the demand for justification routes around suppression the way Chinese conspiracy theories route around the most heavily policed information environment on earth. Mercier says so in as many words: attempts to shut off the channels through which conspiracy theories spread cannot eradicate them.

The point of the book that cuts deepest, though, concerns stakes. Mercier draws a line between beliefs that touch our vital interests and beliefs that float free of them, and shows that vigilance tracks the line. Workplace rumors, where being wrong costs money and standing, run 80 to 100 percent accurate; employees at one downsizing firm knew the layoff list a week before the announcement. Wall Street takeover rumors are right nearly half the time and markets price them sensibly. Global rumors about presidents, celebrities, and popes are junk, and people hold them the way they hold beliefs about the shape of the earth, reflectively, nominally, at no cost. The Pizzagate believers left one-star Yelp reviews. The 9/11 truthers who thought the CIA could demolish towers never feared it could silence a blogger. People are not gullible about their vital interests. They are careless about beliefs that cost nothing, and they are careless because it is rational to be. The misinformation field thus concentrated its fire on exactly the class of beliefs that Mercier’s evidence shows to be inert, while the beliefs that steer actual behavior, the local, the occupational, the material, were never in danger.

There is a reflexive turn here, and Mercier does not spare the people on his own side of the education gradient. The belief that the masses are gullible is itself, he argues, a culturally successful misconception, and it spreads by the same demand-side logic as the rumors it condemns. From Plato through the Enlightenment, elites who benefited from the status quo cited popular gullibility to argue against democracy. Elites who sympathized with the people, like Rousseau (1712-1778), cited gullibility to explain why the people had not yet revolted, or why they voted wrong. The masses “are never corrupted, though often deceived.” In 2016 a class of American professionals suffered two verdicts they experienced as inexplicable, Trump and Brexit, and fake news supplied the explanation that spared them a harder accounting. The misinformation field was, on Mercier’s model, a justification market. It sold the losing coalition a story in which the voters had not rejected them, the voters had been hacked.

DiResta was the market’s most talented supplier, and here the frame turns on her with some force, because her own audience believed her through open vigilance, not despite it. Editors, senators, foundation officers, and platform trust-and-safety teams checked her claims against their priors, found the fit excellent, noted her credentials and her lack of obvious commercial motive, and bought. The Senate report’s reception, the standing ovations for the “hacked democracy” narrative, the funding that flowed to Stanford, all of it followed the demand curve. When the political scientist Gregory Eady and colleagues published their analysis of the Internet Research Agency’s Twitter campaign in Nature Communications in 2023, they found exposure concentrated in one percent of users, nearly all strong partisans, and no measurable effect on attitudes, polarization, or voting. Mercier’s framework had predicted that result in advance. It also predicts why the finding changed few minds among those invested in the threat.

Mercier adds a sly coda that reframes what the Russian operation accomplished. Trajan’s column spirals its victory reliefs a hundred feet up where no Roman could read them, because the message was never the reliefs. The message was that the regime could build the column. Putin’s hockey team wins by cheating in front of everyone, and that is the point. Propaganda often works as a display of power rather than a vehicle of content. By this light, the Internet Research Agency’s product was not persuaded Americans, of whom there were roughly none. Its product was the American belief that Russia had reached into the national mind, a belief that made Russia look ten feet tall at a cost of some millions of dollars and a St. Petersburg office building. The misinformation field did not counter the operation. The field was the operation’s delivery system. Every Senate hearing, every report, every book about hacked democracy carved the column higher.

What does the frame concede to DiResta? A fair amount, and her later work moves toward the concessions. Mercier grants that beliefs cheap for their holders can be catastrophic for their targets. The Kishinev rumor cost its believers nothing and cost Jews their lives. Mao Zedong (1893-1976) believed Lysenkoist agronomy at no personal risk while forty million peasants starved. Where rumor functions as coordination for violence or harassment, the harm is real even though persuasion never occurred, and DiResta’s attention to brigading, mob targeting, and rumor-to-violence pipelines survives the Mercier test intact, though it survives as a public-order concern rather than an epistemic one. The mission changes. You are no longer protecting minds from false belief. You are tracking crowds that have already chosen their target and are shopping for a pretext.

Invisible Rulers also shows DiResta half-converting to the demand side. She now writes of participatory propaganda, of audiences as distributors, of bespoke realities that people assemble for themselves, and she tells interviewers that the misinformation crisis is really a crisis of trust. Mercier could sign most of those sentences. Her lineage runs through Edward Bernays (1891-1995) and Jacques Ellul, theorists of propaganda as environment rather than injection, which sits closer to Mercier than the hypodermic-needle model her early institutional work operationalized. The remaining disagreement is about remedy, and it is not small. DiResta wants better design: algorithms that reward accuracy over engagement, changed defaults, institutional capacity to watch the adversary. Mercier’s closing chapter locates the remedy elsewhere. Institutions earn belief by being trustworthy, and the anti-vaxxer’s failure is a failure of openness with real grounds behind it, pharmaceutical companies that bury failed trials and buy doctors. Clean up the conduct and the trust follows. Conspiracy theories recede in Norway and flourish in Pakistan because Norwegian institutions give citizens less to work with.

On Mercier’s account, the Virality Project’s decision to treat true stories of vaccine side effects as a moderation concern was therefore worse than a tactical error. It handed a vigilant public documented grounds for the suspicion that health authorities would shade the truth for their outcomes, and open vigilance never forgets a demonstrated incentive. The intervention meant to protect the chain of trust corroded a link, and links, Mercier writes on his last page, are the game. Science spread its counterintuitive claims through society on the strength of chains of trust and argument, fragile, centuries in the making, and every institution that spends credibility to manage a news cycle is drawing down the only account that matters.

DiResta’s fall reads through the same lens as her rise, which is the frame’s final courtesy to her, since it declines to treat her enemies as any smarter than her friends. As a mother organizing for California’s SB 277 in 2015, she had aligned interests and local stakes, and her audience’s vigilance vouched for her. As the research manager of a Stanford lab flagging citizen speech to platforms while in contact with government agencies, she presented a different incentive profile, and half the country read it and priced her accordingly. The rumors that then engulfed her, that her long-disclosed undergraduate CIA internship made her a spook, that she ran a censorship regime, spread among people who wanted a justification for a fight they had already joined, exaggerated by the same demand-side logic that inflated Russian bots for her own coalition. Jim Jordan’s (b. 1964) subpoenas and Matt Taibbi’s (b. 1970) “censorship industrial complex” persuaded no one who was not already enlisted. When the Supreme Court disposed of Murthy v. Missouri on standing in June 2024, the vindication changed nothing, because the beliefs about her had followed the coalitions, not the evidence. She became the subject of a titillating rumor, held cheaply by millions, at devastating cost to its target. No one in the story was gullible. That is the terror of Mercier’s book. The machinery worked as designed, on everyone, from the start.

What survives of her campaign, weighed on Mercier’s scales, is the part that was never about belief: the tracking of coordinated harassment, the rumor-to-violence pipelines, the forensics of fake account networks as counterintelligence rather than mind-protection. What does not survive is the founding premise, that a vulnerable public required a professional class to filter its information diet. The public was not born yesterday. It read the filterers the way it reads everyone, by asking who they were, what they wanted, and who paid them, and it filed the answers where it files everything else.

The Alliance Map of Renée DiResta

Take her Atlantic corpus as a dataset. Between March 2020 and November 2025, Renée DiResta published pieces on Russian interference, Chinese conspiracy diplomacy, anti-vaccine influencers framed by a Tucker Carlson image, QAnon, the right’s disinformation apparatus preparing for Trump’s loss, right-wing social media divorcing from reality, the one-sided misinformation of 2020, Elon Musk fighting for attention, the Twitter Files as missed opportunity, Arizona’s voting-machine rumors, rumors on X becoming the right’s reality, Musk’s soap operas for conspiracy buffs, and the right-wing attack on Wikipedia. Two pieces advise public-health officials on communicating better. One praises Wikipedia as a model for the CDC. Now ask what predicts this list. A principle predicts poorly. A principled anti-falsehood beat covering 2020 through 2025 would have produced entries on the lab-leak dismissal, the laptop suppression, the collapse of the Steele dossier, and the years of official assurances about an aging president. None appear. An alliance map predicts the list almost line by line.

David Pinsof, David O. Sears, and Martie G. Haselton supply the map-reading method in “Strange Bedfellows: The Alliance Theory of Political Belief Systems” (Psychological Inquiry, 2023). Their claim runs against the whole self-understanding of political actors. Belief systems do not derive from values. They derive from alliance structures, historically contingent coalitions of groups thrown together by similarity, transitivity, and shared rivals, and the beliefs are ad hoc justifications generated to mobilize support for allies in conflicts. The generating tools are what the authors call propagandistic biases. Perpetrator biases minimize an ally’s transgressions, stress mitigating circumstances, and embellish good intentions. Victim biases maximize an ally’s grievances and attribute the rival’s motives to malevolence. Attributional biases credit an ally’s advantages to talent and effort and its setbacks to external attack. The authors stress two things the casual reader misses. The biases run symmetrically across all coalitions, and the partisan applying them is sincere, because inside a coalition, motivated reasoning functions as an honest signal of loyalty. Distrust your allies’ side of the story and they stop treating you as an ally.

Read DiResta through the map and start with her coalition, because Alliance Theory forbids starting with her ideas. Pinsof and his co-authors trace the late twentieth-century split of the American upper class into rival elites, intellectual and business, knowledge workers on one side and corporate wealth on the other. DiResta belongs to the intellectual-elite alliance: research universities, foundations, legacy media, public health, election administration, and the platform trust-and-safety departments those institutions staffed and trained. Her rivals follow from the alliance structure rather than from any philosophy: the populist right coalition, foreign state rivals, anti-vaccine networks that defied public health, and, from April 2022 forward, one man.

Musk gives the theory a test. Through 2021 he ran the most subsidized electric-car company on earth, and the knowledge class treated him as an eccentric ally. Her Atlantic file contains nothing on him. He bids for Twitter in April 2022, the terrain her alliance had spent six years learning to govern, and her first Musk piece appears that month. Three more follow across three years, tracking his migration into the rival coalition, from fighting for attention to soap operas for conspiracy buffs. Nothing in Musk’s epistemic conduct changed categories in April 2022. His alliance did. Pinsof’s account of interdependence and rivalry detection predicts the timing of her attention better than any account of her stated values, because the stated values existed for a decade while Musk drew no fire.

The same logic explains her final entry in the dataset. In November 2025 she defends Wikipedia against a right-wing campaign. Wikipedia is the knowledge class’s commons, written by its members, governed by its norms, feeding the AI models on which its next institutional bets ride, and she had already held it up as a model for the CDC in 2021. An attack on Wikipedia is an attack on alliance infrastructure. The defense follows as a corollary of the map. So does the earlier praise: within her coalition, Wikipedia counts as authority repaired, while a crowdsourced encyclopedia governed by the rival coalition’s editors might have appeared in her corpus under another name.

Now run the vocabulary through the theory, because the vocabulary is where her case extends Pinsof rather than illustrating him. The paper argues that partisans frame conflicts as morality to recruit third parties, creating common knowledge that one side is moral so that neutral observers can join at low cost. Each coalition derogates in the idiom of its own capital. Business elites call their rivals lazy and parasitic, an economic idiom, since wealth is the asset they hold. Religious coalitions call their rivals sinful. The intellectual-elite alliance holds epistemic capital, degrees, journals, data access, and its derogation idiom is epistemic: the rival coalition is misinformed, the rival’s claims are disinformation, the rival’s media diet is a pathology requiring intervention. The idiom performs the recruiting function on the referees who count for this alliance, platforms, advertisers, agencies, and courts, none of whom can be recruited with sin but all of whom respond to accuracy. On this reading, misinformation is what the knowledge class calls the other side’s propaganda, and information is what it calls its own, and the terms feel like measurements from inside because the coalition’s members staff the measuring institutions. DiResta coined a refinement in 2021, ampliganda, propaganda amplified by real people, and the refinement keeps the asymmetry, since the corpus applies it to rival networks and never to the amplification cascades her own coalition ran through its newsrooms.

The propagandistic biases sort her hard cases with uncomfortable ease. Perpetrator bias: New Knowledge, where she directed research, housed the Project Birmingham operation, a disinformation-style experiment in the 2017 Alabama race, and the episode enters her camp’s account with full mitigating apparatus, a rogue executive, a small budget, no proof of her participation, an aberration. The Virality Project flagged true vaccine stories that might fuel hesitancy, and the episode enters as a defensible judgment call under emergency conditions. Rival transgressions receive the victim-bias treatment in mirror image: systemic, coordinated, malevolent, and escalating. Attributional bias: her alliance’s authority derives from method and rigor, internal causes, while its collapse in 2024 derives from lawfare and harassment, external attack. The rival coalition’s beliefs derive from manipulation by grifters and algorithms, external causes, never from persuasion, since crediting a rival with persuasion concedes it an internal strength. Her 2021 piece stating that 2020’s voting falsehoods came almost exclusively from the right makes the attributional move, we flag them more because they lie more, and Alliance TheoryAlliance TheoryAlliance Theory predicts that both camps will read this essay as vindication. That prediction, at least, seems safe.

The Emergency Register: Renée DiResta Through Securitization Theory

At 9:32 on the morning of August 1, 2018, Chairman Richard Burr (b. 1955) gaveled open a hearing of the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence in room SH-216 of the Hart Building. Poster boards stood on easels beside the witness table, blown-up screenshots of fake social media accounts, the props arranged before the witnesses spoke. Renée DiResta, then director of research at a threat intelligence firm in Austin, told the senators that online manipulation was one of the defining threats of our generation.

Read the sentence slowly. It names a threat. It scales the threat to a generation, which is to say, to everything. It issues from a witness whose firm sells detection of the threat, whose datasets measure the threat, and whose field exists only if the threat does. The senators, men formed by network television, could not check a claim about recommendation algorithms any more than they could check a claim about centrifuge cascades. They could accept or refuse. They accepted, and the acceptance built a field.

There is a body of theory built for that sentence. In the 1990s, Barry Buzan (b. 1946) and Ole Wæver (b. 1960), working at the Copenhagen Peace Research Institute, developed what became known as securitization theory, formalized with Jaap de Wilde in Security: A New Framework for Analysis (1998). Their insight was that security is not a condition out in the world waiting to be measured. Security is a speech act. A securitizing actor declares that a referent object, the state, the nation, the environment, faces an existential threat. If the relevant audience accepts the declaration, the issue leaves normal politics, where claims get debated, budgets get contested, and losers get another round, and enters the emergency register, where speed beats deliberation and measures forbidden in ordinary times become licensed. The theory stays agnostic on whether the threat is real. It studies the move. Wæver added a normative preference that most readers skip: he thought desecuritization, the return of issues to ordinary politics, was usually the healthier direction, because the emergency register is where democracies store their exceptions.

The Copenhagen School catalogued the conditions under which the move succeeds. The grammar must be right: a threat, a referent object, a point of no return, a way out. The speaker must hold a position of authority with the audience. The threat should carry features that make it easy to imagine. All three conditions stood ready in SH-216. The intelligence community had already certified Russian interference, lending the witness borrowed state authority. The 2016 result had left half the political class searching for an account of what had happened to them. And the props supplied the imagination: here is the fake account, here is the Black activist page run from St. Petersburg, here is the machine reaching into the American mind. DiResta did not have to build the emergency from nothing. She had to name it, scale it, and stand beside it as its interpreter.

What sets her case apart from the theory’s standard specimens is the referent object. Classical securitization defends borders, regimes, currencies, identities. DiResta’s referent was shared reality, the epistemic base on which self-government is said to rest. No one had securitized that before, and the novelty carried a structural consequence the Copenhagen authors never had to model. When a defense minister securitizes a border, the audience already funds armies and intelligence services that can assess the claim against the speaker’s interest. When DiResta securitized the information space, no independent assessment capacity existed. The instruments that measured the threat, the network maps, the platform datasets, the account attributions, belonged to the same small circle that announced it. The witness named the emergency and held the only thermometers. She securitized a domain and chartered its priesthood in one appearance, and for the next four years the people who assessed whether the threat was growing were the people whose budgets grew with it.

The emergency register then licensed its extraordinary measures, and their form deserves attention because it explains the constitutional dead end that came later. A state emergency runs through the state, where courts and elections can reach it. This emergency ran through private platforms. The Election Integrity Partnership logged viral election claims into a ticketing queue in 2020, with university analysts, election officials, and platform trust-and-safety desks sharing one workflow. The Virality Project extended the model to vaccine rumors in 2021 and advised platforms that even true stories of side effects could fuel hesitancy. Analysts worked election week in shifts. Speed beat deliberation, which is the signature of the register: a rumor about Sharpie pens could not wait for a peer-reviewed rebuttal, so it got a ticket, a trace, and in some cases a flag. When the plaintiffs in Murthy v. Missouri asked the Supreme Court to find the emergency, the Court could not locate a state actor to hold, and on June 26, 2024, it dismissed the case on standing. The exception had been engineered to run outside the constitutional register that supervises exceptions. Securitization through platforms evades the checks that securitization through states must face, and the evasion, which looked like cleverness in 2020, meant that no court ever ruled the measures lawful, so the legitimacy question stayed open for whoever wanted to collect it.

The Copenhagen School explains the move. It takes the Paris School to explain the mover. Didier Bigo, writing against Copenhagen’s focus on dramatic speech acts, argued in “Security and Immigration: Toward a Critique of the Governmentality of Unease” (2002) that securitization in modern states is less a speech than a trade. A transnational class of professionals, police, intelligence officers, border technicians, risk analysts, private security vendors, competes for budgets and jurisdiction by defining threats their own skills happen to fit. Bigo calls them managers of unease. They circulate among agencies, firms, and academies, carrying their techniques with them, and the competition among them selects for threat inflation, because the market for assessments punishes deflation. No analyst ever lost funding by overstating a danger he was hired to watch. The understaters lose the contracts, the hearings, and the field, and they lose them before anyone learns they were right.

Set DiResta’s biography against Bigo’s portrait. Summers at the Central Intelligence Agency from 1999 to 2004. Seven years on a trading floor, where the job is pricing risk from incomplete information. Then New Knowledge, a private firm whose product was disinformation defense sold to corporations and, after 2016, to committees. New Knowledge was an unease vendor in the strict Bigo sense: its revenue was a function of the perceived size of the threat it detected. The firm’s chief executive went further than the model requires, participating in Project Birmingham, the 2017 Alabama experiment that manufactured the appearance of Russian bot support for Roy Moore, a vendor fabricating a sample of the danger it sold protection against. No public evidence shows DiResta directed those tactics, and the distinction should be kept. The structural point survives the distinction. She rose through a firm whose commercial logic was the logic Bigo describes, then carried the toolset into a university lab funded by foundations that wanted the threat watched, staffed by analysts whose careers required its persistence. The techniques of counterterrorism, the actor attribution, the network mapping, the fusion of state and private data, migrated into the civilian information space inside the résumés of the migrants.

Bigo also predicted the form the work would take. The Paris School holds that mature securitization stops announcing itself and settles into routine, into software, watchlists, and queues, where the emergency no longer needs declaring because it lives in the workflow. The EIP ticketing system is that settlement. No one stood up in November 2020 and proclaimed an existential threat over each Arizona rumor. An analyst opened a ticket. The form had a field for the claim, a field for the spread, a field for the assessment, and the emergency ran through the form the way water runs through pipe, invisible, procedural, and continuous. A voter in Mesa met the register as a label under a post. He could not see the queue, and the queue could not see him, and Bigo would say that this mutual blindness is what the governmentality of unease looks like from both ends.

Run the counterfactual the frame demands. Imagine DiResta testifying in August 2018 that the Internet Research Agency’s reach concentrated among committed partisans, that its persuasive effect on the election was likely near zero, and that the greater danger lay in overreaction. The testimony might have been closer to what later measurement found. It would also have ended the hearing, the field, the Observatory, and the career, because a threat priced at its measured size funds no apparatus. The selection pressure runs upstream of any individual’s honesty. The field recruited people who found the threat vast because people who found it vast were the ones the field could use, and each of them, sincere, credentialed, and diligent, then produced the assessments that confirmed the recruitment. She has been more careful with numbers than her field’s median, correcting the 22 million figure down to some 4,800 flagged URLs when a hostile author inflated it. The care is real and it operates inside the ratchet, not against it, because the ratchet turns on the size of the mission, not the size of any statistic.

The mission grew the way Bigo says jurisdictions grow. Anti-vaccine networks in 2015. Russian operations in 2018. Election rumors in 2020. Vaccine rumors in 2021. Then AI-generated propaganda, deepfake text, TikTok’s recommendation engine as an instrument of algorithmic control, and the problem of verifying humanness online. Some of the expansion tracks technological change that any honest observer might track. The frame reads the pattern, and the pattern never once contracted. No cycle ended with the finding that the threat had shrunk and the watchers could stand down. Emergencies staffed by professionals do not file reports recommending their own demobilization, and Robert Higgs (b. 1944) built a book, Crisis and Leviathan, on the observation that the apparatus never returns to baseline.

Then came the part of the theory that almost never gets written, because securitizations rarely fail in public. The Copenhagen School holds that the move lives on audience acceptance and dies on its withdrawal. DiResta’s securitization needed three audiences: Congress for legitimacy, platforms for enforcement, and the press for moral cover. Between 2022 and 2024 all three broke. Elon Musk bought the enforcement layer and handed its internal files to writers who ran the securitizing move in reverse. The Twitter Files, the Weaponization subcommittee, and the America First Legal suits declared an existential threat to a rival referent object, free speech, named the anti-disinformation field as the threat, and licensed their own extraordinary measures, subpoenas that swept in undergraduates, discovery aimed at researchers, legal costs designed to price the work out of existence. Note what this was not. Wæver’s desecuritization returns an issue to ordinary politics, where people argue and vote. Nothing returned to ordinary politics. The information domain stayed in the emergency register and changed hands. The field that had processed rumors got processed as one, by the same grammar, before a new audience, with a new priesthood standing beside its own poster boards. Jim Jordan (b. 1964) announcing that free speech had won again is a securitizing actor closing a successful operation, and the symmetry is the finding, not an irony to savor.

Score the frame where it strains, because a frame that explains everything explains nothing. Securitization theory cannot say whether the threat was real, and parts of it were: the Internet Research Agency existed, rumor-to-violence pipelines kill people in India and Myanmar, and coordinated harassment destroys lives, including hers. The theory reads the register, not the facts filed in it. The Pentagon report strains the Bigo portrait, since her team exposed covert American influence operations at no funding advantage and some cost, conduct an unease manager might have skipped, though a defender of the frame can answer that policing all intruders, including one’s own state, enlarges jurisdiction too. And her conduct after the collapse runs against the ratchet. The program in Invisible Rulers, changed defaults, user control over feeds, friction applied to all claims alike, transparency that outsiders can audit, moves the domain’s governance out of the emergency register and into design politics, visible, contestable, and slow. Whether she has read Wæver or not, the program is desecuritization by his definition, offered by the person the register consumed. It asks less deference than the ticketing queue asked and it surrenders the priesthood’s monopoly on the thermometers.

The offer has no takers yet. Her old coalition wants the emergency back, staffed and funded. Her new enemies have an emergency of their own and no reason to close it. Both camps now hold watchtowers, and the theory’s last lesson is the earliest one Wæver taught: the emergency register is easy to enter and hard to leave, because everyone who enters it acquires a post, and the post comes with a view of every threat except the register. In room SH-216 a witness told the senators the danger would define a generation. Eight years on, the sentence holds, though not as she meant it. What defined the generation was not the manipulation. It was the emergency declared over it, the professions chartered to manage it, and the discovery, made twice from opposite directions, that a society which governs its speech from the emergency register will be governed by whoever holds the register that year.

The Oldest Law: Renée DiResta and Folk Deterrence

In April 2023, the House Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government subpoenaed Stanford University’s documents on the Election Integrity Partnership. The demands swept in the names of students, undergraduates among them, who had worked shifts logging election rumors during their junior year. The subcommittee never published a refutation of the partnership’s findings. It did not need one. The students’ names in a congressional docket did the work a refutation cannot do. Every graduate student in America weighing a career in this field read the docket and understood the terms. So did every provost. By June 2024 Stanford had let Renée DiResta’s contract lapse, the partnership had announced it would work no future election, and the field had lost its flagship at the richest university on earth without a single finding being overturned.

The internet has a name for this. FAFO, fuck around and find out, the phrase that turns up on gun-range t-shirts, in police-blotter comment sections, and in every schoolyard that ever existed. It reads as a joke and functions as jurisprudence. FAFO holds that conduct carries prices, that the prices get set by the offended rather than by referees, and that the collection teaches the audience more than any argument. It is folk deterrence theory, and it descends from the oldest written law there is. The Code of Hammurabi and the lex talionis of Exodus did not invent retaliation. They found it running and tried to cap it, an eye for an eye as a ceiling on the exchange rate, because the feud predates the court by longer than the court likes to remember.

The formal literature caught up in the twentieth century. Thomas Schelling (1921-2016) separated the power to hurt from the power to win in Arms and Influence and argued that hurting is bargaining, a language spoken to audiences rather than targets. Donald Black (1941-2024), in “Crime as Social Control,” showed that most of what states prosecute as crime is self-help justice, punishment executed by people who believe no referee will hear their case. Robert Axelrod (b. 1943) ran the tournaments in The Evolution of Cooperation and found that tit-for-tat, retaliate once, then match the other side’s last move, beats both saintliness and savagery, provided the players can see each other’s moves and expect to meet again. Read together, the three supply the grammar of FAFO: deterrence prices conduct instead of judging it, the addressee is the crowd rather than the culprit, and the system stabilizes only when signals are legible and the game repeats.

Run DiResta’s decade through that grammar and the disinformation wars stop looking like a dispute about truth. They look like a feud between coalitions, each running a deterrence campaign dressed as an epistemics campaign, each experiencing its own campaign as hygiene and the rival’s as terror.

Her coalition struck first, and the frame requires saying so without flinching. Consider what content moderation does, as conduct rather than as doctrine. A takedown removes one post from one feed. Its effect on the poster’s beliefs runs somewhere near zero, and its effect on the audience is the point. A takedown teaches every observer what gets a man removed. A label prices a class of claims. A deplatforming prices a career. The Election Integrity Partnership’s ticketing queue, whatever its analysts intended, operated as a pricing bureau: this rumor drew a flag, that account drew a strike, and the platform’s enforcement published the tariff schedule to everyone watching. The Virality Project went further in 2021 and advised platforms that true stories of vaccine side effects deserved attention, which drew a red line across a class of speech that included accurate speech. Deterrence campaigns do that. They price by category, since categories teach faster than cases. Half the country read the line as drawn across its own mouth, and in deterrence the reading is the reality, because deterrence lives in the audience’s head or nowhere.

The coalition did not experience any of this as a strike. It experienced it as public health, which is how first movers in feuds always experience their opening, and the sincerity changes nothing about the signal received. From 2017 through 2021 the deplatformings ran in one political direction often enough that the target population stopped parsing individual cases and priced the pattern. By the folk law’s logic, a coalition that governs a rival’s speech while calling the governance neutral has fucked around. The finding out took five years to arrive because the aggrieved coalition believed the referees were captured. Here Black’s essay earns its place in the essay. Self-help justice arises where law is unavailable, and the right’s information wing surveyed the referees, courts that move in years, universities that housed the flaggers, platforms whose trust-and-safety desks trained under the flaggers, a press that cited them, and concluded that no tribunal it trusted would hear the case. So it built its own tribunal, outside all of them.

The counterstrike arrived in the structure Black predicts, a trial conducted through channels the plaintiff controls. Elon Musk bought the evidence room in October 2022 and handed the files to writers. The Twitter Files were discovery. The hearings of Jim Jordan were prosecution. The America First Legal suits of Stephen Miller , naming Renée DiResta, Alex Stamos, and Kate Starbird and surviving into discovery in a Louisiana federal court in December 2024, were the civil docket. The harassment was the sentence, executed by the crowd, as folk sentences are. And through the entire proceeding, the merits sat untouched. Matt Taibbi and Michael Shellenberger never overturned the Internet Research Agency attribution. The subcommittee, holding every ticket under subpoena, never showed the 2020 flags were wrong. Deterrence does not argue. It prices, and the price list ran: millions in legal fees, security consultations for a mother of three, undergraduate names in dockets, a research center wound down, a field’s hiring pipeline poisoned at the source. Murthy v. Missouri failed at the Supreme Court in June 2024 and the failure cost the campaign nothing, because the campaign’s court was never in Washington. General deterrence had already succeeded. Ask the provosts.

The frame explains the feature of the episode that the legitimacy frames explain worst, the disproportion. DiResta flagged tweets and absorbed a sentence sized for a regime. Folk deterrence works that way by design. It punishes faces rather than culpability, because the audience learns from faces, and she was the face on the poster board, the witness from the Senate hearing, the researcher with the Agency summers that made the story write its own villain. Schelling taught that effective threats leave something to chance and that excess signals resolve. A proportionate response, a stern op-ed answering her op-eds, teaches nothing. A response that wrecks a career for conduct a court never adjudicated teaches every onlooker that the coalition’s lines cost more to cross than anyone can pay. The cruelty was the syllabus.

Now run the exchange backward once more, because tit-for-tat has no first round that both players accept. Ask her coalition when the feud began and it answers 2016, with a foreign operation and a flood of lies that licensed emergency measures. Ask the rival coalition and it answers earlier, with a decade of institutional capture that made the emergency measures possible, and behind that another grievance, and behind that another. Feuds have no agreed opening. Each side holds a ledger on which its own last strike appears as retaliation and the rival’s appears as aggression, and the ledgers never reconcile because reconciling them is the sovereign’s job and the sovereign is missing. This is the condition lex talionis was written for. An eye for an eye reads as savage until you see what it replaced, which was a head for an eye, a clan for a head. The code capped the exchange rate because someone with authority over both parties existed to cap it. The information wars run uncapped. No institution holds authority over both coalitions, the courts declined the case on standing, and each camp reads every cap proposal as the rival’s attempt to freeze the feud at a favorable line.

The current equilibrium looks like what deterrence theorists call mutual deterrence and feud scholars call exhaustion. Her coalition’s enforcement apparatus is dismantled or in retreat. Meta ended third-party fact-checking in January 2025, X runs on community notes, the partnerships are dissolved, and researchers have exited the field or rebranded their work. The rival coalition’s campaign wound down for lack of targets. Both sides now patrol a demilitarized information zone where almost nobody flags anything, which the right calls freedom and the left calls abandonment and Axelrod might call a fragile truce. His tournaments carry a warning for this one. Tit-for-tat stabilizes when moves are visible and the players expect repeated rounds. The information feud runs on murky attribution, anonymous mobs, and asymmetric visibility, and under those conditions tit-for-tat degrades into vendetta, since each side punishes its estimate of the other’s move rather than the move. The next round is loaded whenever an administration changes and the enforcement machinery changes hands. Both camps prefer the feud to the code because each expects to win the next round, and that expectation is the engine feuds run on for generations.

DiResta’s own conduct since the sentence reads, through this frame, as an attempt to move her disputes back under referees, which is what a party does when self-help has priced her out. The fight with Jacob Siegel over his book ran through corrections requests to publications, editor by editor, with documents. One outlet corrected, one did nothing, one pulled a review. Measured tit-for-tat, proportionate, addressed to institutions that still hold a shred of authority over both parties. Her Substack register tells the other half of the story. The combat subtitles, the profanity, the promise to break down every smear, are counter-deterrence signaling, a target advertising that she is expensive to attack, that every innuendo draws a documented reply. A woman who absorbed a folk sentence has learned the folk law, and her current posture, referee where possible, retaliation where necessary, is what the literature says a rational player does in a system with weak courts. The register costs her. She predicted her enemies might cast her as unhinged and then handed them quotes for the casting, which is the known tax on deterrence talk: credible threats require heat, and heat photographs badly.

Score the frame where it strains. FAFO assumes a transgression, and the transgression is the disputed question. The frame reads the punishment and stays agnostic on the crime, which means it cannot say whether the EIP’s flags were right, whether the IRA report was sound, or whether the Virality Project’s advice was defensible under emergency conditions. Those questions belong to other tribunals, and this frame’s finding is that no tribunal both sides accept has heard them, or will. The frame also fits the field better than it fits her margins. Her team’s Pentagon report exposed covert American influence operations, a strike against her own coalition’s security wing, and feud actors do not strike their own patrons. The report is evidence that a researcher lived inside the operative, and the frame, honest, records the evidence against its own reading. And the frame cannot price truth at all, which is its limit and its lesson. A deterrence system settles who may speak at what cost. It never settles what is so. Societies invented courts, journals, and juries because the feud answers the first question while starving the second, and a country that lets its information disputes run on folk law will get what folk law delivers, order of a kind, priced in faces, with the truth left standing outside the tribunal, uncalled.

The oldest law is old because it works and older than the code because it needs no one’s permission. DiResta spent a decade inside institutions that believed they had replaced it, universities, platforms, committees, partnerships, all of them staffed by people who thought the exchange of consequences had been civilized into procedure. The feud came through the procedure like water through a fence. Her field fucked around in the currency of flags and found out in the currency of subpoenas, and the finding out taught the watching country nothing about Russian bots, vaccine rumors, or stolen elections. It taught the price of standing between Americans and their speech, posted where every provost could read it, which was the message, which was always the message, because deterrence has only ever had one.

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Brandy Zadrozny: The Librarian Who Went to War

On the morning of December 17, 2020, a nurse named Tiffany Dover stands at a podium in Chattanooga, Tennessee. She manages the COVID unit at CHI Memorial Hospital and she has just received one of the first vaccine doses in America, live, on camera, in front of local reporters. She takes questions. Then she stops. She says she feels dizzy. She apologizes. She faints into the arms of the doctors behind her, and the local news cameras turn away. Twenty minutes later she is back at the podium saying she feels fine, that fainting happens to her when she feels pain. It does not matter. In the twenty minutes she was off camera, strangers around the world decided she was dead.

Six hundred miles north, in Brooklyn, Brandy Zadrozny (b. 1980) is watching livestreams of medical workers getting their shots. This is her job. She calls the method deep hanging out, borrowing the phrase Clifford Geertz (1926-2006) used for anthropological immersion, and what she immerses in are the anti-vaccine groups, the far-right channels, the conspiracy forums. She waits for something to happen. Now something happens. The clip of the fainting nurse moves through the channels she monitors, gathering claims as it goes. Dover is dead. The hospital is covering it up. The woman in later photos is a body double. The list of conspirators grows to include the drug companies, the media, and the Pope. Zadrozny watches a theory get born in real time, and she cannot let it go. The obsession will consume the next two and a half years of her working life and produce the podcast that defines her career.

To understand why this reporter, of all the reporters in New York, chased a fainting nurse to the hills of northern Alabama, you have to start at a reference desk.

Zadrozny did not train as a journalist. She tended bar. She taught middle school English. From 2003 to 2007 she worked as a teacher-librarian for the New York City Board of Education, and she earned a master’s degree in library and information science from Pratt Institute in Brooklyn. She worked the news library at ABC News. For a stretch she lived in Vermont, baked pies, skied cross-country, worked the Burlington Public Library and the reference desk at Champlain College. She has said her mission never changed from those days: inform a public hungry for answers. At the reference desk the question was the capital of Montana. Later the question became the identity of the anonymous account the president retweeted that morning.

In December 2011 she took a job in the research department at Fox News, the unit the network calls the Brain Room. It sits apart from the opinion shows, staffed in those years with doctors, lawyers, a former SEC man, subject specialists. She has described its internal mandate as an order to “kill BS stories,” and has called it the most depressing job she ever had. The Brain Room fielded questions from producers across the building, and the questions mapped the building’s range. Shep Smith’s team wanted witnesses and user-generated content when news broke. A Fox and Friends producer once asked her whether dolphins rape people. She built briefing books on women’s issues, crime statistics, abortion. She lasted about eighteen months, and when she left in May 2013, she left money on the table. She has said she “took a huge pay cut to be a baby reporter” at The Daily Beast, a woman in her thirties with a graduate degree starting at the bottom.

The bottom at The Daily Beast was the Cheat Sheet, the site’s aggregation column. One hundred words or fewer per item. A lede, a kicker, the right voice, real editing sessions. It taught her compression the way the reference desk had taught her retrieval. She rose to researcher and then reporter, covering social issues, science, and crime, and she became the person other reporters came to when they needed a court record, a domain history, an archived page, a person who did not want to be found. She showed the newsroom how to set domain-name notifications, a trick that produced the site’s scoop on the crude internet domains that Felix Sater, the Trump associate and convicted mobster, registered against his enemies. She dug bankruptcy filings out of court records to show how chronic illness pushed Dan Scavino, Trump’s social media director, into insolvency. Ben Collins, her frequent reporting partner in those years, later said she was “the crown jewel of any newsroom” she worked in, that she could find what no one else could find and then present it in a way that felt human.

Around 2015 the beat found her. Collins tracked conspiracy theories. She tracked pickup artists and their crimes. Mass shootings came faster, and the two of them started pulling the shooters’ online lives out of the wreckage of deleted profiles and archived posts. The work sat in a strange place. Editors treated internet subcultures as a sideshow, juvenile and strange, a technology story at best. Then the sideshow elected a president. Zadrozny has described the shift in one line: suddenly the stupid stuff on the internet, the scary stuff, became mainstream and important. In 2018 NBC News hired her and Collins to cover it full time. Collins called his half the dystopia beat. Hers had no name yet. Disinformation, misinformation, extremism, the internet. The titles kept changing because the institution was still learning what it had bought.

What it had bought was a method. Political reporting in Washington runs on access. You cultivate the operative, the lawyer, the staffer, and you trade. Zadrozny’s reporting runs on records. She treats the internet as a vast and badly indexed public archive, and she works it the way a librarian works a collection: preserve the page before it vanishes, compare the versions, follow the trail from the Telegram channel to the fundraising page to the corporate filing to the courthouse. Her stories do not announce that a false claim exists. They reconstruct its supply chain. Where did it start. Who carried it. Who paid. Who got paid. When she and Collins covered QAnon, they covered it as a movement with influencers, revenue streams, victims, and congressional candidates, a participatory religion assembling itself in public, and their reporting became the standard account as the theory moved from message boards toward the Capitol.

The money question separates her from the moralists on the beat. Plenty of coverage treats false belief as a fever or a character defect. Zadrozny asks who benefits. Her reporting on the anti-vaccine movement traced an industry: the supplement lines, the donation streams, the legal defense funds, the nonprofits, figures like Robert F. Kennedy Jr. (b. 1954) and Del Bigtree converting distrust into audience and audience into revenue. The frame makes disinformation legible as an economy rather than a fog, and it holds up whether the seller is a Telegram hustler or a cabinet secretary. By 2025 she was reporting on Kennedy’s health department hiring anti-vaccine activists as senior advisers, and on a measles outbreak burning through a small Texas community where the skepticism she had covered for years had settled in.

The work has a price, and in October 2020 she paid it on national television. Tucker Carlson (b. 1969) gave a segment of his Fox News show to Darren Beattie, a former Trump speechwriter, who accused Zadrozny of digging up personal information about anonymous Trump supporters to ruin their lives. The charge inverted her method and aimed it back at her. She had reported on anonymous accounts that wielded real political influence or organized harassment, using the same public records she always used. To her critics on the online right, that is doxxing by a powerful media corporation against private citizens who hold the wrong opinions. To her defenders, an anonymous actor who influences elections or directs abuse has forfeited the presumption of privacy, and identifying him is what accountability reporting means. NBC News called the segment a dangerous and dishonest smear. The International Women’s Media Foundation said it produced threats, doxxing, and violence against her. The reporter who covered harassment campaigns became the object of one, run from the building where she once answered producers’ questions. Her old employer had turned its audience on her. She kept the beat.

Consider the same episode from the other side of the screen. A man posts anonymously. He has a job, a family, opinions his employer might punish. A reporter for a national network, backed by lawyers and a corporate security desk, connects his account to his name. Nothing he did was illegal. From his chair, the power runs entirely one way, and the reporter’s talk of accountability sounds like the winner describing the rules. The honest answer to him is a distinction, one Zadrozny’s work depends on: there is a difference between a private citizen speaking under a pseudonym and a hidden operator moving money, organizing abuse, or running influence at scale while claiming a private citizen’s protections. Her strongest stories sit on the far side of that line. The argument over where the line sits will outlast her career.

The Tiffany Dover story became her answer to a different question: what the machine does to a person who never asked to be in it. Dover was not an operator, an influencer, or a candidate. She was a nurse in Higdon, Alabama, who fainted at the wrong moment in front of the wrong audience. Zadrozny pitched the story as a simple debunking. Find the woman, put her on the record, prove the theory a lie. It did not go simply. Dover had gone silent, and to the truthers her silence proved everything. Zadrozny staked out the house and the hospital. She pulled police records, vital records, grave registries. Nothing. She left a note at a house she believed belonged to Dover’s in-laws, and while she refueled at the local pizza place her phone buzzed with a text from an unknown number: whoever wanted the story could have it, but only if they paid the most. The sender turned out to be a nineteen-year-old relative, put up to it, the girl said, by Dover’s mother-in-law. The reporter’s archive of records had run out, and she was down to knocking on doors in Sand Mountain country, a Brooklyn journalist with a rental car and a recorder, watched from porches.

The podcast, Tiffany Dover Is Dead*, ran in 2022 and ended in what she considered failure. She never got the interview. The truthers celebrated. An NBC News reporter could not produce one nurse from Chattanooga, and to them the asterisk in the title flipped its meaning. She had made it worse, she said later, and she meant it. Then, nine months after the finale, she woke to a text: “While I did not die that day, the life I knew did.” It was signed Tiffany Dover. Zadrozny drove back to Alabama. This time she was invited. A white two-story house, big windows, horses in the front yard, Dover on the porch. They had dinner off the record first, and the next day Dover sat for the interview and described what it costs an ordinary woman when strangers decide her life is evidence. When they finally met, Zadrozny cried. The special episode aired in 2023. The podcast drew more than a million downloads, a Webby honor, an audience far past the disinformation beat. The truthers who had promised to recant if Dover ever appeared did not recant. Zadrozny went back to them anyway and recorded what accountability sounds like when it fails.

Between the seasons she spent 2021 and 2022 as a research fellow at Harvard’s Shorenstein Center, in its Technology and Social Change Project, part of the academic apparatus then assembling around her beat. The fellowship marked something about the field. Ten years earlier, no serious center studied viral rumor networks. Now the reporter who learned the trade in the Fox basement was affiliated with Harvard, teaching digital investigation alongside researchers, cited in the scholarship. The beat had become a discipline, with the institutional blessings and institutional enemies a discipline attracts.

In July 2025 the institutions rearranged themselves around her again. Comcast spun its cable networks into a new company called Versant, and MSNBC, which had leaned on NBC News reporters since 1996, had to build a newsroom of its own. Zadrozny was among its first and most prominent hires, a senior enterprise reporter based in New York, covering the internet, politics, technology, and extremism. Fast Company treated the hire as a signal of what the new operation valued. In November 2025 the network renamed itself MS NOW and spent twenty million dollars telling viewers the mission had not changed. A political news channel building itself from scratch decided that a reporter of conspiracy economies and online radicalization was core infrastructure, not a specialist to borrow during election years. Twenty years ago the equivalent hire was a White House correspondent. Her recent bylines show the beat’s reach: a Russian influence operation called Storm-1516 laundering faked documents through international outlets toward American audiences, the anti-vaccine movement operating from inside the federal health department, the Epstein emails and the conspiracy communities they fed.

She lives in Brooklyn with her husband Gregory, who works in advertising, stays off the internet, and does not understand what fills her day, an arrangement she recommends. They married on April 25, 2008, and have three children. She plays the ukulele, badly and recently, by her own account. On November 1, 2025, she ran the New York City Marathon in five hours, twenty-seven minutes and fifty-three seconds. The details read like a life built against the material. The beat requires immersion in spaces organized around violent fantasy, and it makes the reporter a permanent target. Her press profile lists a Signal handle before an email address. Compartmentalization, she has said, keeps her sane, and she says it like a woman who has tested the alternative.

Her significance is easiest to state as a before and after. Before roughly 2016, American newsrooms treated the internet’s fringe as a feature-desk curiosity and treated research staff as support. Zadrozny’s career joined the two corrections. The fringe turned out to be a manufacturing sector for mainstream politics, and the librarian’s craft, preserve the record, follow the trail, check the source against the archive, turned out to be the right tool for covering it. She helped build a reporting specialty where technology, public health, extremism, and electoral politics meet, and the specialty now hires, trains, wins Emmys, and draws congressional subpoenas of its critics and defenders alike. Whether the beat constitutes journalism’s necessary adaptation or its capture by one political coalition’s threat perception remains the live fight around her work, and she stands nearer the center of that fight than any reporter of her generation. What is not in dispute is the method. Much of public life now runs through systems built to erase their own tracks. She keeps the tracks.

Notes

Career history, library positions, birth date, and the Tucker Carlson episode are documented at Wikipedia.

The Brain Room, the question about dolphins, the decision to take a pay cut, her work at The Cheat Sheet, the partnership with Ben Collins, and her description of internet reporting as becoming “mainstream and important” come from the Nieman Lab interview and the original *Very Fine Day* interview: Nieman Lab and Very Fine Day.

The phrases “kill BS stories” and “most depressing job” come from Zadrozny’s own post on X: X.

The Vermont background, pies, Pratt Library, Sater domains, the Anthony Scaramucci bankruptcy story, Ben Collins’s description of her as the newsroom’s “crown jewel,” and the discussion of her reference-desk approach to reporting come from Poynter.

The Tucker Carlson and Darren Beattie segment, together with NBC News’s public response, are documented by Variety.

The Tiffany Dover fainting scene, the stakeouts, public-records searches, the text message from the pizza restaurant, and the interview with Dover’s nineteen-year-old relative are documented in the podcast episode descriptions: Apple Podcasts and Spotify.

The quotation beginning “While I did not die that day,” together with the porch interview, the horses, and the off-the-record dinner, comes from NBC News’s transcript of the special episode: NBC News.

The discussion of “deep hanging out,” drawing on Clifford Geertz, the podcast’s 1.4 million downloads, the Webby Award, Zadrozny’s account of crying after the meeting, and her conclusion that she had “made it worse” come from Forbes.

Her comments about her husband staying offline, her ukulele playing, and her strategy of compartmentalization come from Ethan Zuckerman’s interview: Public Infrastructure.

Her move to MSNBC in July 2025, Emmy and Webby recognition, and the broader Versant restructuring are discussed in Fast Company. Information on the MS NOW rebrand and the reported $20 million promotional campaign appears at Wikipedia. Her marathon time is also documented at Wikipedia. Coverage of Storm-1516 and the Jeffrey Epstein email story is reflected in her Muck Rack profile and LinkedIn page.

I added a few pieces of self-evident background without separate citation. These include describing The Cheat Sheet as training in compressing complex stories, portraying the Brain Room as physically and culturally separate from opinion programming, identifying Sand Mountain as the setting for Mike Higdon’s reporting, evoking the feeling of being watched from front porches during field reporting, and framing the conclusion as a before-and-after narrative. Those elements are my synthesis rather than claims made by the sources.

The Footnote Against Death: Brandy Zadrozny’s Hero System

Two terrors run under Brandy Zadrozny’s working life. The first is deletion. The page comes down, the account renames, the archive gaps, and the lie stands alone in the record because the correction left no trace. She spent years behind reference desks learning that a fact unrecorded is a fact that never happened, and the internet taught her the harder lesson, that a fact recorded can still be made to disappear. The second terror is inversion. She corrects the lie and the correction feeds it. She proves the nurse alive and the proof convinces the believers the nurse is dead. She names the hidden operator and becomes, in his story and the stories of millions watching, the villain with the network behind her. The first terror says her work can vanish. The second says her work can turn in her hand.

Ernest Becker (1924-1974) argues that a man cannot live with the knowledge of his own death, so every culture builds him an arena where he can earn a significance that outlasts him. The arena assigns the parts. It tells him what counts as courage, what counts as treason, which acts inscribe his name and which erase it. Becker calls this the hero system, and he insists the systems are plural and warring. One man’s martyr is the next man’s suicide. The fight over what a life means is a fight between immortality projects, and it admits no neutral referee.

Zadrozny’s project is the record. Strip away the Emmy, the Webby, the Harvard fellowship, the founding-hire status at a rebuilt network, the marathon medal, and what remains is a librarian who believes the preserved page is the one thing death cannot cross-examine. Her heaven has a call number. The heroic act, in her system, is retrieval and preservation performed against erasure: screenshot the post before it comes down, pull the court file before it seals, save the domain registration, log the deleted video, and place each item where a future reader can find it. Persuasion is welcome but optional. The believers do not have to believe her. The record has to hold. She titles her podcast Tiffany Dover Is Dead* and the asterisk carries her creed in one typographic mark. The lie gets the headline. The truth gets the footnote. She stakes her working life on the footnote outlasting the headline, which is the librarian’s wager on immortality, that the catalog wins in the end because the catalog is still there when the shouting stops.

She tells her own story as a subtraction story, and it is a good one. She subtracts the bartender’s apron, the middle-school classroom, the Fox News salary. The Brain Room pays well and asks little, and one day a Fox and Friends producer sends down a question about whether dolphins rape people, and the question tells her what her knowledge is for in that building. So she takes the pay cut, a woman past thirty with a graduate degree writing hundred-word aggregation items, and she calls herself a baby reporter, and the self-mockery does the work self-mockery always does in a subtraction story. It says: I gave up money and standing and kept only the mission. The account is true as far as it goes. What it omits is what the new arena gave her that the library never could. A library has patrons. A beat has enemies. The reference desk offers service without stakes, an afterlife of quiet usefulness, the immortality of the helpful. The disinformation beat offers war. It puts her name on the wall of a movement, gets her denounced on the highest-rated show in cable news, sends threats into her home, and confirms, nightly, that her work strikes bone. Becker would recognize the trade. The hero needs resistance the way the record needs a reader. A woman who wanted only to preserve pages could have stayed in Vermont and baked pies. She wanted the pages to count, and pages count where they are contested.

Take her sacred values one at a time and walk them through the rival arenas, because each value changes meaning at every border crossing, and the changes map the war she is in.

Start with the record. For Zadrozny the record is evidence, the incorruptible witness, the thing you preserve so that power cannot lie about what it did. A Mormon genealogist in a Utah family history center holds the same word and means salvation. His record redeems the dead; a name recovered from a parish register is a soul offered the ordinances, and the archive is a rescue operation running backward through time. A former East German dissident reading his own Stasi file means a wound kept open on purpose. His record proves what the state did to him, and preserving it is how a nation forbids itself to forget. A QAnon researcher, and Zadrozny has sat with many, means prophecy. He archives the drops with a devotion any librarian might admire, timestamps them, cross-references them, because to him the record is scripture awaiting fulfillment, and when the storm comes the archive will vindicate the faithful. A sofer bent over a Torah scroll means holiness under a standard so strict that one broken letter voids the scroll. His record is perfect or it is nothing, and no update, no correction, no editor’s note can touch it. Five keepers, five immortalities. Zadrozny’s version has a quality the others lack and pays for it. Her record accuses. It exists to catch someone. The genealogist’s record embraces, the sofer’s record sanctifies, the dissident’s record mourns, the QAnon baker’s record promises. Hers indicts, and a life spent building indictments takes its appearance from the defendants.

Now take exposure, the value that put her on Tucker Carlson’s screen in October 2020. In her arena, exposure is accountability. A hidden actor who moves money, organizes harassment, or runs influence at scale has forfeited the mask, and naming him is the whole point of the craft, the moment the record stands up in court. Cross the border and the word turns. A parish priest hears exposure and thinks of the confessional, where a man exposes everything and the seal guarantees the exposure travels no further than God. Exposure heals there because it stays secret; broadcast it and you have desecration. An Alabama church lady, of the kind who watched Zadrozny’s rental car pass on the road to Higdon, practices exposure as governance. The town runs on knowing, on who saw whose truck outside whose house, and the knowledge stays inside the town, enforcement without newspapers. A witness protection marshal holds the inverse office. His sacred duty is concealment; every exposure is a killing he failed to prevent, and a reporter who unmasks people reads to him as a man playing with ordnance. And the anonymous poster, the man Darren Beattie stood up to defend, holds exposure as the weapon the strong use on the weak. His mask is the old mask of carnival, the one that let the peasant mock the bishop one day a year without hanging for it. From his chair, a network reporter with a security desk and a legal department stripping masks off ordinary men is the bishop tearing off the peasant’s mask and calling it accountability. Zadrozny’s answer is a line she draws between the private speaker and the hidden operator, and her best work lives on the defensible side of it. But Becker would note that the line is drawn inside her arena, with her arena’s chalk. The other arenas do not recognize the referee.

The tribalist watching all this from his own hero system, and this writer names his own here, tribalist, nationalist, traditionalist, has a quarrel with her that runs deeper than the doxxing fight. He shares her reverence for the record. His shelves hold chronicles, genealogies, responsa, the names of the dead read aloud on the anniversary, a scroll checked letter by letter for a thousand years. No one out-archives the tribe. His quarrel concerns jurisdiction. In his arena the record serves the continuity of a people, and exposure follows the law of inside and outside. Correct your brother within the walls, with love, in the language of the house. Hand him to the outside press and you have not performed accountability, you have informed, and the tradition has a word for the informer and no honors for him. Zadrozny’s arena recognizes no walls. Her public is everyone, her jurisdiction is the species, and a militia captain in Michigan, an anti-vaccine mother in Tennessee, and a troll-farm supervisor in St. Petersburg all stand equal before the record. The tribalist sees in that universalism the acid that eats peoples. She might answer that his walls are where the bodies get buried, that loyalty without exposure rots into cover-up, and he might answer that exposure without loyalty rots into a career, and both speak from arenas that bury their dead with honor and mean different things by honor. The exchange has no winner because Becker is right about the referee.

Her third sacred value is the public, and it is the tenderest one because it might be a memory. At the reference desk the public had a face. A patron walks in, hungry for an answer, and you feed him, and the transaction completes in front of you. She has said her mission never changed, that the question used to be the capital of Montana and became the identity of the account the president retweeted. The sentence moves a librarian’s faith onto a national stage and assumes the patron scaled up with the question, an American public that wants the answer and will use it. Rival arenas hold the same word and laugh. The advertising man means by the public a herd to be moved, and he moved on from truth decades before she was born. The populist means the people, virtuous and betrayed, and in his story she belongs to the manor, an employee of the conglomerate class explaining to the people which of their beliefs are diseased. The Talmudist barely uses the word; he knows a covenant community with obligations running person to person, and the undifferentiated public strikes him as a crowd, and crowds build calves of gold. And somewhere in a exurban kitchen a woman scrolls past the fact-check without slowing, not hostile, just gone, and she is the rival no segment ever names. Zadrozny has met the terror behind this value and said it out loud. The idea that the work changes anything, she told an interviewer, she has given up on. Read that admission slowly, because within her hero system it should be fatal. The exposure fails to shame, the debunking fails to convince, the patron never comes to the desk. A missionary who stops believing in conversion usually leaves the mission. She stayed, and the staying reveals the deeper architecture of her project. The public was the transference object, the audience in whose eyes the heroism counted. When the public failed to hold the weight, she transferred the weight to the record. The work no longer needs the reader to succeed. The archive absorbs the heroism whole. Even if no one changes, the true account exists, findable, timestamped, and that existence is the victory. It is the librarian’s immortality, salvation by catalog, and it explains how she works a beat built on futility without breaking. She is not losing the argument. She is building the collection.

How much of this does she see? More than most subjects of this series. She jokes about the beat as the depressing internet, calls her Fox years the most depressing job she ever had, recommends her marriage to a man who stays offline as a survival arrangement, and confesses that the Dover project made things worse before it made anything better. The self-awareness runs right up to the edge of the system and stops, as Becker says it must, because no one audits his own immortality project while standing on it. She can see that debunking often backfires. She has not, in public, followed the thought to its next station, that the disinformation beat as an institution might function less as a correction of the information supply and more as a hero system for a class, a way for credentialed knowledge workers to hold the line of their own significance while their gatekeeping power drains away. Her method is better than her beat. The method, follow the money, name the operator, preserve the page, produces findings a reader from any arena can use. The beat, as a category, decides in advance which arenas produce disinformation and which produce context, and that decision is coalition work wearing a lab coat. She is the strongest version of the practice, which is what makes her the right subject for the question the practice avoids.

The Dover story earns its place at the center of her legend because it is the one where her hero system met a woman who had no arena at all. Tiffany Dover never volunteered for anyone’s war. She fainted on a livestream, twenty minutes of lost footage became an empty tomb, and rival hero systems fought over her body while she raised her kids in Higdon and stayed silent. The truthers needed her dead; she was their proof, their first relic. Zadrozny needed her alive and on the record; she was the correction that might hold. Between the two armies stood a nurse who wanted her life back and found that in the attention economy silence reads as confession. When Dover finally texted, the line she chose could serve as the epigraph for the whole beat: she did not die that day, but the life she knew did. Zadrozny cried when they met, and the tears deserve a close reading. Some part was relief, some part vindication. And some part, on the evidence of her own words about making it worse, was recognition of what her arena had extracted from a bystander to complete its ritual. The record got its interview. The archive gained its proof. The truthers did not recant, which she also recorded, an honest keeper logging her own defeat into the collection.

The hero, then, is the keeper who outlasts, the woman who quit persuading the living and started briefing the future, whose courage consists of sitting for years inside other people’s violent fantasies and filing what she finds where death and deletion cannot reach it. The rival she never names is the indifferent reader, the patron who no longer comes, the public whose absence she has already conceded in one unguarded sentence and must keep unconceded every working day, because a record no one consults is a tomb with excellent metadata. And the cost the ledger cannot price is the reading she can no longer do. A woman who spends twenty years learning to see every page as either evidence or forgery loses the page as a place to live. Her husband keeps a house with no internet in it, her children grow up with a mother whose name strangers spit, and somewhere behind the Signal handle and the security protocols there is a reference librarian in Vermont with flour on her hands, the version of her that answered questions for people who wanted answers, and no archive, however well she keeps it, returns that woman her innocence about what a question is for.

The Reference Desk Goes to War: Brandy Zadrozny Through Pierre Bourdieu

The research department at Fox News sits away from the studios, and in 2012 it holds doctors, lawyers, a retired SEC man, subject specialists, and a librarian named Brandy Zadrozny who keeps a briefing book on crime statistics and abortion. The network calls the unit the Brain Room. Producers send questions down and the Brain Room sends answers up. One day a producer for the morning show asks whether dolphins rape people. She answers the question, because that is the job, and the question tells her the price of her knowledge in that building. Upstairs, men with law degrees read outrage off teleprompters for seven figures. Downstairs, a woman with a master’s degree from Pratt Institute earns a service salary settling bar bets for the morning show. The building has an exact map of what counts, and she can read a map.

Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002) builds his sociology on three linked ideas. A field is an arena with its own stakes, its own rules for keeping score, and its own definition of winning, and the score is kept in capital, which comes in kinds: money, credentials, skills, connections, and the recognition of peers, which he calls symbolic capital and treats as the most convertible currency of all. A player carries into each field a habitus, the set of dispositions his history has trained into him, and the fit between habitus and field decides whether he moves like a native or a tourist. Fields change, and when a field revalues its currencies, players holding the newly precious capital rise fast, while players holding the old kind sink without understanding what happened to them. Careers, in this frame, are runs of capital conversion, and the ones that look like luck are usually a conversion executed at the moment the exchange rate turned.

Zadrozny’s career is a capital-conversion story, and the place to start is with what she holds at the beginning, which the market prices near zero. Library science is a feminized credential, low paid, low status, invisible by design. The librarian’s skills are retrieval, verification, preservation, and citation, and through the twentieth century the journalism field treats those skills as support staff work. The news library is a basement function. The researcher gets a thank you and no byline. The field’s honors, the front page, the White House credential, the Pulitzer, flow to access reporting, the cultivation of powerful sources, and the researcher who found the court file that made the story stands outside the frame of the award photo. She enters holding capital the field has already classified as clerical. Bartender, middle school English teacher, teacher-librarian for the New York City Board of Education from 2003 to 2007, the Pratt degree, the ABC News library, a reference desk in Vermont. Every line on the resume reads, in the field’s eyes, as service.

The Fox job shows what a heteronomous field does with autonomous capital. Bourdieu splits every cultural field between two poles. At the autonomous pole, producers play for the respect of peers and the standards internal to the craft, art for art’s sake, science for the referees. At the heteronomous pole, producers play for the external market, ratings, advertisers, political patrons. Fox News in 2012 sits about as far toward the heteronomous pole as a news organization can sit, and yet it maintains, in its basement, a unit whose mandate she later describes as killing false stories. The arrangement is not a contradiction. A market-pole organization rents autonomous-pole capital as insurance, the way a casino keeps accountants. The Brain Room exists so the lawyers can sleep, and its inhabitants hold the field’s skills at the field’s lowest rank. She stays eighteen months and later calls it the most depressing job she ever had, and depression is what habitus feels like when it wakes up in the wrong field.

Then comes the move that Bourdieu built a career explaining. In May 2013 she quits Fox for The Daily Beast, takes what she calls a huge pay cut, and starts, past thirty, at the bottom, writing the Cheat Sheet, aggregation items of one hundred words or fewer. Read as economics, the move is irrational. Read as field strategy, it is the standard entry fee of cultural production, the trade Bourdieu calls the interest in disinterestedness. She swaps economic capital for a position, however low, inside the field proper, where symbolic capital can be earned, because the basement at Fox pays better and consecrates nothing. The Cheat Sheet is her apprenticeship in the field’s craft competencies, the lede, the kicker, the voice, compression under discipline, and it stakes her to the field’s illusio, Bourdieu’s term for the shared conviction that the game is worth playing and its prizes are real. A player without illusio writes memos. A player with it stays until two in the morning to beat a rival to a story about a domain registration, and she does.

Inside the Beast she runs a double game that the field does not yet have a name for. Half her time she works as the newsroom’s researcher, teaching reporters domain-name notifications and court-records tricks, capital transfer performed for free, which builds the social capital of gratitude across the room. The other half she reports, and her stories carry a signature the access reporters cannot fake: the Felix Sater domains, the Dan Scavino bankruptcy files, the excavated online lives of mass shooters. Around 2015 she pairs with Ben Collins, who knows where the internet’s fringe lives, while she knows how to pull its records, and the partnership functions as a merger of complementary capitals. What they are covering, the forums, the conspiracy entrepreneurs, the pseudonymous influencers, holds, by the field’s 2015 exchange rates, almost no value. Internet culture is a features desk curiosity. The capital they are accumulating is, for the moment, worthless.

Then the field revalues. The 2016 election humiliates the journalism field at its own game. The access reporters, holding the field’s blue-chip capital, miss the story, because the story ran through message boards, troll farms, and Facebook groups that no one at the autonomous pole could read. A field in crisis reprices its currencies fast. Digital-forensic skill, archive literacy, fluency in fringe platforms, the librarian’s kit, goes from clerical to scarce in about eighteen months. Poynter profiles her in March 2018 as the librarian-turned-reporter behind a scoop factory, the trade press performing the field’s official act of reclassification. NBC News hires her and Collins that year to cover the new territory full time, and the hire completes the conversion: basement capital exchanged, at the top of the market, for a national byline. Bourdieu notes that the biggest winners in a field transformation are rarely the ones who saw it coming. They are the ones whose habitus happened to match the field’s next state. Her mission, she says, never changed from the reference desk, answer the public’s questions, and the line is habitus speaking: the dispositions stayed constant while the field moved underneath them, and skills trained for patrons turned out to be armament.

What she and Collins do at NBC exceeds position-taking. Bourdieu distinguishes between taking a position that exists and making a position exist, and the second is the rarer and larger play. The disinformation beat is a new position in the field’s space: a desk that treats rumor networks, platform incentives, and conspiracy economies as a permanent subject with its own methods and its own standards of proof. Creating a position means creating its capital, and the beat mints one, a hybrid of records skill, platform fluency, and source work inside closed communities, that the field did not previously recognize and now cannot do without. Every disinformation reporter hired after 2018 occupies space she helped clear, and in field terms that makes her a founder, which is the durable form of symbolic capital, since founders get cited in the origin story every time the position reproduces. The Harvard Shorenstein fellowship in 2021 and 2022 adds the academy’s stamp, an exchange across fields in which the university borrows her currency, practical knowledge of the object, and pays in its own, the consecration that only universities issue. The Emmy and the Webby do the same work from the industry side. The podcast converts the capital once more, into audio, a sub-field with its own prizes, and Tiffany Dover Is Dead* draws more than a million downloads, which converts back into standing at the home desk.

The October 2020 collision with Tucker Carlson reads, in this frame, as a border war between fields over the master stake, the right to define legitimate journalism. Carlson operates at the market pole’s far edge, where the score is audience share and the product is grievance. His guest Darren Beattie accuses Zadrozny of digging up personal information on anonymous Trump supporters to ruin their lives, and the accusation is a classification move: it renames her records method, the core of her capital, as doxxing, an illegitimate practice, and renames the anonymous operators she covers as private citizens, protected persons. If the renaming holds, her capital is counterfeit. NBC answers with a statement praising her research and her rigor, a counter-classification asserting that the autonomous pole’s standards, verification, documentation, accountability, define the legitimate game and that Carlson’s pole practices incitement. Neither side can win on the other’s scoreboard, which is the point. Fields at war do not argue. They classify. And the fight carries a private charge that Bourdieu would savor: she is a defector. She left the market pole’s basement for the autonomous pole’s masthead, her trajectory is a standing insult to the building that priced her at a service salary, and the building’s biggest star turns its audience on her. The threats that follow are what heteronomous power looks like when it stops classifying and starts spending.

The 2025 move confirms how far the exchange rate traveled. Comcast spins its cable networks into Versant, MSNBC must build a newsroom without NBC News, and the network that will soon call itself MS NOW makes her one of its first and most publicized hires, senior enterprise reporter, announced in the trade press as a signal of what the new operation will be. Follow the capital flows in that transaction. A new institution, short on legitimacy, purchases hers. Her presence on the roster tells advertisers, critics, and rivals that the newsroom intends serious reporting, and the network pays for that signal in salary, rank, and promotion of her byline. Twenty-five years earlier the equivalent legitimacy purchase was a White House correspondent. The librarian’s capital, priced at zero in 2003, now anchors the launch of a national news network, a repricing of one currency across one working life that has few equals in the field’s history.

Bourdieu’s frame also prices what the triumph costs and what it obscures. The disinformation beat, viewed as field strategy, is a reconversion play by a profession losing its monopoly. The journalism field’s old capital rested on gatekeeping: control of the channels through which the public learned things. Platforms broke the monopoly, and a field stripped of its central asset responded by asserting a new jurisdiction, the authority to adjudicate the information the open channels now carry, to sort speech into information and disinformation. The beat is the institutional form of that claim, and the claim is an exercise of classification power, which Bourdieu calls symbolic violence when the classified have no say in the classifying. Her critics on the right sense this structure even when they lack the vocabulary for it, and their rage at the beat is, among other things, the rage of people discovering that a field they no longer trust has appointed judges over their speech. None of this makes her findings false. Her records hold up under any field’s audit, which is what separates her from the beat’s weaker practitioners, who hold the position without the capital. But her career and the field’s counterattack ride the same wave. The profession that ignored the librarian for a century needed her skills at the exact moment it needed a new reason to exist, and both needs got met in one hire.

She keeps, through all of it, the habits of the class fraction she came from. The Signal handle listed before the email address. The husband in advertising who stays off the internet. The Brooklyn home, the three children, the marathon run in five and a half hours at forty-five, the ukulele taken up late. These are the status markers of the dominated fraction of the dominant class, Bourdieu’s home address for teachers, librarians, and journalists, rich in cultural capital, modest in economic capital, and disposed by that mix to believe in knowledge as a calling rather than a commodity. The disposition survived three fields and one war. It made her cheap for Fox, priceless for NBC, and legible to Harvard. Fields rise and reprice around a habitus that does not move, and hers still answers questions from behind a desk, except the desk is a beat she built, and the patrons include the people who want her silenced.

The Great Delusion

If John J. Mearsheimer’s anthropology is right, it alters the diagnosis and prognosis of Zadrozny’s investigative beat.

Zadrozny’s reporting often focuses on how media manipulators use false narratives to alter public perception. In a traditional liberal framework, disinformation is viewed as an external contaminant—a collection of lies that corrupts an otherwise rational public square. The implied solution is exposure, fact-checking, and improved information literacy.

Mearsheimer’s anthropology suggests that what we call disinformation is not a virus invading a rational mind, but rather a symptom of man’s innate tribalism. When Zadrozny documents ordinary people adopting fringe beliefs like QAnon, Mearsheimer’s logic suggests these individuals are not suffering from a simple deficit of facts. They are seeking shelter from the atomistic isolation of modern individualism. They adopt the narrative because it binds them to a social group, provides a collective identity, and validates their inborn sentiments. The false narrative is downstream of the tribal need; humans choose the tribe first, and then accept whatever moral code or alternative reality the tribe requires for membership.

Zadrozny has spoken about the exhausting, relentless nature of her beat, even noting in interviews that she has largely given up on the idea that documenting these movements will change the broader landscape.

Mearsheimer’s framework explains why she hit that wall. If reason is the least important tool humans use to determine their preferences, then exposing a lie with meticulous research and logical evidence will almost never dissolve a conspiracy theory. By the time an investigator like Zadrozny uncovers the facts, the individual’s critical faculties have already been bypassed by intense group socialization. Fact-checking treats the problem as an intellectual error, whereas Mearsheimer views it as a biological and social survival mechanism. A person will rarely abandon the narrative of his group just because an outside actor presents contradictory data, because doing so means facing social excommunication.

The underlying assumption of modern disinformation reporting is that the internet has broken a previously functional, shared reality, and that structural or algorithmic fixes might restore order.

If Mearsheimer is right, the chaotic internet Zadrozny investigates is not a malfunction of technology; it is an unfiltered reflection of human nature. Elite institutions and centralized media previously enforced a superficial, liberal consensus that suppressed man’s tribal instincts. The internet simply democratized communication, stripping away those institutional gatekeepers and allowing human beings to swiftly reorganize into their natural state: fragmented, adversarial tribes. For Zadrozny’s beat, this means the “depressing internet” she documents is here to stay. The splintering of reality into hostile factions is the permanent result of man’s tribal core operating without institutional constraints.

‘A Big Misunderstanding’

To David Pinsof, Zadrozny embodies the misunderstanding myth. Her entire career operates on the assumption that major societal fractures are caused by a digital public health failure. In this framework, the masses are gullible consumers infected by toxic narratives, and the solution requires expert gatekeepers to expose lies, raise public awareness, and push platforms to purge bad beliefs.

Pinsof offers an alternative. The individuals who share conspiracy theories or build fringe political alliances do not suffer from a temporary lapse in intelligence or a structural breakdown in their reasoning. They understand their immediate incentives. Stupidity is strategic.

From this perspective, the internet is not a broken information utility that requires repair from investigative journalists. It serves as an arena for zero-sum competition over status, social capital, and the coercive apparatus of the state. Partisans do not amplify hyper-partisan narratives because they are misinformed. They amplify them because confirmation bias helps them win arguments, secure their place within a chosen coalition, and attack their political rivals.

Zadrozny frames her investigative reporting as a public service meant to protect truth and expose harmful actors. Pinsof invites an examination of the actual motives behind this dynamic. Defining what constitutes misinformation and choosing which individuals to expose is an instrument of social power. It allows the credentialed elite to turn their own political preferences into an objective standard of sanity. It permits them to dismiss their rivals not as competitors with conflicting material interests, but as irrational actors who require correction.

The friction in the political landscape does not stem from bad beliefs that a well-researched news report can fix. It stems from deeply conflicting motives that no amount of investigative exposure can resolve. The only misunderstanding in disinformation journalism is the belief that political warfare is just a big misunderstanding.

Convenient Beliefs on the Disinformation Beat: Brandy Zadrozny Through Stephen Turner

In April 2023 Brandy Zadrozny sits for an interview about the podcast that made her famous and says the thing reporters do not say. She spent two years chasing a nurse named Tiffany Dover to prove a conspiracy theory false, she failed for most of that time to produce the nurse, and the failure fed the theory. The believers pointed at her empty-handed episodes and said, see, even NBC cannot find her. Zadrozny tells the interviewer she felt she made it worse. The admission runs against every professional incentive she has. Her beat exists on the premise that reporting on false belief reduces it. She looked at her own results and reported the opposite finding, about herself, on the record.

That moment sets the problem for this essay. Stephen P. Turner (b. 1951) builds his account of expertise on a difficulty most writers on knowledge step around. Nonexperts cannot check expert claims. The chemist’s finding, the epidemiologist’s model, the intelligence analyst’s attribution all reach the public as assertions backed by credentials, and the public accepts or rejects them on trust, because the public lacks the means to audit them. In The Politics of Expertise and Liberal Democracy 3.0: Civil Society in an Age of Experts, Turner traces what follows. Where claims cannot be checked, the interests of the claimants shape what gets asserted, funded, repeated, and taught, and a class of beliefs grows up that persist because they pay. Call these convenient beliefs. A convenient belief need not be false. Its distinguishing mark is that the holder’s position, income, and standing depend on it, so the holder never runs the test that might kill it, and the institutions around him are built by people with the same stake, so the test never gets run at the institutional level either. Turner’s question is not whether the experts lie. His question is what happens to knowledge when the people producing it would pay a price for producing anything else.

Zadrozny is a hard subject for this frame because the frame is close to her own method. Her strongest reporting asks Turner’s question of others. She covers the anti-vaccine movement as an industry and itemizes the revenue: the supplement lines, the film sales, the donation streams, the legal defense funds, the speaking circuit. She covered the Epoch Times as a business with a growth strategy. When the Epstein emails surfaced in late 2025 and her own coalition’s readers wanted them to prove everything, she opened her story by noting that the juiciest line read like bait for a conspiracy thread and then treated it as a document requiring context rather than a verdict. She asks who profits from a belief, and she asks it of movements her audience already despises, which takes moderate courage, and sometimes of stories her audience wants believed, which takes more. A writer using Turner on Zadrozny cannot pretend to teach her the question. The move available is to aim the question at the place her method never visits, the beat that employs her.

Four beliefs hold the disinformation beat up. Each one is foundational, each one is contestable, and each one pays the people who hold it.

The first belief says false belief is a supply problem. In this picture, lies are manufactured by identifiable producers, troll farms, conspiracy entrepreneurs, grifting influencers, and distributed through channels that can be mapped, and the public catches false beliefs the way a city on a bad water line catches cholera. The frame assigns the work: find the producer, map the channel, publish the map. It is Zadrozny’s daily craft, and much of her best reporting confirms that producers exist and profit; the Storm-1516 network she exposed in 2024 manufactured fake primary sources on an industrial basis. The rival picture says false belief is a demand problem. People believe what their lives make useful, the loyalties, grievances, and hopes come first, and the producers serve an appetite they did not create. Her own reporting keeps generating evidence for the rival picture. The Dover truthers, she found, split into believers and players, people who knew the game was a game and played on because the game gave them something. A demand account fits that finding. The trouble is what the demand account pays. It pays nothing. If the appetite drives the market, then exposing one supplier reroutes the customers, the beat becomes a hydra hunt, and the honest career advice for a disinformation reporter is to retrain. A supply account funds desks, fellowships, conference panels, and podcast seasons. Nobody on the beat, and no editor above it, and no foundation funding the adjacent research centers, collects a salary the demand account can justify at current staffing. Turner’s test asks what a belief would cost to abandon. This one prices out at the beat.

The second belief says exposure reduces belief. Sunlight disinfects. Name the operator, correct the record, and the false claim loses ground. The belief is the professional creed of journalism, and for the disinformation beat it carries the entire theory of impact, since the beat’s product is exposure and nothing else. The evidence for it is thin and mixed, and Zadrozny owns the most vivid piece of counter-evidence in the genre’s short history. She produced Dover, alive, on tape, in a special episode built to close the case, and the truthers she then revisited did not recant. She recorded them not recanting and put that in the show too. Add her own summary judgment from 2021, when she told an interviewer she had given up on the idea that the work changes anything, and the belief stands exposed inside her own archive. Here Turner’s frame requires care, because Zadrozny does not hold this convenient belief in its comfortable form. She has said the inconvenient version out loud, twice, in public. What she has not done, and what nobody in her position could do while remaining in her position, is follow the finding to its conclusion for the beat’s self-description. The beat still pitches stories, wins awards, and justifies budgets on the disinfection theory. She keeps working under a rationale she has personally reported against, and the arrangement holds because the alternative rationale, we keep the record whether or not it changes anyone, satisfies reporters and no business model.

The third belief says the threat map is neutral. The beat covers disinformation wherever it occurs, and if the enforcement actions cluster on one side of American politics, the clustering reflects where the disinformation is. The belief may be partly true; the QAnon movement, the Stop the Steal apparatus, and the anti-vaccine industry gave the beat its defining subjects, and no honest observer disputes their scale. Its convenience is what goes unexamined. Zadrozny’s employers sell news to an audience concentrated in one coalition. A threat map that indicts that audience’s enemies renews subscriptions, and a threat map that indicted the audience’s own information habits, its own viral falsehoods, its own institutional failures dressed as consensus, would cost circulation and internal standing. The map that gets drawn is the map the room can afford. The strongest evidence that the pull is real comes from the pandemic years, when claims that later earned serious hearings spent seasons classified as misinformation, and the classifying institutions paid no price the beat covered. None of this convicts Zadrozny of bias in her findings, and her record on this count runs better than her field’s; she covered the Epstein material against her audience’s appetite, and her measles reporting from Texas in 2025 documented sick children rather than scoring partisans. The convenient belief operates above her, at the level of assignment, framing, and omission, where no single reporter’s integrity can reach it. Turner’s point lands here with full force. The beat’s neutrality cannot be checked by its consumers, who lack the counterfactual, and it will not be audited by its producers, who would pay for the audit.

The fourth belief says anonymity forfeits protection once influence appears. The belief licenses her signature method. A private citizen posting under a pseudonym keeps his mask; a hidden operator moving money, organizing harassment, or running influence at scale has entered public life and may be named. Stated as a principle, the line sounds workable, and her best-known unmaskings sit comfortably on the far side of it. The convenience hides in the jurisdiction. The reporter decides what counts as influence, the reporter’s institution reviews the decision, and the person unmasked has no forum, no appeal, and no compensation if the call was wrong. The belief assigns a power and locates the entire cost of error on the other party. When Tucker Carlson put Darren Beattie on air in October 2020 to accuse her of ruining the lives of anonymous Trump supporters, the segment was demagogic and the harassment it loosed on her was real, and underneath the demagoguery sat a question the beat has never answered in a form its targets could accept: who audits the auditors of anonymity. Her coalition’s answer, editors and institutional standards, is the answer every profession gives about its own power, and Turner’s whole body of work explains why the answer satisfies nobody outside the profession.

A convenient-beliefs analysis that stopped here would be prosecution, and prosecution misses what makes Zadrozny worth the frame. Run the same audit on her opponents and the ledger fills faster. Brian Wilkins, the Iowa blogger who built a site on Dover’s supposed death, held a belief that generated his traffic. The anti-vaccine entrepreneurs she covered hold beliefs that generate their income, their audiences, and their sense of persecution, three revenue streams in one. The truthers who promised to recant if Dover ever appeared, and then did not, demonstrated the case Turner’s frame allows, belief held at zero evidential cost and maintained at the exact moment the evidence arrived, because the belief had become membership. Against that field, Zadrozny’s ledger shows entries almost no one on any beat can show. She reported her own backfire. She published her own failed predictions about impact. She paid the Fox salary to leave a job that asked her to know things quietly, and she has kept, through eight years of the most coalition-pressured beat in journalism, the habit of printing findings that embarrass her side’s simpler story, the players who do not believe, the interview that changed no minds, the Epstein email that proves less than it seems to.

Turner would say the honest expert and the convenient belief coexist without strain, and that is the finding here. The beliefs that hold up her beat are convenient in his exact sense. They persist unexamined because everyone positioned to examine them would pay for the result, and the consumers of the beat cannot run the check themselves. Zadrozny works inside that structure and is better than it. Where the structure lets an individual be honest, she has been honest at cost, and the two admissions at the center of her record, that the work may not change minds and that her biggest project fed the theory it hunted, are the kind of statements that end up quoted by a beat’s enemies forever, which she knew when she made them. What she cannot do from inside is state the beat’s convenient beliefs as such, price them, and report on the industry that pays her the way she reports on the industries that pay her subjects. That story sits in view of the best reporter on the beat, unassigned. Turner’s frame predicts it will stay unassigned, and the prediction has held for eight years, and the holding is the strongest evidence the frame gives.

Notes

Sources: Zadrozny’s admission that she “made it worse,” together with the interview scene, comes from Forbes.

Her statement that she has “given up” on the idea that reporting can change everything comes from the Nieman Lab interview: Nieman Lab.

The discussion of Truthers who refused to recant, the distinction between true believers and opportunistic players, Wilkins and his blog, comes from the NBC News transcript of the special episode and the podcast episode descriptions: NBC News and Apple Podcasts.

The discussion of Storm-1516 comes from Zadrozny’s LinkedIn profile: LinkedIn.

The opening of the Jeffrey Epstein email story is documented in her Muck Rack profile.

The Tucker Carlson and Darren Beattie segment, together with NBC News’s response, is covered by Variety.

Her reporting on the 2025 measles outbreak in Texas is referenced by Grokipedia, which cites her June 2025 NBC News article.

I made several extrapolations without separate citation. These include the metaphor of assigning a price to each belief, the argument that errors in pandemic-era classification often went unaudited within the misinformation beat, and the closing prediction.

The Four Questions

1. What coalition do they depend on for status and income.
2. Who do they risk angering if they speak plainly.
3. Who benefits if their framing wins.
4. What truths would cost them their position.

One. Her status and income run through three linked coalitions. The first pays her: MS NOW, a network whose business is an audience of educated, Democratic-leaning viewers who buy news that confirms the other side as the threat. The second consecrates her: the misinformation research complex, Harvard Shorenstein, the Knight orbit, the foundations, the conference circuit, which certified her beat as a discipline and her as a founder of it. The third protects her: the guild of reporters and editors who decide reputations, gave her the Emmy and the Webby, and closed ranks when Fox turned its audience on her. All three coalitions sit on one side of the American divide. She can report against any single story her coalitions want believed, and she has, but she cannot report against the coalitions’ shared premise, that the information crisis is primarily a problem of the other side’s production.
Two. The people she risks angering by speaking plainly are behind her, not in front of her. The right already hates her; nothing she says there costs anything new, and its hatred raises her standing at home. Plain speech gets expensive when aimed inward. If she says demand drives false belief more than supply, she indicts her audience’s picture of itself as the reality-based community and tells her editors the beat is oversold. If she says pandemic-era authorities classified true claims as misinformation and her field assisted, she angers the public health sources, the platform trust-and-safety contacts, and the researchers her reporting depends on. If she says her own network’s prime-time runs on the outrage economics she documents at Fox, she is describing her employer’s revenue model, and no institution pays a person to do that for long. She has tested the boundary further than most. She said the work may change nothing. She said her biggest project fed the theory it hunted. Both admissions aimed at her craft, which the coalition can absorb. Neither aimed at the coalition, which it cannot.
Three. If her framing wins, the beneficiaries line up in order of size. Legacy media recovers a piece of its lost jurisdiction, the authority to sort public speech into information and disinformation, which restores value to the gatekeeping asset the platforms destroyed. The Democratic coalition gains a standing indictment of its opponents’ entire information ecosystem, delivered under a neutral-sounding category rather than a partisan one. The research complex gains a permanent problem, which is a permanent budget. Platform regulators gain a mandate. Below them, real beneficiaries with cleaner hands: the families she has covered who lost people to hoaxes, the nurses harassed over inventions, the small towns where a measles outbreak follows the influencers she names. Tiffany Dover got her story corrected on the record because Zadrozny’s framing says the record must be corrected. The framing serves power and serves those people at the same time, and an honest audit holds both in view.
Four. The truths that would cost her the position sort by price. Cheapest, already partly paid: exposure often backfires, the beat’s theory of impact lacks evidence. She said versions of this and kept her job because she framed it as tragic craft knowledge rather than a budget recommendation. Mid-priced: the threat map is coalition-drawn, the beat polices one side’s speech and calls the boundary neutral, and the COVID years supply the cases. Saying that in full, with the lab-leak and laptop examples named, would strip the neutral-arbiter standing her byline depends on, and the guild would reclassify her the way it reclassifies defectors, from colleague to cautionary tale. Most expensive: that her unmasking power runs without any audit her targets could accept, and that the man Beattie defended had a point buried in the demagoguery. Conceding that concedes the method, and the method is her capital. Highest price of all, and the one no employee can pay: that MS NOW sells the same product Fox sells, fear of the other tribe, refined for a different palate, and that her beat is part of the packaging. That sentence ends the career at the network, which is how you know it sits at the boundary of what she can see out loud. Her record suggests she sees more than she says, and says more than the position strictly permits, and the gap between those two lines measures both her honesty and its limit.

The Emergency Register: Brandy Zadrozny and the Securitization of Information

A sentence recurs near the bottom of Brandy Zadrozny’s stories, and it is the most consequential sentence in the genre. After NBC News asked for comment, the platform removed the accounts. The sentence reads as housekeeping. It records a transfer of power that no legislature ever voted on. A reporter assembles evidence against a network of accounts, presents it to a corporation, and the corporation executes a sentence within hours, without a hearing, a judge, or an appeal. The story functions as an indictment and the platform functions as the court. To understand how American journalism acquired that role, and what the role pays, you need the theory built for moments when a society moves an issue out of ordinary politics and into emergency.

Barry Buzan (b. 1946) and Ole Wæver (b. 1960) of the Copenhagen School call the move securitization. A securitizing actor stands before an audience and declares some referent object, the nation, the currency, the climate, under existential threat. The declaration is a speech act. If the audience accepts it, the issue leaves normal politics, where deliberation is slow and opponents get a say, and enters the emergency register, where speed beats debate and extraordinary measures get licensed. Securitization is a choice, not a perception. Threats are real or unreal on their own, but emergency is a register someone selects, and the selection has beneficiaries. The elder essay in this series watched Renée DiResta perform the chartering speech act, an expert beside poster boards telling senators that disinformation was “one of the defining threats of our generation,” a sentence that securitized a domain and staffed its priesthood in one breath. Zadrozny works one level down from the podium, and the view from her level shows what the theory looks like as a job.

She never testified beside poster boards. Her securitizing speech acts run at retail, story by story, in the frame that presents a Telegram channel or an anti-vaccine fundraiser as a threat to public health or democratic order rather than as fraud, folly, or politics. The retail form is easy to miss because each individual story documents something real. The QAnon movement did produce armed men and did reach Congress. The anti-vaccine industry did profit from a pandemic. The Russian network she exposed in 2024 did manufacture fake primary sources on an industrial scale. Securitization theory does not ask whether the findings are true. It asks what register carries them, and the register of the disinformation beat, from its founding, has been emergency. The threat is to democracy, the stakes are existential, the hour is late. That register is what licenses the sentence at the bottom of the story. In normal politics, a citizen’s false speech gets answered by other speech, and the state stays out of it, and so do the corporations that carry it. In the emergency register, removal becomes a public duty, and the reporter’s evidence file becomes the enforcement referral. Her professionalism is what makes the arrangement respectable. The file is accurate. That is the point at which accuracy stops settling the question, because the question is jurisdictional, who gets to trigger punishment, and the answer since 2018 has included reporters, which is new.

Didier Bigo’s Paris School extension explains why the beat took the shape it took. Bigo studies what he calls the managers of unease, the professionals of security, police, border agencies, intelligence services, who compete for budgets and jurisdiction by defining threats their own skills happen to fit. The competition selects for inflation, since no professional ever lost funding by overstating a danger he was hired to watch, and it selects for threat definitions that match the tools on hand. Watch the fit in Zadrozny’s case. Her tools are the librarian’s: records retrieval, archive preservation, network tracing, the reconstruction of a claim’s travel from origin to amplification. The threat, as her beat defines it, is a traceable network phenomenon, claims moving through channels, amplified by accounts, funded by donation pages, all of it documentable. That definition was one option among several. A pastor might define the same events as a crisis of meaning. A teacher might define them as a failure of formation. A political scientist might define them as ordinary partisan motivated reasoning wearing new clothes. The definition that won was the one the available professionals could operationalize, and Andrew Abbott (b. 1948) in The System of Professions supplies the rule at work: a profession lives by claiming problems, characterizing them so its tools apply, and defending the characterization against rival claimants. Misinformation became a supply chain because the people who claimed it could trace supply chains. Zadrozny did not design that outcome. Her career is the outcome. A skill set priced near zero in 2013 became core infrastructure by 2018 because the problem got characterized in the one way that made her skills the remedy.

The older and earthier lineage arrives at the same place on foot. Howard Becker (1928-2023) coined the moral entrepreneur in Outsiders, the rule creator whose crusade, once won, requires enforcers, and the enforcers then need the problem to persist, since the problem is now a payroll. Joseph Gusfield (1923-2015) added the ownership of public problems: groups compete to own a problem, and ownership means controlling its definition, its statistics, and its remedies. By 2019 the ownership of misinformation had settled. The beat and the research complex around it held the definition, network manipulation rather than demand-side appetite, held the statistics, engagement counts and network maps, and held the remedies, exposure and removal. Stanley Cohen (1942-2013) built moral panic on this foundation, and the concept needs careful handling here, because Cohen never claimed panics concern imaginary things. The panic lives in the register, the folk devil, the disproportion, the demand for extraordinary measures, and a panic can form around a real danger. QAnon was real. The coverage that presented every deplatformed influencer as a domino in democracy’s fall ran in panic register anyway, and the register did work the findings alone could not, recruiting audiences, justifying removals, and building the apparatus. Joel Best (b. 1946) documented the statistical habit of claims-makers, inflate the number, because a big number recruits and a careful number bores. Here the record requires the adjustment the frame is honest enough to make. Zadrozny runs more careful than her field’s median. She distinguished believers from players inside the Dover community when the simpler story said cult. She opened her Epstein emails story by warning readers the best line proved less than it seemed. Her numbers hold up. The panic register around her held up worse, and she drew salary and standing from the register while practicing above it.

Robert Higgs (b. 1944) in Crisis and Leviathan supplies the time signature. Each declared emergency expands the apparatus, and the apparatus never returns to baseline, because the people staffing it acquire a standing interest in the next emergency. The disinformation emergency of 2016 built desks, fellowships, institutes, trust and safety divisions, and a hiring class, and Zadrozny’s 2018 NBC hire sits inside the expansion. Then came the counter-ratchet, which Higgs also predicts, since an apparatus built by one coalition becomes a target for the other. Congressional subpoenas, the Twitter Files, the dismantling of the Stanford Internet Observatory, platform layoffs in trust and safety, and a Republican administration hostile to the entire enterprise cut the apparatus back from about 2022. What Higgs predicts next is what happened: the apparatus did not dissolve, it migrated to defensible territory. Her July 2025 hire as a founding senior reporter at the network that became MS NOW shows the beat consolidating inside coalition media, funded now by subscription rather than consensus, its emergency accepted by half the original audience. Securitization theory says the speech act fails without audience acceptance. America resolved the question by splitting into two audiences, each accepting a different emergency, and this is where the October 2020 Carlson segment belongs in the analysis. Tucker Carlson and Darren Beattie performed a mirror securitization with Zadrozny as the referent threat, the network reporter who digs up ordinary citizens to ruin them, an existential danger to the anonymous American. Their audience accepted the declaration, and the extraordinary measures followed in the form the mob supplies, threats, doxxing, a security detail’s worth of fear delivered to her home. Two emergencies now face each other across the divide, each licensing measures against the other, and neither side retains a normal politics to stand in. She is a securitizing actor in one and a folk devil in the other, and the symmetry is structural, not moral, since only one of the two mobs showed up at her door.

Wæver held that desecuritization, moving an issue back into ordinary politics, is usually the better outcome, and the close of this essay belongs to the evidence that Zadrozny can work in the ordinary register and does her best work there. Her 2025 measles reporting from West Texas documents sick children, a hospital, a community, and lets the reader carry the weight, no democracy-ending frame, no emergency vocabulary. The Dover special is pastoral, one woman’s damaged life restored to the record with patience the emergency register never budgets for. Her admission that the podcast fed the theory it hunted is desecuritizing speech aimed at her own beat, a professional reporting that the extraordinary measures do not work as advertised. Murray Edelman (1919-2001) said the blunt version decades before the beat existed: professionals construct the problems that require their skills. The construction does not make the underlying events unreal, and it did not make her findings false. It chose the register, and the register chose the remedies, and the remedies built a role for reporters that the republic never debated, the evidence file that ends in a corporate removal by close of business. Zadrozny performs that role with more restraint than the role deserves. The restraint is hers. The role is the apparatus’s, it survived the counter-ratchet by moving inside one coalition’s walls, and it now waits, as Higgs says such structures wait, for the next emergency to grow on.

Strange Bedfellows on the Disinformation Beat: Brandy Zadrozny Through Alliance Theory

In the last days of October 2020, two victim stories run on American television, and each stars the other story’s villain. On Fox News, Darren Beattie tells Tucker Carlson’s audience about anonymous Trump supporters, ordinary men with jobs and families, hunted by an NBC reporter who digs up their identities to ruin their lives. The harm is embellished, the motive rendered as malice, the mitigating context omitted. Within days the other story runs through NBC’s statement and the International Women’s Media Foundation: a working mother of three, a careful reporter, smeared by the most powerful voice in cable news and buried under threats and doxxing for doing accountability journalism. The harm is documented, the motive rendered as malice, the mitigating context omitted. Each side casts its own as the injured party, assigns the other full responsibility, and mobilizes third parties for the fight. A reader who wants to know which story is true can weigh the evidence, and the evidence favors one side; the threats against Brandy Zadrozny arrived at her home, and the anonymous posters she named had left public trails of public influence. A reader who wants to know why.

David Pinsof, David O. Sears, and Martie Haselton supply one in “Strange Bedfellows: The Alliance Theory of Political Belief Systems,” published in Psychological Inquiry in 2023. Their argument runs against the common picture of politics as a contest of values. Political belief systems, they hold, derive from alliance structures, the networks of allies and rivals that vary by country and era, and the beliefs are patchwork, assembled ad hoc to serve whichever ally is in whichever fight. People choose allies on similarity, transitivity, and interdependence, and small accidents compound, so the resulting structure is contingent, a thing that might have formed otherwise. Once formed, people support their allies with what the authors call propagandistic biases. Perpetrator biases shrink an ally’s transgressions, supplying mitigating circumstances and good intentions. Victim biases swell an ally’s injuries, assigning the perpetrator full responsibility and malice. Attributional biases credit an ally’s successes to character and blame his failures on circumstance, with the polarity reversed for rivals. The biases run symmetrically across all humans, the moral principles invoked are tools rather than foundations, and the hypocrisies that embarrass a coalition’s philosophers are, for Alliance Theory, the confirming data. The October 2020 episode is the theory performed twice in one week, competitive victimhood in the authors’ term, two coalitions embellishing rival injuries over the same set of facts.

Zadrozny occupies a mapped position in the structure the paper describes. Its history of American realignment notes that expanding college enrollment built a class of knowledge workers, journalists and academics among them, whose rivalry with business elites split the upper class while ethnic rivalry split the lower, and the two halves recombined into the super-alliances of the present. Journalists sit on the blue side of that map, and the paper’s most striking datum is how well everyone knows it: when Americans of both parties rate which groups belong to which side, their ratings correlate at ninety-seven percent. Nobody had to tell Zadrozny where reporters stand. Her biography walks the map. She starts in the occupations of the map’s other shore, bartender, schoolteacher, the daughter of a class the paper files among globalization’s losers, and she ascends through a library degree into the knowledge class, holding for eighteen months a post inside the rival super-alliance’s most important institution, the Fox News research department, before crossing to The Daily Beast at a pay cut. She tells the crossing as a values story, the mission never changed, answer the public’s questions. Alliance Theory retells it as interdependence. Her skills, her income, her professional honors, and her protection all came to run through the institutions of one coalition, and the theory predicts allegiance follows the flow of benefits, whatever story the believer tells about principle. The prediction does not require her story to be false. It requires the story to be the kind of thing every partisan on both shores also tells, and it is.

The beat she helped build reads, in this frame, as alliance infrastructure. Consider how its threat map assembled. The theory’s transitivity rule, the enemy of my enemy, does most of the work. QAnon declared war on the mainstream press, so the press acquired QAnon as a beat. The anti-vaccine movement attacked public health agencies, allies of the blue coalition, so the beat acquired anti-vaccine influencers. Militia movements threatened Democratic officials, election deniers attacked election administrators, and each rival of an ally entered the coverage map, until the beat’s portfolio matched, with high fidelity, the enemies list of one super-alliance. The match embarrasses the beat’s self-description as neutral epistemic hygiene, and Alliance Theory predicts the match and predicts the embarrassment will change nothing, because the category was never epistemic. The strongest evidence sits in the patchwork of the coalition’s beliefs about speech, which assemble the way the paper says belief systems assemble, ally by ally rather than principle by principle. Anonymity is sacred when it shields a whistleblower, a dissident, or a Ukrainian OSINT researcher, and forfeit when it shields an influential Trump-supporting account. Institutional authority deserves deference when the institution is the CDC and skepticism when it is a police union. Foreign interference in discourse is an emergency when the fake accounts are Russian and a curiosity when the influence operation is friendly. Platform censorship is a myth when applied to conservatives and a policy failure when extremist accounts stay up. No moral thread ties the set together, and the paper’s answer is that no thread needs to. Each position mobilizes support for an ally in a live conflict, and the set updates when the alliance updates. The rival coalition’s speech beliefs invert every clause, ally for ally, which is the symmetry the theory requires and the pundits on both sides cannot see.

The propagandistic biases sort the beat’s habits into three drawers. The victim bias drawer holds the democracy-in-peril register, the embellishment of allied injuries, every rival falsehood a body blow to the republic. The perpetrator bias drawer holds the treatment of allied error: when public health authorities asserted, during the pandemic, claims that later collapsed, the coalition’s coverage supplied the mitigating circumstances the biases predict, fog of war, evolving science, good intentions, while identical conduct by rival authorities drew the full-responsibility treatment. The attributional drawer holds the beat’s subtlest asymmetry, the one that creates Zadrozny’s central concept. When members of the public believe rival-coded falsehoods, the beat attributes the belief to external causes, manipulation by grifters and hostile states, which preserves the believers as recruitable victims and concentrates blame on rival elites. The supply-side theory of misinformation, the premise of the entire beat, is an attributional bias applied at population scale: our potential allies err because they were poisoned, never because they wanted the poison. Rival elites, meanwhile, err from character, greed and cynicism, internal causes all the way down. The frame flatters the coalition twice, once by excusing the masses it hopes to win and once by indicting the elites it fights, and it has the further advantage of assigning the cure to the coalition’s own professionals.

Run against this structural reading, Zadrozny’s individual record shows the deviations that make her the right test case rather than a convenient defendant. Alliance Theory predicts partisans deploy the biases, and she has, in the register of her beat and the framing of her stories. It also treats deviation as costly signal, and her deviations cluster where the theory says they should be rarest. She reported that her Dover project fed the theory it hunted, an admission against her coalition’s core premise that exposure heals. She split the Dover truthers into believers and players when the alliance-serving story said cult, restoring internal causes to people her frame had cast as victims of manipulation. She cautioned readers that the Epstein emails proved less than her coalition’s readers wanted. Her West Texas measles reporting rendered a rival-coded community as sick children and grieving parents rather than as enemy terrain. None of this refutes Alliance Theory, which predicts distributions rather than individuals, and the theory has a drawer for her too: a reporter whose reputation depends on being more careful than her field profits from documented deviations, which convert into credibility, the currency her wing of the coalition trades in. The reading is airtight and slightly cheap, the way alliance readings of any honest act are, and a fair essay notes the cheapness. Some deviations cost more than they signal. Handing your beat’s enemies the sentence they will quote forever, I felt like I made it worse, sits in that class.

The Fox attack acquires a sharper meaning inside the theory than outside it. Coalitions punish defectors more than enemies, because a defector corrupts the transitivity on which alliance trust runs; she knew the building, took its salary, and crossed. When the rival coalition’s flagship gave a full segment to a single reporter, the selection was not random among the hundreds of journalists covering the right. The target had worked in the basement. And the weapon chosen, the accusation that she hunts ordinary anonymous men, was itself a victim bias deployed on behalf of the rival coalition’s most interdependent modern constituency, the pseudonymous online supporter, whose protection the red alliance had elevated to a cause exactly as the blue alliance elevated his exposure. Each coalition’s position on anonymity had reversed within living memory, the right having spent the McCarthy era unmasking and the left having spent it shielding, a reversal Alliance Theory expects and value theories must explain away, since values do not flip when the alliance map flips, and these did.

The theory’s forecast for her is the essay’s proper close, because Alliance Theory, unlike most frames in this series, generates predictions a blogger can check. The beat survived its counter-ratchet by moving inside coalition walls, and her 2025 hire at the network that became MS NOW placed her in subscription-funded alliance media, where the audience pays for the map and the map cannot be redrawn without refunds. Predictions follow. The category of disinformation will harden as coalition property, applied with increasing confidence to rival speech and decreasing frequency to allied speech, whatever the underlying epistemic mix. Her method, the records work, will stay portable across any realignment, because a court file reads the same on both shores. And if the alliance structure shifts again, as the paper insists structures always do, the strange bedfellows will reshuffle, and some future reporter will cover the blue coalition’s inherited falsehoods with the energy Zadrozny spent on QAnon, deploying her techniques, citing her as a founder, and never noticing the map had turned under the method. She might notice. Her record suggests she reads maps better than her coalition does, and reads them, on her best days, out loud.

The Experiment She Ran on Herself: Brandy Zadrozny Through Hugo Mercier’s Not Born Yesterday

In the spring of 2023, Brandy Zadrozny holds the strongest piece of evidence a debunker ever held. Tiffany Dover, the nurse the internet declared dead in December 2020, sits across from her, alive, on tape, answering questions, and the special episode built around the interview goes out to an audience of more than a million. The theory said a vaccine killed Dover and a conspiracy hid the body. The body now speaks. Under the theory of belief that founded Zadrozny’s beat, the correction should work. People believed a false claim because false information reached them; true information now reaches them; the belief should die. Zadrozny then returns to the believers who had promised, on the record, to recant if Dover ever appeared. They do not recant. She logs the refusal into the episode, an honest reporter recording the failure of her own premise, and the recording deserves a name. It is a field experiment, run at personal cost, on the central question of her profession, and the result landed on one side.

Hugo Mercier’s Not Born Yesterday, published by Princeton University Press in 2020, predicted the result before the experiment ran. Mercier, a cognitive scientist at the CNRS in Paris, argues that the panic over misinformation rests on a false picture of the human mind. The picture holds that people are gullible, that exposure to a lie plants the lie, and that the credulous masses need protection from bad information the way a city needs protection from cholera. Mercier assembles the evolutionary logic and the empirical record against every clause. Gullibility could not have evolved. An organism that believed what it was told would be farmed by every liar in range, so selection built the opposite, a suite of faculties Mercier calls open vigilance, which check incoming claims against prior knowledge, weigh the source’s incentives and track record, and demand more evidence for claims that ask more of us. The faculties run strongest where stakes run highest. On matters touching survival, money, family, and standing, people are hard to move, and the persuasion industries prove it by failing. Political campaigns shift almost no votes, advertising barely nudges brand choice at the margin, and the Nazi propaganda apparatus, the standard nightmare case, hardened existing loyalties and converted almost no one, a finding Mercier draws from the historians of the period. Fake news, the panic of Zadrozny’s founding era, reached a sliver of the electorate, concentrated among the already convinced, and moved measurable nothing. The masses were not born yesterday. The recurring belief that they were, running from Plato’s fear of crowds through Le Bon, brainwashing, and subliminal advertising to the fake news scare, is the one durable piece of misinformation in the story, and elites hold it because it costs them nothing and flatters them much.

Zadrozny built a career inside the picture Mercier attacks, and the application writes its own tension. Her beat exists because American journalism concluded, after 2016, that false information is a public health hazard, that it spreads by exposure, and that tracing and removing the suppliers protects the public. Every premise in that sentence takes a hit in Mercier’s book. But the collision runs stranger than a debunking of the debunker, because her reporting, read closely, keeps producing his findings, and the essay that pretends otherwise would be misreading her to convict her.

Start with what her beat gets wrong by Mercier’s lights, because the list is structural. The supply model treats belief as infection. Mercier’s evidence says almost no one catches a belief from a stray post. The people who consumed election fake news in 2016 were heavy consumers of congenial content who had decided long before, and the content served them as ammunition, not as cause. Apply that to her QAnon coverage. The movement’s growth looked, from inside the beat, like contagion through algorithmic channels, and the remedy followed, map the channels, remove the accounts. Mercier’s account says the drops spread because millions of Americans already distrusted the institutions the drops indicted and already belonged, or wanted to belong, to the coalition the drops served. The lie did not create the appetite. The appetite found the lie, and when platforms removed the supply, the appetite migrated and fed elsewhere, which is what her own later reporting documents, year after year, without drawing the conclusion.

Then the deeper inversion, the one Mercier presses hardest. The disinformation frame diagnoses excess credulity. Mercier diagnoses the opposite failure. The conspiracist’s problem is under-trust, a vigilance system running hot, rejecting the hospital’s statement, the coroner’s records, the network’s reporting, the government’s data, every institutional source at once. The Dover truthers did not believe too easily. They disbelieved on an industrial scale. They scrutinized pixel shadows in hospital photos, demanded death certificates, audited Instagram timestamps, ran the full apparatus of open vigilance with the trust dial set to zero for every official channel and set to full for their own community. Mercier argues that under-trust is the costlier and commoner error, that people leave enormous value unclaimed by refusing good information from sources they have coded as enemies, and that the code comes from experience with those sources, not from manipulation by new ones. On this reading, the misinformation crisis is a trust crisis wearing a content costume. The nurse’s fainting spell mattered less than the fact that millions of Americans had reached a settled judgment that hospitals, health agencies, and NBC News lie to them, a judgment their vigilance systems formed the way vigilance systems form all judgments, from incentives, track records, and the testimony of trusted allies. Removing posts cannot repair that judgment. Each removal confirms it.

Her beat’s theory of impact takes the third hit. Exposure journalism assumes correction moves belief. Mercier’s account of reflective beliefs explains the Dover result in advance. Beliefs divide by function. Intuitive beliefs guide action and stay tethered to evidence, and people hold them carefully because errors cost. Reflective beliefs, held for expression, membership, and the pleasure of the story, float free of action and pay their holders in belonging, and evidence cannot touch them because evidence was never their source. Watch the truthers through that lens. They asserted a hospital murdered a nurse, and almost none acted as a person would act who intuitively believed a hospital near them murdered nurses. The belief cost nothing to hold and paid daily dividends in community, purpose, and the thrill of forbidden knowledge. Zadrozny found the distinction herself, in the field, before she had a theory for it. Her reporting split the Dover community into believers and players, people convinced and people enjoying the game, and Mercier’s frame says the split understates the case, that even the believers held the belief in the currency of play, which is why producing the living nurse, the decisive evidence for an intuitive belief, bought nothing. She paid the full price of the experiment and published the result. I felt like I made it worse, she said, and Mercier’s book explains the sentence. Corrections from a coded enemy do not correct. They arm.

Now the other side of the ledger, because Mercier’s frame honors half her method and the honest essay says which half. Mercier’s prescription for navigating communication is sender-side analysis, ask who speaks, what they want, what their record shows, and follow the money. That is her craft. Her strongest reporting, the anti-vaccine industry’s supplement lines and donation funnels, the Epoch Times as a growth business, the Storm-1516 factory manufacturing fake primary sources, treats communicators as strategic agents with incentives, which is Mercier’s exact model of communication. Nothing in Not Born Yesterday protects a grifter from a reporter who documents the grift. The book protects the audience from a theory that calls it prey. Her sender-side work survives the frame intact and even gains standing inside it, because exposing incentives is the input open vigilance runs on; a public deciding whom to trust can use a documented record of who profits. What the frame strips away is the victim story attached to the audience, the newsroom convention that renders believers as the manipulated, and the emergency scale, the register in which a Telegram channel threatens the republic. Mercier’s numbers say the channel preaches to the converted, and the converted converted themselves, for reasons a reporter could investigate if the beat permitted the question.

The Carlson episode belongs in the account, and Mercier reads it against both parties. The standard telling on her side has Tucker Carlson aiming a weaponized audience at a reporter, the audience firing on command, a case study in media manipulation. Mercier’s evidence on mass persuasion says audiences do not fire on command. The segment worked on viewers whose priors about NBC, about reporters, about the unmasking of anonymous men, had formed across years of experience and alliance, and the segment coordinated them rather than converted them, supplying a target and a moment to people already armed. That reading subtracts nothing from the threats she received or from Carlson’s responsibility for coordinating them. It relocates the power. The demagogue, in Mercier’s account, is a follower dressed as a leader, a man who prospers by saying what his audience already believes and pointing where it already looks. The same relocation applies, uncomfortably, to her own institution, whose audience also rewards confirmation, also punishes deviation, and also received, in the disinformation beat, a nightly telling of what it already believed about the people it already despised. Neither network hypnotizes anyone. Both serve appetite. The appetite is the story, and almost nobody covers it, because the appetite sits in the audience, and the audience pays the bills.

Mercier saves his sharpest pages for the class that believes in gullibility, and the pages read as a commissioning memo for the profile Zadrozny never wrote. The gullibility thesis, he shows, is itself a reflective belief, held without evidence by the educated, costing them nothing, flattering their function, and surviving every empirical defeat, from the null effects of propaganda studies to the microscopic reach of fake news, because its holders never stake anything on it. The newsroom that hired her in 2018 held that belief in exactly the manner the Dover truthers held theirs, cheaply, socially, and beyond the reach of correction. She has spent eight years inside the belief, producing reporting that undermines it, sentence by sentence, finding after finding, the players who do not believe, the corrections that backfire, the removed accounts that resurrect, the communities that grow under bombardment, and the institution absorbs each finding as an anomaly and renews the premise, which is what Mercier says minds do with beliefs that pay. Her body of work, read as data rather than as coverage, is a longitudinal study confirming Not Born Yesterday, conducted by a researcher whose funding depends on the null hypothesis. That she keeps publishing the data anyway, against interest, with her name on it, is the fact about her that Mercier’s frame cannot explain and does not try to. Open vigilance accounts for what people believe. It has no module for what some people, at cost, insist on saying.

The Parlor and the Reference Desk: Brandy Zadrozny Through Janet Malcolm

In the fall of 2021, Brandy Zadrozny stands in a pizza place in Higdon, Alabama, waiting on an order, when her phone buzzes. She has spent the day working the town where Tiffany Dover lives, and she has left a note at a house she believes belongs to Dover’s in-laws. The text comes from an unknown number. Whoever wants the story can have it, the sender writes, but only if they pay the most. The sender turns out to be nineteen, a relative, put up to it, the girl later says, by Dover’s mother-in-law. The reporter declines. NBC News does not pay for interviews, and the refusal is correct by every rule of the craft. It is also the only honest negotiation in the story. A teenager in Sand Mountain country looked at the visitor from New York and named the thing everyone else in the transaction disguises, that a journalist has come to take something of value, that the family holds it, and that the parties might as well discuss price.

Janet Malcolm spent a career on the disguise. The Journalist and the Murderer, published in 1990, opens with the most quoted sentence in the literature of the craft, the claim that every journalist who is not too stupid or too vain to notice knows his work is “morally indefensible.” The journalist, she writes, is a confidence man. He preys on vanity, ignorance, and loneliness. He gains a subject’s trust, feeds the subject’s hope of being understood, listens like a lover, and then betrays without remorse at the writing desk, where the subject stops being a person and becomes a character in someone else’s story. Her case study is Joe McGinniss, who joined the defense team of Jeffrey MacDonald, the Green Beret doctor convicted of murdering his wife and daughters, lived with the defense, wrote MacDonald warm letters for years professing belief in his innocence, and then published Fatal Vision, which rendered him a psychopathic killer. MacDonald sued, five jurors of six sided with the murderer against the writer, and Malcolm understood why. The jury had glimpsed the structure of the craft, and the structure, not the man, was the scandal. Every subject consents to his own destruction out of vanity and hope. Every journalist permits the hope to grow. The deception is not a failing of bad reporters. It is the condition of the work.

The frame seems built for Zadrozny’s confession. She pursued an unwilling private citizen for two years and told an interviewer afterward that she felt she made it worse. Prosecute her under Malcolm and the brief writes itself. But the prosecution misreads her career, and the misreading is where the essay earns its keep, because Zadrozny’s journalism, taken as a body, is a test of how far Malcolm’s indictment reaches, and the answer is that it reaches one of her two methods and cannot touch the other.

Malcolm’s crime requires a parlor. The confidence game runs on relationship, the cultivated intimacy, the subject talking freely because he believes the listener is a friend. Zadrozny’s signature method never enters the parlor. She works from records. The anonymous operators she unmasks, the conspiracy entrepreneurs whose funding she traces, the network builders whose domain histories she pulls, never confided in her. Nobody charmed them. Nobody wrote them warm letters. They left trails in public archives, court filings, registration databases, and deleted pages she preserved before the deletion, and she assembled the trails into stories without once collecting a person’s trust. Whatever the moral problems of that method, and they are real, they belong to a different family than Malcolm’s. Unmasking is an exercise of power without relationship. The person on the receiving end can call it surveillance, exposure, or doxxing, and the argument over those words fills the earlier essays in this series, but he cannot call it betrayal, because betrayal requires a bond and no bond existed. Malcolm’s journalist wounds people who loved him. Zadrozny’s records method wounds strangers. The librarian’s journalism escapes the parlor by never going in, and the escape explains a small sociological fact of the trade, that documents reporters carry their consciences lighter than profile writers, having never watched trust form in a subject’s face while knowing what the writing desk will do to it.

Then Dover, and the frame closes around her after all, through the back door. Tiffany Dover was not an operator. She left no trail of influence, moved no money, ran no network. She fainted on camera, and when the internet declared her dead she chose silence, which is a private citizen’s right and was, for the machine that had swallowed her, further evidence. Zadrozny’s pursuit of her had every justification the craft supplies. A viral lie had consumed a woman’s identity, the lie was damaging vaccine confidence during a pandemic, and only the woman could kill it. Public interest, the same coin McGinniss paid with when he justified his years of feigned friendship as service to the book. And the pursuit looked like pursuit. Stakeouts of the house and the hospital. Police records, vital records, grave registries pulled on a nurse who had committed no act beyond losing consciousness. The note at the in-laws’ house. Two seasons of a podcast assembled around a woman who had asked, by every signal available to her, to be left alone. Malcolm’s subjects at least opened the door and served coffee. Dover never consented to the relationship at all, which pushes the Dover project past Malcolm’s confidence game into older territory, the hunt, and Zadrozny, to her credit and to the project’s discomfort, aired the hunt rather than hiding it.

The arc then reversed, and the reversal holds the essay’s finest Malcolm material. Nine months after the podcast ended in failure, Dover texted her. While I did not die that day, the text read, the life I knew did. The subject initiated. The prey walked into the parlor and sat down, and the wooing that McGinniss stretched across four years compressed into one dinner, off the record, at Dover’s home, the night before the taping, horses in the front yard, a white house with big windows, the reporter and the nurse taking each other’s measure. Zadrozny cried when they met. Read the tears with Malcolm’s coldness and they still hold up, relief and guilt and two years of pursuit discharged at once, but Malcolm would direct attention past the dinner to what followed, because in her account the betrayal never happens in the parlor. It happens at the desk. The interview became a special episode. The episode converted a woman’s shattered privacy, her panic attacks at the grocery store, her name turned into a search term for death, into a product with the reporter’s name on it, promoted by a network, submitted for awards, downloaded past a million. Dover got the correction she wanted, her life certified on the record, and she got, in the same transaction, a renewal of the fame that had wrecked her, her story now owned twice, first by the truthers and then by NBC. Whether she weighed the exchange and found it fair is a question with an answer, and the answer belongs to her, and the honest essay flags it and leaves it on her porch.

What Malcolm could not have anticipated is the form, and the form is the fresh finding. Her journalists hid the seduction. The reader of Fatal Vision never hears McGinniss coo at MacDonald; the letters surfaced in the lawsuit, and their exposure is what made her book possible. The podcast inverts the concealment. The pursuit is the show. Zadrozny narrates her own stakeouts, airs her own doubts, plays the pizza-place text, confesses on tape that the project fed the theory it hunted, and the confession runs as content, an episode beat, scored and edited, sold as candor because it is candor. Malcolm might say the form performs a second seduction with the audience in the subject’s chair. The listener hears the reporter bleed and extends her the trust Malcolm says no journalist deserves, and the trust converts to downloads, and the downloads convert to the Webby and the MS NOW contract. The confession that costs her standing with the beat’s enemies deepens the product for the beat’s friends. Her honesty is real. The honesty also sells. Malcolm built a career on refusing to choose between such sentences, and the refusal is the discipline this essay borrows, because the alternative readings, saint or grifter, are both lazier than the woman.

The close belongs to the symmetry between the two writers. Malcolm composed her indictment of journalistic treachery while a subject of her own, the psychoanalyst Jeffrey Masson (b. 1941), was suing her over quotations he said she fabricated, a case that ran a decade and reached the Supreme Court, and she never claimed the clean hands her thesis denied everyone. She wrote the indefensibility from inside it and kept practicing. Zadrozny stands in the same posture. She has said the sentence that her profession’s critics will quote against the beat forever, that her biggest work made things worse for its subject and its cause, and she said it while promoting that work, and she went on reporting, and she reads, on the evidence of the special episode, as a woman who will do it again, next subject, next hunt, next parlor, because the stories run through people and there is no other door. Malcolm’s book ends without absolution and without a call to stop, which readers have found unsatisfying for thirty-five years, and the dissatisfaction is the point. The craft’s crime and the craft’s necessity ride in the same vehicle. The nurse got her life back on the record because a reporter would not leave her alone. Both halves of that sentence are true, the halves do not reconcile, and the writer who taught American journalism to hold them together died without offering a third option, because there is none.

Fuck Around and Find Out (FAFO): Brandy Zadrozny and the Oldest Law

The threats reach her home in the last week of October 2020. Tucker Carlson has given a segment to Darren Beattie, who tells three million viewers that an NBC reporter digs up the identities of anonymous Trump supporters to ruin their lives, and the audience does what audiences with an address do. The International Women’s Media Foundation logs the aftermath as threats, doxxing, and violence directed at Brandy Zadrozny. Nothing in the segment disputed her facts. Nothing in the response required her facts to be wrong. She had published truths that damaged people, and the damaged people and their allies returned the damage by the routes available to them. Her profession has a theory in which this is an outrage against the free press. The street has an older theory, four words long, and the older theory predicted the week better.

Fuck around and find out is folk deterrence doctrine. Strip the profanity and the doctrine reads: actions that harm others summon consequences from the harmed, the consequences arrive by whatever channel the harmed can reach, and the sender’s reasons never enter the calculation. The phrase carries no clause for righteousness. It does not ask whether the fucking around served the public interest, told the truth, or saved lives. It states a conservation law. Harm sent tends to return to its sender, and the return address is the sender’s softest point, which is rarely the point from which the harm was sent.

The doctrine has scholarly ancestors. William Ian Miller (b. 1946), in Bloodtaking and Peacemaking, reconstructs the feud system of saga Iceland, a society without police in which every injury created a debt collectible by the injured man’s kin, and the accounting ran for generations because both sides kept books. Miller’s Icelanders would have found nothing puzzling about October 2020. A woman shamed men of the other side; the other side’s chieftain called for redress on the widest channel he owned; the redress arrived. Nassim Nicholas Taleb (b. 1960) restates the law as ethics in Skin in the Game: symmetry governs, those who inflict must stand exposed to what they inflict, and systems that let actors harm without exposure breed monsters. Between the sagas and Taleb sits every honor culture the anthropologists ever cataloged, and beneath them all sits the rattlesnake, which does not review your reasons before it strikes. FAFO compresses the literature into a warning label.

Run Zadrozny through the doctrine from four directions.

The first direction is that her work harms some people (and helps other people). This deserves stating without cushioning, because her profession cushions it by reflex. An unmasking ends a pseudonymous life and sometimes a career and sometimes an entire life. A profitable conspiracy business loses its platform after her story runs and the platform acts. A movement gets described in national media as a threat, and its members absorb the description’s costs in reputation and standing. The harms may be deserved, the facts are documented, and the public interest case is often strong. The doctrine shrugs at all three. The QAnon influencers, the anti-vaccine entrepreneurs, the anonymous operators, and the coalition that houses them experienced injury and behaved as the injured behave. They struck back through their channels, the segment, the swarm, the doxx, the threat. Her side calls this the criminalization of journalism. Their side calls her work the criminalization of speech. The doctrine calls both descriptions decoration. Injury went out; injury came back; the ledger balanced the way ledgers balance in a world without a referee. And she knows. The knowledge shows in the arrangements of her life, the Signal handle listed before the email address, the husband who stays off the internet, the compartments she keeps between the work and the home. Reporters who believe the official theory, that truth-telling in the public interest carries protection, do not build their lives like safe houses. She built the safe house years ago. Whatever she says at journalism conferences, her operational self believes the four words.

The second direction follows the costs, because the costs do not fall where the decisions get made. NBC News assigned the beat, published the stories, and collected what the stories earn, audience, authority, awards, the standing that comes from employing the reporter the bad guys fear. When the return fire came, NBC issued a statement. The statement was strong, the network stood by her, and the network’s buildings have security desks. The threats went to a house in Brooklyn with three children in it. This is the general structure of the trade and almost nobody writes it down. The institution decides to fuck around; the byline finds out. Feud logic explains the targeting. Retaliation seeks the softest reachable point of the offending house, and a corporation has no soft point, no body, no porch, no kids, so the debt collectors walk past the logo and knock on the reporter’s door. Miller’s Icelanders understood that you do not avenge yourself on a clan by suing the clan. You find the clan’s most exposed member. The modern mob, unschooled and undirected, rediscovers saga targeting every time, and the institutions that employ the exposed keep the exposure off the books, an uncompensated occupational hazard, priced into nobody’s salary, carried home in nobody’s name but hers.

The third direction inverts the frame and finds the war inside it. Anonymity is find-out-proofing. The pseudonymous operator has engineered away the return channel; he can fuck around at industrial scale, wreck a nurse’s life, move a coalition’s votes, run a harassment campaign, and no consequence can locate him, because consequence requires an address. Read her signature method against that engineering and the method becomes legible as address restoration. An unmasking reconnects an actor to the return channel his pseudonym severed. Whatever else her work does, it re-arms the oldest law against people who had disarmed it, which is why the people in question experience an unmasking as violence. It is the moment the rattlesnake learns where they live. Her enemies work the same project in reverse. The doxxing of Zadrozny, the publication of her details, the targeting of her family, each move makes her more findable, expands the surface on which she can find out. The disinformation war, viewed from this direction, is a war over findability, over who must live within reach of consequences and who gets to operate beyond them, and each side experiences its own strikes as justice and the other side’s as terror. The doctrine, which has no politics, endorses neither and describes both.

The fourth direction is Dover, and here Zadrozny stands on the other side of the four words. For two years she fucked around in one woman’s life. She staked out the house and the hospital, pulled records on a private citizen whose offense was fainting, left the note, ran the seasons. Her reasons were righteous by her lights and defensible by most, a viral lie was eating a woman alive and damaging vaccine confidence in a pandemic, and the doctrine, as established, does not read reasons. What consequence could a nurse in Higdon, Alabama return to a network reporter in Brooklyn? None through the mob; Dover commanded no mob, and her silence was the opposite of a strike. The finding out arrived through the one channel a decent person cannot armor, conscience. Zadrozny has said she felt she made it worse, and said it on tape, and cried on the porch when the two women finally met. Read the guilt as the law functioning. Consequence completed its circuit through the only conduit open, and the pain of it, by her own account, reshaped the project, slowed the pursuit, changed the terms on which the interview finally happened, Dover initiating, dinner off the record, the subject holding cards the hunter had spent two years trying to take. A woman with deadened nerve endings might have run the same pursuit and felt nothing and called the episode a triumph. The feedback hurt because the equipment works.

The doctrine requires one discipline of the writer. FAFO describes; it does not license. The distance between “consequences follow” and “she had it coming” is the distance between physics and a threat, and her enemies collapse the distance every time they gloat. That the mob found her home is a fact the frame predicts. That the mob was justified is a claim the frame cannot generate, because the frame has no organ for justification, only for accounting. The same discipline runs the other way. Her unmaskings summon consequences to the unmasked, and the summoning is predictable, and prediction is not vindication there either. The doctrine’s honest use is actuarial. It prices conduct. It tells a truth-teller what the truth will cost before the invoice arrives, and it told Zadrozny, and she paid, and the payment settles nothing about whether the purchase was right.

What the frame yields last is a finding about deterrence, the doctrine’s official purpose. Feud systems exist to make injury expensive and thereby rare. Miller’s Icelanders mostly kept the peace because everyone could count. By that standard, the American information feud has failed at its one job, because the finding out deters no one. The segment and the swarm did not move Zadrozny off the beat; she went from NBC to a founding chair at MS NOW and kept unmasking. Her exposures have not moved the anonymous operators to caution; the pseudonymous economy grew every year she covered it. Both houses absorb their casualties, promote their wounded, and raid again. Miller records two ways a feud ends, settlement or exhaustion, and the sagas run long because both come slow. No broker exists who could settle this one; the institutions that once brokered American disputes are parties to this one. That leaves exhaustion, which is generational, and Zadrozny’s career suggests the current generation has funds. She keeps books like an Icelander, publishes the other house’s debts, pays her own in threats and guilt, and returns to work, a woman who found out years ago and decided the price ran fair. The four words were never a warning to people like her. They were a description of the terms, and she signed.

The Set

Every reporter belongs to a room, and the room decides what the work means. Brandy Zadrozny’s room assembled between 2016 and 2020 out of parts that had never shared a table: newsroom reporters who covered the internet’s fringe, academics who mapped rumor networks, platform trust and safety staff, fact-checkers, extremism researchers, and the funders and fellowship programs that stitched them together. The set never chose a name. Its enemies supplied several, the censorship industrial complex the least profane, and the set answered with job titles, misinformation researcher, disinformation reporter, as if the vocation were as settled as cardiology. This essay paints the room: who sits in it, what they honor, how they rank each other, what they claim about the world, and the grammar of their praise and blame.

Start with the roll. The reporters came first. Zadrozny and Ben Collins built the beat at NBC News, the librarian and the internet native, and the pairing set the template, records plus fluency. Craig Silverman ran the fake-news desk at BuzzFeed before ProPublica and gave the field its founding datasets. Will Sommer owned QAnon at The Daily Beast and wrote Trust the Plan. Mike Rothschild wrote The Storm Is Upon Us. David Gilbert covered the same terrain at Vice and Wired, Jane Lytvynenko at BuzzFeed, Kevin Collier and Ben Goggin alongside Zadrozny at NBC, Davey Alba and Tiffany Hsu on the misinformation desk The New York Times built, Sheera Frenkel above them on security, Kevin Roose adjacent with his rabbit-hole work, Taylor Lorenz on the culture side, contested inside the room and hated outside it, Charlie Warzel at The Atlantic, Casey Newton and Ryan Broderick in the newsletters, Brian Stelter (b. 1985) and Oliver Darcy running the media-desk auxiliary at CNN. The academy sent Kate Starbird (b. 1975) from Washington, Renée DiResta and Alex Stamos from the Stanford Internet Observatory, Joan Donovan from Harvard’s Shorenstein Center, where Zadrozny took her fellowship, Claire Wardle from First Draft, Whitney Phillips, Alice Marwick, Mike Caulfield with his literacy methods, Emerson Brooking at the Atlantic Council‘s DFRLab under Graham Brookie. The watchdog wing ran through Media Matters under Angelo Carusone and the Center for Countering Digital Hate under Imran Ahmed. Bellingcat under Eliot Higgins (b. 1979) worked the OSINT border. Nina Jankowicz wrote How to Lose the Information War and then lived it. Craig Newmark (b. 1952) and the Knight Foundation paid for much of the plumbing. And the room’s shape owes as much to the men outside it: Glenn Greenwald (b. 1967), Matt Taibbi, Bari Weiss (b. 1984), Michael Shellenberger, Darren Beattie, Jim Jordan with his subpoenas, Elon Musk with his platform and his lawsuits, and Tucker Carlson, whose October 2020 segment on Zadrozny functioned inside the room as a decoration ceremony.

What the set values sits one layer under what it says it values. The stated value is shared reality, an information commons where facts hold standing regardless of tribe, defended by professionals against pollution. The operating values run more human. The set prizes fluency, the capacity to read a fringe space like a native, know which Telegram channel feeds which influencer, catch the joke inside the slur inside the meme. It prizes stamina, measured in years spent in what members call the sewer. It prizes protective labor, the framing of the work as service, I read it so you don’t have to, the researcher as the town’s designated handler of contaminated material. It prizes rigor as a boundary against its own hangers-on, since the room knows its edges attract labelers who never report anything, and it ranks the Zadroznys, who pull court records, above the quote-dunkers. And it prizes wounds. The set’s economy of honor runs on harassment received, and every member’s biography lists the campaigns survived, the Carlson segment, the Musk quote-tweet, the Libs of TikTok pile-on, the Jordan subpoena, the way a soldier lists theaters.

The hero the room builds is the sentinel. He descends nightly into spaces organized around hatred of people like him, absorbs material that damages him, and hauls up findings that protect a public that never learns his costs. The heroism runs on exposure in both senses, exposure to the toxin and exposure of the toxin’s makers. The sentinel’s sacrifice is psychic, and the room has built a full liturgy around it, the vicarious trauma panel at every conference, the burnout leave announced on Bluesky, the therapy vocabulary, the gallows humor about brain worms and the hellsite, the colleague who logs off for his mental health to a chorus of hearts. An outsider reads the liturgy as softness. Inside, it works as a service record. The set’s other hero is the witness under fire, and here the decoration system grows precise. Being attacked by the right people confers rank. Jankowicz holds the highest decoration and paid the highest price, three weeks as head of a Homeland Security advisory board in 2022 before an opposition campaign ended the board and made her name a punchline on one side of the country and a martyrology on the other. Donovan’s rank rose when Harvard pushed her out in 2023 and she alleged donor pressure from Meta. Stamos and DiResta’s institute died under lawsuits and subpoenas in 2024, a unit citation. Zadrozny’s Carlson segment sits among the early campaign ribbons, and the threats that followed made her, in the room’s eyes, a veteran before the war had a name.

The status games run on several boards at once. The reporter’s board scores scoops, the story that got the network taken down, the document that forced the correction, the sentence near the bottom that reads, after we reached out, the platform removed the accounts, which functions in the room as a conviction functions for a prosecutor. The academic board scores citations, fellowships, and testimony, with the C-SPAN clip in the Twitter bio as its service medal. The two boards trade, reporters borrow legitimacy from the fellowships, Zadrozny took hers at Shorenstein, and academics borrow reach from the reporters who cite them. Above both boards floats the book market, which ranks the set for the general public: DiResta’s Invisible Rulers, Donovan’s Meme Wars, Sommer and Rothschild on QAnon, Jankowicz’s two volumes. Below both runs the follower economy, disavowed and tracked, complicated after 2022 by the Musk purchase, which turned the home platform hostile and made the migration to Bluesky a moral statement, and the room performed the migration the way congregations change buildings, mourning the old sanctuary while praising the new one’s air. Exit constitutes its own board. Collins led a group that bought The Onion in 2024 and left the sewer for satire, the cleanest exit the set has produced, and the room talks about it the way enlisted men talk about a buddy’s discharge, joy with a seam of envy running through it, proof a door exists.

The set’s claims about the world divide into claims about duties and claims about natures. The duty claims: platforms owe the public moderation, since reach is a privilege and amplification a choice; journalists owe the public context, and presenting a false claim without adjudication, the both-sides sin, breaches the duty; influence cancels anonymity, so the hidden operator may be named; amplification carries moral weight, so a reporter must weigh the oxygen his coverage feeds to the thing covered, a doctrine Phillips wrote into a handbook the room treats as canon; harassment is violence, not speech; and within the room, solidarity binds, the colleague under attack gets defended first and criticized never, or at least not that week. The nature claims run deeper and mostly unexamined. The grifter is an essence, not a phase; once the room sorts a man into bad faith, the sorting is permanent, and debate with him becomes category error, since you argue with the mistaken and expose the malicious. Audiences, by contrast, hold no fixed nature; they are victims, manipulated, poisoned, radicalized, the passive voice doing heavy work, recoverable in principle through literacy and better diets. Radicalization names a disease process with a pipeline, a man enters through a fitness channel and exits at a militia, and the pipeline metaphor assigns agency to the plumbing. Institutions, the CDC, the universities, the networks, hold good faith by default; their errors read as growing pains, evolving understanding, never as the mirror of the malice the room diagnoses across the aisle. Even the platform policies absorbed the essence talk, banning coordinated inauthentic behavior, authenticity as terms-of-service metaphysics.

The moral grammar completes the portrait, the rules of praise, sin, excuse, and absolution. Praise words: brave, vital, tireless, doing the Lord’s work, so grateful for. The sins carry the vocabulary of contamination and commerce: amplify, platform, launder, normalize, monetize hate, engagement farming. Contamination runs through the whole idiom, toxic, sewer, poisoned, brain worms, hygiene, which tells you the grammar’s base is purity, unusual for a set that codes purity politics as the other side’s habit. Excuses work through context, the room’s favorite noun, and through evolving understanding, available to allies and withheld from targets. The apology liturgy follows the standard professional form, I fell short, I’m listening, committed to doing better, and reinstatement follows in months provided the sinner sinned against tone rather than against the set’s core claims. Judgment rights belong to the wounded first; the member under harassment holds the floor, and contradicting him while the campaign runs violates the deepest rule. The gravest internal crime is treachery, and the room learned its outline in 2021 when Joe Bernstein, one of its own, published Bad News in Harper’s and argued the field had built its authority on an unproven model of media effects. The room absorbed the essay the way churches absorb a priest’s memoir of doubt, brief fury, some engagement from the honest, then citation quarantine. Brendan Nyhan and Dan Williams press versions of the same case from the academy and receive the polite version of the same treatment. The heretics’ arguments track the findings Zadrozny’s own reporting keeps producing, the corrections that fail, the removed networks that regrow, and the room’s inability to metabolize its own data is the portrait’s darkest corner.

Where does Zadrozny sit in the room she helped build? Near the head of the reporter’s table, with standing on every board. The academics cite her, the books thank her, the young reporters imitate her, and the heretics exempt her, since her records hold up under hostile audit, which is the one compliment that crosses the room’s walls. She performs the liturgies, the solidarity, the burnout candor, the Bluesky presence, without the excess that marks the set’s climbers. And she carries, almost alone in the room, a documented act of the thing the grammar has no word for, testimony against interest, the taped admission that her biggest project fed what it hunted. The room heard it as candor and filed it under bravery, the nearest category on the shelf. Filed correctly, it belongs with Bernstein’s essay, evidence the sentinel’s own logs contradict the sentinel’s charter, brought home by the best sentinel the room has. A set that honored its stated values above its operating ones might have reorganized around that evidence. This one gave it a heart and a download and went back down the hole, and she went with them, because the room is where the work is, and the work is where she lives.

The Voice

Her voice splits into three registers, and the splits track her media, so take them one at a time.
The spoken voice runs warm, fast, and self-deprecating, closer to a mom at school pickup than to a network correspondent. She hedges constantly, sort of, I think, a lot of, and doubles her intensifiers. Asked how she keeps sane on the beat, she answers with a joke against herself, “Who’s to say I haven’t?”, then a run of small enthusiasms, the ukulele, the delightful children, the offline husband. The confession arrives in the same easy register as the chitchat. She told Forbes “honestly, I cried” about meeting Dover, and the failure admissions come unprompted, in first person, without the throat-clearing most reporters wrap around error. That candor works as ethos. She sounds like a woman with nothing to manage, which is the hardest effect in media to fake and the reason interviewers keep noting her cheerfulness against the grimness of her material.
Her diction stays Anglo-Saxon and internet-native. She says shenanigans, the Rumble guys, said the quiet part out loud. She reaches for adages rather than theory, Brandolini’s law over any academic model, and her one term of art, deep hanging out, is a borrowed anthropologist’s phrase she wears like a joke. Note what she avoids: almost none of her guild’s vocabulary, no information ecosystem, no stochastic anything, no epistemic crisis. She says conspiratorial spaces, far right spaces, anti-vaccination spaces, rooms rather than systems. The plain diction does coalition work in reverse. It keeps her legible to people outside the seminar and hard to parody as a scold.
The credibility moves inside her speech are numeric and durational. A hundred Facebook groups. Ten years on the beat. All day on Bannon and Kirk. She establishes authority through hours logged rather than credentials claimed, the veteran’s register, and she positions herself as guide rather than judge: “Let’s say we’re just talking about white-nationalist extremism”, and then a compressed history, dates and named events, Charlottesville, the tiki torches, the masks that came later. When she wants to land a hard claim she drops every hedge at once and goes short and declarative. “I don’t believe there are any dark corners of the internet anymore.” The soft filler around those sentences is what makes them hit. Her strong claims arrive naked and rare.
The broadcast narration voice, the one on the podcast and her On the Media work, adds a controlled dryness the conversational voice lacks. Her signature move is juxtaposition, tape then record. She plays Kennedy making a claim, then follows flat: “Kennedy is mis-citing a federal law”, no adjectives, the correction doing the mockery. Her sarcasm runs through understatement, the “which is odd given that” construction, where the irony lives in the placement of facts rather than in any charged word. She writes transitions like a companion, but anyway, and of course, which keep the prosecutorial material sounding like gossip between friends. The podcast form suits her because her natural unit is the aside. Forbes
The print voice is the third register and the most disciplined, and she has explained the preference: print gives control over the outcome. On the page the warmth drains out and the librarian takes over, attribution stacked, documents dated, the passive constructions of legal caution. Her stated formula for a story is a four-question catechism, what’s the true story, why are we seeing the fake one, who’s harmed, who’s profiting, and her articles run in that order, verdict last. The distance between her chatty spoken self and her flat written self measures how much of the written flatness is craft rather than temperament.
Two more textures. Class: the voice carries Florida, the bar, the reference desk, and none of the acquired accent of the prestige press; she talks about powerful men the way service workers talk about regulars, without awe. And temperature: on a beat whose practitioners default to alarm, she runs cool and amused, harms named through victims rather than through her own indignation, the Chicken Little problem named as a problem in her own field. The manner lowers the stakes of every sentence while the content raises them, and the gap between manner and content is her rhetoric. A woman this relaxed, the listener concludes, must be sure of her files. She usually is, which closes the loop.

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Lee Edelman: The Man Who Said No to the Future

In December 2005, in a Washington, D.C. convention hotel, the Modern Language Association stages a panel that people in queer theory still argue about. Robert Caserio organizes it and gives it a name that sticks: The Antisocial Thesis in Queer Theory. The premise sounds dry. The room does not feel dry. Four of the field’s marquee names sit at the table. Lee Edelman (b. 1953) and Jack Halberstam (b. 1961), then publishing as Judith Halberstam, defend negativity. Tim Dean and José Esteban Muñoz (1967-2013) warn against it. The audience knows the stakes. One year earlier Edelman published No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive, and the field has divided over it the way a family divides over a will.

The panelists do not perform collegial vagueness. Muñoz argues that queerness lives in collectivity and hope, that it points toward a future worth wanting, and that a politics of pure refusal abandons the people who need politics most. Halberstam claims the negative for punk, for rage, for the Sex Pistols. Edelman answers that the Sex Pistols never left reproductive futurism at all. A song that shouts no future while casting the disenfranchised as flowers in the dustbin, as seeds of renewal, still promises that the children will redeem us. The pose of negativity, he suggests, is easy. The thing is hard. PMLA publishes the exchange in May 2006, and graduate seminars assign it for the next twenty years.

To understand how a professor of English at Tufts University came to occupy this position, the argument that made him famous and the temperament that made the argument possible, start in Poughkeepsie, New York, where Edelman grows up in the 1950s and early 1960s. At ten he sees his first Hitchcock film, The Birds. The horror movies of the era run on monsters and rubber suits. Hitchcock scares him differently. The terror comes from inside the ordinary world, from the mother, the schoolhouse, the small town, the sky. He later tells an interviewer the film felt like entering a nightmare, and the fascination never leaves him. Decades on, he teaches a Tufts course on Hitchcock, cinema, gender, and ideology, and Alfred Hitchcock (1899-1980) remains a touchstone in his criticism. A boy who learns early that the most frightening thing on screen can be a flock of birds over a children’s birthday party has already absorbed the lesson that innocence and menace share a frame.

Edelman takes his B.A. at Northwestern University in 1975, then goes to Yale. The dates matter. He earns an M.A. in 1976, an M.Phil. in 1978, and a Ph.D. in 1981, which places him in New Haven during the high period of the Yale School. Paul de Man (1919-1983) teaches there. Jacques Derrida (1930-2004) visits. Geoffrey Hartman (1929-2016), Harold Bloom (1930-2019), and J. Hillis Miller (1928-2021) fill out a department that has become the American capital of deconstruction. Yet Edelman later describes a bifurcation that outsiders miss. He sits in the English program, which stays closer to traditional methods. The theoretical ferment concentrates in Comparative Literature, where students work with de Man and think through Derrida, Lacan, Shoshana Felman, and Barbara Johnson. Edelman watches from across the hall.

He watches with a personal stake. His closest friends study in Comparative Literature, and one of them, Joseph Litvak, becomes his partner around 1978. Litvak trains under the deconstructionists and takes his own Yale Ph.D. in 1981, the same year as Edelman. The two men will spend their careers in the same department at Tufts, Litvak as a professor of English working on Victorian literature, Cold War mass culture, and Jewish cultural studies. The relationship gives Edelman something rarer than a method. It gives him a household in which the seminar never ends. His early work carries the Yale signature anyway: close reading as an ethic, rhetoric as the place where a culture confesses what it denies, the figure as the unit of analysis. He starts teaching at Tufts in 1979, before the doctorate is even finished, and never leaves.

He begins as a poetry scholar. Through the early and mid 1980s he writes on Elizabeth Bishop, John Ashbery, and Hart Crane (1899-1932), and he publishes poems of his own in The Nation. His first book, Transmemberment of Song: Hart Crane’s Anatomies of Rhetoric and Desire (1987), reads Crane’s difficult modernism through the body, desire, and figural excess. The title word, transmemberment, comes from Crane and does double work. Language dismembers the subject it claims to express and reassembles it as something else. A poem about a bridge becomes a study of how desire gets built into syntax. The book announces the concern that will govern everything Edelman writes afterward: rhetoric produces the desiring subject rather than merely describing him.

The 1980s also hand Edelman, and every gay academic of his generation, a catastrophe. AIDS kills friends, colleagues, and lovers while the national government treats the epidemic as a punchline and then as a punishment. The plague years radicalize a cohort of literary critics who might otherwise have stayed with Bishop and Ashbery. Edelman’s second book, Homographesis: Essays in Gay Literary and Cultural Theory (1994), belongs to the founding shelf of queer theory, alongside the work of Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick (1950-2009), Judith Butler, and Leo Bersani (1931-2022). The coinage in the title fuses homosexuality and writing. Gay identity, Edelman argues, functions as a text the culture insists on reading. Visibility can discipline as easily as liberate. The demand that homosexuality announce itself in legible signs, on the body, in the voice, in the walk, binds gay men to the interpretive system that polices them. He refuses the liberal remedy of better representation. Representation is the problem he wants to study, and no volume of positive images can fix a structure that runs on making people into signs.

The book that changes his life, and the field, arrives a decade later. No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive (2004) runs barely 200 pages, and Edelman later says the writing came easily even though he knew the argument would not make people happy. The polemic centers on a figure he capitalizes: the Child. Not any actual child, not the specific kid on the specific street, but the symbolic Child in whose name every political program justifies its demands. Think of the campaign ads, the padlocked playgrounds, the speeches that end with our children’s future. Edelman names the fantasy reproductive futurism: the conviction that politics gains meaning by serving a tomorrow embodied in the Child, and that whatever refuses this service becomes unthinkable, monstrous, queer.

His most quoted passage takes the argument to its edge, urging his readers to say fuck the social order and the Child in whose name we’re collectively terrorized. The sentence continues through Annie and the waif from Les Mis. Readers who stop at the profanity miss the machinery. Edelman does not counsel harming anyone. He asks what happens when queerness stops auditioning for the role of good citizen, stops promising to be productive, family-friendly, and useful, and instead accepts the position the social order already assigns it: the figure of the death drive, the negativity that the fantasy of wholeness must expel to hold together. Both parties, he argues, worship at the same altar. Conservatives invoke the Child through innocence and sexual discipline. Liberals invoke the Child through progress and a better world to come. The Child wins every election because both sides nominate him.

The Lacanian scaffolding matters. From Jacques Lacan (1901-1981), Edelman takes the drive, the pressure that circles its object without resolution, and the sinthome, the knot of enjoyment that holds a subject together beyond meaning. He coins sinthomosexuality for the queer figure who embodies enjoyment without reproductive alibi, the Scrooge, the Silas Marner, the Hitchcock villain whom the narrative must convert or kill so that the Child may live. Literature, he shows, has always known this figure. It keeps writing him so it can keep sacrificing him.

The year No Future appears, Massachusetts legalizes same-sex marriage, and Edelman marries Litvak after twenty-six years together. A student reporter for the Tufts Daily asks him about the ceremony, expecting joy from a newlywed. “It was anticlimactic,” he says. After twenty-six years, the legality felt like paperwork. The scene compresses the whole Edelman problem into an anecdote. Here stands the theorist of anti-relationality, of queerness as the refusal of social form, in a decades-long monogamous partnership with a colleague, filing a marriage license in the suburbs of Boston. His critics call this a contradiction. He might call it evidence for the thesis. The institution added nothing, which is what he had been saying about institutions all along. The same reporter finds him in room 203 of East Hall amid what she calls organized chaos, dressed in crisp khakis and a pressed red button-down, a man of exacting personal order preaching the gospel of the negative. He paints. He speaks French. He loves the Rolling Stones, Janis Joplin, Ella Fitzgerald, and Sinatra. When the reporter reads him a glowing student review from a professor-rating site, he answers that it was the best five-dollar bribe he ever gave.

The field’s answer to No Future comes from many directions, and the strongest arrives in 2009. Muñoz publishes Cruising Utopia: The Then and There of Queer Futurity and turns the debate from the Washington panel into a book-length counterargument. Queerness, for Muñoz, is not the death drive. Queerness is the horizon, the not-yet, the collective rehearsal of a world that does not exist. He draws on Ernst Bloch and on the performance cultures of queers of color, and he charges that Edelman’s negativity carries an unmarked Whiteness, a luxury position available to those whose survival is not in question. Feminist, trans, and disability critics press related points. For people fighting for housing, medical care, and safety from violence, a politics of pure refusal can sound like a tenured man pulling up the ladder. Materialist critics add that capital does not need the family. Markets commodify queer nightlife and anti-family style as happily as they sell minivans, so non-reproduction threatens nothing by itself. Edelman has answers, chiefly that his critics keep smuggling the future back in and calling it radical, but the objections stick, and Muñoz’s early death in 2013 froze the debate at its sharpest point, two positions and no synthesis.

Edelman’s next major book makes the refusal of synthesis its form. Sex, or the Unbearable (2014), written with Lauren Berlant (1957-2021), unfolds as a dialogue between two theorists who disagree and decline to stop. Berlant, whose Cruel Optimism studies the attachments that damage the people who hold them, keeps asking what sustains relation. Edelman keeps pressing what breaks it. The book performs its argument: relation as impasse, intimacy as the scene of misrecognition, conversation as the thing that continues without resolving. Berlant’s death in 2021 gave the book a retrospective weight neither author intended. It now reads as a record of a friendship conducted through disagreement, which may be the most social thing the antisocial theorist ever wrote.

Bad Education: Why Queer Theory Teaches Us Nothing (2023) extends the project into the university. The back cover carries a dare: make queer theory controversial again. The line concedes what everyone knows. Queer theory has been domesticated into a curriculum, a job category, a set of learning outcomes. Edelman argues that education itself runs on the promise of positive transmission, of knowledge converted into value and students converted into socially usable subjects, and that queerness names what this pedagogy cannot process. He reads Shakespeare, Harriet Jacobs, Pedro Almodóvar, Kasi Lemmons, and Michael Haneke, and he engages Afropessimism, above all Frank Wilderson, whose account of Blackness as the constitutive outside of the human parallels and pressures his own account of queerness as the constitutive outside of the social. In March 2023 he discusses the book at Tufts with his colleague Jess Keiser, taking aim at the neoliberal university’s demand for measurable, transportable educational product. He has taught at that university for forty-four years by then. He knows the product line from inside.

The reach of his work now extends past the humanities corridor. In 2024 Routledge publishes Lee Edelman and the Queer Study of Religion, a collection applying his thought to theology and biblical studies. The extension fits better than it first appears. Edelman’s target was always quasi-theological: the sacred future, the innocent Child, the promise that collective life can purge its own negativity and arrive at redemption. He wrote a polemic against a secular eschatology, and the theologians recognized their genre.

What should a reader make of him? The criticisms hold. The theory abstracts from material life, offers no program, and gives little to a person trying to survive a landlord or a legislature. Its severity can shade into a mannerism, and its Lacanian idiom walls it off from anyone unwilling to learn the vocabulary. Yet the core observation survives every objection. Political rhetoric does use children to silence dissent. Appeals to innocence do function as moral blackmail. Marginal people are pressured to purchase tolerance by proving themselves harmless, optimistic, and productive, and the price of that purchase is the right to say what they see. Edelman built a career on refusing the purchase. He teaches in the institution he indicts, married the man he loves while doubting the form, and spent five decades reading closely in a culture that stopped rewarding close reading. The contradictions do not embarrass the work. They are its data. He remains what he has been since the Washington ballroom in 2005, the field’s most useful antagonist, the man who forces every hopeful theory to state what its hope will cost and who pays.

Notes

The December 2005 MLA panel in Washington, D.C. comes from the published exchange by Robert L. Caserio, Lee Edelman, Jack Halberstam, José Esteban Muñoz, and Tim Dean, “The Antisocial Thesis in Queer Theory,” PMLA 121.3 (May 2006), 819-828: JSTOR. Edelman’s jab at Halberstam’s Sex Pistols reading, arguing that the song still imagines renewal through the disenfranchised as flowers in the dustbin, appears in Edelman’s contribution to that exchange. The convention hotel setting is a reasonable extrapolation from the usual format of MLA panels and does not need a separate source.

The Room 203 East Hall scene, including the khakis and pressed red button-down, the organized chaos, the Poughkeepsie childhood, seeing The Birds at age ten, the Hitchcock course, the marriage to Joseph Litvak after twenty-six years, the description of it as “anticlimactic,” the five-dollar-bribe joke, the painting, the French, and the music tastes all come from the student profile “Professor, queer theorist, poet and avid Hitchcock fan,” published in The Tufts Daily on March 4, 2005: Tufts Daily. It is the richest humanizing source I found.

The Yale scene, including the split between English and Comparative Literature, Litvak studying with Paul de Man and reading Derrida, Lacan, Shoshana Felman, and Barbara Johnson while Edelman watched from English, as well as Edelman’s teaching at Tufts since 1979, his early work on Elizabeth Bishop and John Ashbery, and his poems in The Nation, comes from a long interview in November: November. The same interview confirms the back-cover line for Bad Education and the connection to Frank B. Wilderson III.

His degrees and dates, Northwestern B.A. in 1975, Yale M.A. in 1976, M.Phil. in 1978, and Ph.D. in 1981, along with the Fletcher Professorship and his marriage to Joseph Litvak, are documented by Wikipedia and his Tufts faculty page. Litvak’s work in Victorian literature, Cold War mass culture, and Jewish cultural studies, together with his Yale Comparative Literature Ph.D. in 1981, appears in this Caltech event listing: Caltech.

I made several extrapolations without direct sourcing. The AIDS-era radicalization of Edelman’s cohort is a commonplace in histories of queer theory, although I did not find Edelman himself narrating his work in exactly those terms. If that point becomes load-bearing, it should be sourced. The gloss on “sinthomosexuality” and the examples of Scrooge and Silas Marner come directly from No Future. The account of José Esteban Muñoz’s response in Cruising Utopia, including the critique of whiteness, is standard and can be sourced from the book’s introduction. Massachusetts legalized same-sex marriage in 2004. The “fuck the social order” passage appears on page 29 of the Duke University Press edition of No Future.

Lee Edelman: The Hero System Built on No

Two terrors govern the life of Lee Edelman. The first is the terror of being read. A boy who grows up gay in Poughkeepsie in the 1950s learns that the world scans bodies for signs, that a walk or a vowel can convict him, and that visibility is a sentence before it is a liberation. He builds a career on this terror. His second book argues that gay identity is a text the culture writes on the body so it can police what it wrote. The second terror is the terror of the promise. Every institution that offered to accept him named a price: be useful, be harmless, be productive, serve the future. He saw that the promise was a leash, that tomorrow is the collateral a man posts to be tolerated today, and he decided the debt could not be paid because the creditor never intended to close the account.

Ernest Becker (1924-1974) holds that a man cannot bear his own death, so his culture hands him a hero system, a drama in which his acts count beyond the grave. The child sits at the center of most such systems. A man dies and his son carries the name. Becker calls this the oldest immortality project on earth. Edelman reads the same machinery and issues the opposite verdict. His most famous book, No Future, argues that all politics runs on the figure of the Child, that both parties nominate the Child in every election, and that queerness names whatever the social order expels so the fantasy of the Child’s tomorrow can hold. His most quoted sentence tells the reader to fuck the social order and the Child in whose name we are terrorized. Becker would recognize the move at once. Here is a man who found the denial of death, named it, and made the naming his own project against death. The prophet of no future has an endowed chair, a Duke backlist, a school of disciples, and a position in the field that carries his name. He beat death the way theorists beat death. He became a citation.

Begin in a Washington hotel in December 2005. A graduate student from a state school stands at the back of a ballroom at the Modern Language Association convention. She wears the lanyard that admits her to everything and distinguishes her from no one. Upstairs, candidates in interview suits wait in corridors for job interviews that will not come. Down here, four names from the top of the field sit at a skirted table under fluorescent light: Edelman, Jack Halberstam (b. 1961), Tim Dean, José Esteban Muñoz (1967-2013). The panel is called The Antisocial Thesis in Queer Theory, and it is a heresy trial where nobody agrees on who is the heretic. Muñoz says queerness is a horizon, a rehearsal of a world not yet here, and that the luxury of pure refusal belongs to men whose survival was never in doubt. Halberstam claims negativity for punk. Edelman answers that the Sex Pistols never left the church, that a song casting the poor as seeds of renewal still worships tomorrow, and that striking the pose of negativity is cheaper than paying for it. The graduate student watches the field distribute its positions the way a family distributes a dead man’s furniture. She understands that hope and refusal are both careers now. She has to pick one before the market picks for her.

The subtraction story runs like this. Take any political speech, left or right. Subtract the Child. Subtract the appeal to our children, the future generations, the world we leave behind. Watch what remains. Almost nothing remains. Edelman performed this subtraction in public and reported that the emperor’s wardrobe consisted of a single garment, worn by both parties, laundered by every church and every school board and every ad agency in the country. The demonstration made him famous. But Becker teaches that every subtraction story hides an addition. Subtract the Child from Edelman’s own life and career and observe what he installed in the vacancy: the theory, the position, the name. The man who demolished the oldest immortality project built a newer one on the lot, and the new structure has the same load-bearing wall, the conviction that something of him survives the body. His survival runs through syllabi instead of sons.

Now take the sacred value at the center of his drama, the future, and walk it through the hero systems of men and women who never heard of him. For a Korean grocer in Flushing who opens at six and closes at eleven, the future is a boy at a desk, a tuition bill, a diploma on a wall in a country that spelled his name wrong for thirty years. His sacrifice has an address. For a longtermist in San Francisco who tithes to prevent human extinction, the future is a number, trillions of lives in expectation, and the Child has been abstracted past any child, past any century, into a mathematical object that commands his salary and forbids his despair. For a climate striker outside a parliament, the future is a countdown; she wears it on a sign; her hero system says the adults stole tomorrow and she is here to repossess it. For a hospice nurse on a night shift, the future is a lie she declines to tell; her heroism consists of helping men die without the anesthetic of tomorrow, one bed at a time, and she might be the only worker in this paragraph whose practice Edelman’s theory describes. For a Hasidic father at a bris in Borough Park, the future is a knife, a blessing, a name given to an eight-day-old boy that belonged to a man the Germans burned; the future is the argument that Pharaoh lost. The same word. Five hero systems. Five different gods.

Do the same walk with Edelman’s other sacred value, the no. For a monk, no is a discipline that empties the self so something larger can enter; the refusal is a door. For a striking dockworker, no is a weapon with a term; he says no so that a contract will someday say yes; his negativity has a settlement date. For a conscientious objector, no is a debt to a commandment; he refuses the state because he answers to a rival sovereign. For a Bartleby in a cubicle who prefers not to, no is a symptom, a soul on strike without a union or a demand. Edelman’s no belongs to none of these. His no has no settlement date, no rival sovereign, no door. He calls it the death drive, the pressure that circles and repeats and refuses redemption on principle. It is the purest no on the market, and Becker would note the word market. Purity is a status good. In a field crowded with qualified hopes, the man who holds the unqualified no holds the scarcest position, and scarcity, in the academy as in any economy, converts to rank.

The tribalist hero system deserves its own hearing, because it is the one Edelman’s book attacks by name without naming. In this system, the one this writer inhabits, a man is a link. He receives a law, a language, a land, and a line, and his heroism consists of transmission. The Child is no abstraction here. The Child is the answer a people gives to everyone who organized its extinction, and every birth is a verdict overturned. From inside this system, Edelman’s sentence about the Child reads as the enemy’s creed spoken aloud, the thing the assimilationists and the empires wanted all along, now offered as liberation. And yet the tribalist owes Edelman a debt he should pay. Edelman proved the tribalist’s oldest suspicion: that liberal universalism never abolished the tribe’s gods, it nationalized them, and the Child on the campaign poster is the tribe’s grandchild with the serial numbers filed off. Both sides worship continuity. Only one side admits it. Edelman forced the admission, which makes him more useful to the tribe than a hundred friendly ecumenists.

The scenes of his life keep testing the theory against the man. March 2005, room 203 of East Hall at Tufts, a student reporter with a notebook. The office is a controlled disorder of books. The theorist of the death drive wears crisp khakis and a pressed red button-down; his negativity does not extend to his laundry. She asks about his marriage. Massachusetts has legalized the thing, and Edelman has married Joseph Litvak, his partner since their Yale years, twenty-six years before the license. Anticlimactic, he tells her. The legality was a formality. Note what the answer performs. He accepts the form and disavows its magic in one motion, takes the pension rights and refuses the sacrament, and the disavowal protects the theory from the life. A newlywed of the antisocial cannot be seen enjoying the institution. But the reporter’s notebook holds the harder fact, which is not the wedding. The harder fact is the twenty-six years.

Is he aware of the trade? More than most subjects of this series. Bad Education concedes on its own back cover that queer theory needs to be made controversial again, which admits that controversy is a commodity and that his has depreciated. He knows the university converts every insurgency into a course with learning outcomes; he wrote a book saying so; he taught the course anyway, for forty-some years, and collected the chair. He knows the paradox and has decided to live inside it rather than resolve it, on the theory that resolution is the enemy. What he does not audit, at least on the page, is the ledger of his own persistence. A man who believes in nothing beyond the circuit of the drive has spent five decades building an oeuvre with a beginning, a development, and a late style, which is to say a life shaped like a story, which is to say a hero system. The books refuse the future in prose designed to last. Duke prints them on acid-free paper.

Becker would put it to him gently. The terror of death does not care what a man believes about the terror of death. It only asks what he built. Edelman built a fortress of negation and lives in it with one man, some paintings, the Rolling Stones, and the complete Hitchcock, and from the ramparts he tells every passing pilgrim that the shrines are empty. The pilgrims keep stopping. Some of them stay and take notes. The fortress has become a shrine, the vigil has become a liturgy, and somewhere in the archive a graduate student who was born after the Washington panel is writing a dissertation on him, transmitting the man who refused transmission, a granddaughter in everything but blood.

So the hero here is a sentry, the man posted at the temple door through the long night, telling each worshipper the sanctuary is bare, and holding the post with such fidelity that the telling becomes a rite and the sentry becomes the temple’s most reliable servant. The rival his books never name is not Muñoz and not the church lady with the casserole; the rival is the man on the sidewalk outside the convention hotel pushing a stroller through the December cold, who has never read a page of theory and never will, whose love for the child in front of him is not a figure for anything, and whose ordinary unread happiness the theory can neither account for nor disturb. And the cost that no ledger prices sits at home in Medford, in the man across the breakfast table since 1978, in a fidelity that outlasted the arguments of both their careers, a bond the theory calls impossible and the mornings keep confirming, forty-seven years of yes inside the house of no, which the books cannot mention and the life cannot deny.

Lee Edelman: Position-Taking in the Field of No

Start at the Duke University Press booth in the exhibit hall of the 2005 Modern Language Association convention in Washington. The hall runs on a caste system anyone can read. The trade houses take the big corner islands. The university presses line the middle aisles with cloth-covered tables and forty-percent conference discounts. Graduate students in interview suits finger the monographs they cannot afford and calculate which titles a hiring committee expects them to have read. At the Duke table sits a stack of a slim book published the year before, No Future, and the stack keeps shrinking. Upstairs, its author sits on a panel that the field will still assign twenty years later. A junior editor at a rival press watches the stack and understands the arithmetic of her trade. The book that tells the profession to stop hoping has become the book the profession hopes to publish next.

Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002) reads careers the way an accountant reads books. A field, in his usage, is a market of positions. Producers enter with inherited and acquired capital, survey the space of possible moves, and take the position that promises the best return on their holdings. The moves feel like conviction from inside. From outside they trace the shape of the market. Nothing in the frame requires cynicism. Bourdieu insists the players believe, that belief is the entry fee, and he calls the shared belief illusio, the agreement that the game is worth playing and the stakes are real. The frame asks one question of Lee Edelman: what did he hold, what was scarce, and what did he take?

Begin with the holdings. Edelman arrives at Yale in 1975 with a Northwestern B.A. and leaves in 1981 with the trifecta, M.A., M.Phil., Ph.D. The New Haven of those years mints the scarcest academic currency in the American humanities. Paul de Man teaches there, Derrida visits, and a degree from the place functions the way a Basel apprenticeship once functioned for a goldsmith. But the finer detail rewards attention. Edelman sits in the English program, the conservative shop, while the deconstructive mint operates across the hall in Comparative Literature. His access to the new currency runs through his social capital. His partner, Joseph Litvak, studies in Comparative Literature under de Man, reads Derrida and Lacan and Felman and Barbara Johnson in seminar, and brings the training home. Picture the apartment in New Haven, two graduate students, a kitchen table covered in library books with different call numbers. One man holds the institutional credential of the old regime. The other holds the doctrine of the new one. The house merges the portfolios. Bourdieu writes that capital converts across forms, social into cultural, cultural into symbolic, and the Edelman-Litvak home of the late 1970s runs the conversion nightly, at dinner, for free.

Follow the trajectory. Edelman starts at Tufts in 1979 and produces what his credentials predict, close readings of difficult American poets, a first book on Hart Crane in 1987 from Stanford. The position is respectable and crowded. Hundreds of men hold it. Then the field around him reorganizes. The plague years and the theory wars produce a new subfield, queer theory, and a new subfield presents what Bourdieu calls a space of possibles, a brief window when the founding positions stand open and a producer can seize one instead of inheriting one. By the early 1990s the claims are being staked. Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick holds the position of the archive and the affect. Judith Butler (b. 1956) holds performativity. Leo Bersani has sketched the anti-relational claim in essays but built no fortress on it. Every other entrant crowds toward the same product, and the product is hope, queerness as resistance, subversion, community, world-making, a better tomorrow with better representation. The hope shelf groans. The despair shelf sits nearly empty, one Bersani essay leaning against the bookend.

Edelman reads the market and takes the empty position with both hands. Homographesis (1994) files the claim. No Future builds the fortress. The move is textbook Bourdieu. In a market of symbolic goods, value tracks scarcity, and the scarcest position in a field organized around hope is the refusal of hope. A hundred books promise that queerness will redeem the social. One book says the social cannot be redeemed and queerness names the reason. The hundred books compete with each other. The one book competes with nobody. Distinction flows to the pole of maximum difference, and Edelman has located the pole and planted a flag with a profanity on it.

The idiom deserves its own audit. Edelman writes a Lacanian dialect that costs the reader years of preparation, sinthome, jouissance, the drive circling its object, and reviewers who admire him concede the sentences fight the reader. Bourdieu treats difficulty as a tariff. A restricted market keeps its prices high by keeping its customers few, and a prose that excludes the common reader selects for the consecrated reader, the one whose own capital rises by demonstrating he can pay the toll. The difficulty does double duty. It walls out the mass market, and it flatters the restricted one. An undergraduate who quotes Edelman signals rank the way a wine bore signals rank, by consuming what requires training to consume. The tariff also protects the position from cheap imitation. Anyone can refuse hope. Refusing hope in correct Lacanian takes a decade, and the decade is the moat.

Now the profanity. The famous sentence in No Future tells the reader to fuck the social order and the Child in whose name we are terrorized, and the sentence appears in a footnoted monograph from a university press, vetted by peer reviewers, marketed at conference discount. Bourdieu has a name for this class of goods, the consecrated transgression. Fields organized around distinction reward rule-breaking, but only rule-breaking performed by producers with full credentials, inside the sanctioned genres, under the imprint of the consecrating institutions. A man who shouts the sentence on a bus gets moved away from. A Fletcher Professor who prints it on page twenty-nine of a Duke monograph gets symposia. The scandal is the product, and the footnotes are the license to sell it. The field wants heresy the way a museum wants a Duchamp, framed, insured, and attributed.

Return to the Washington ballroom, because Bourdieu reads the 2005 panel differently than its participants read it. Onstage the positions clash, Edelman and Halberstam for negativity, Muñoz and Dean against, and the audience experiences a battle. The frame sees a distribution ceremony. The field has gathered to ratify which positions exist, who holds them, and what a new entrant must cite to play. Opposition inside a field is cooperation at the level of the field. Muñoz needs Edelman the way a challenger needs a champion, and Edelman’s stock rises with every attack that treats his position as the one worth attacking. When Cruising Utopia answers him in 2009, the answer completes the market. Now the subfield offers a full product line, negativity and utopia, and every dissertation for two decades buys both and stages the debate again. PMLA prints the panel in May 2006, and the printing is the consecration. The dispute becomes canon. Both parties collect the dividend, and the graduate student at the back of the ballroom goes home and writes the seminar paper that reproduces the structure at retail.

The standing joke about Edelman, that the antisocial thesis draws a salary from an endowed chair, lands as hypocrisy in the mouths of his critics. Bourdieu removes the surprise. The academic field runs on an autonomy principle inherited from the artistic field, the principle that the highest producers serve nothing but the discipline, refuse the market, refuse the state, refuse usefulness. Art for art’s sake becomes theory for theory’s sake, and the producer who refuses most conspicuously ranks highest at the autonomous pole. Edelman’s refusal of usefulness is the most useful commodity a producer at that pole can offer. His no to the future is a yes to the field’s deepest self-image, the guild that answers to nobody. The chair follows the refusal the way the purse follows the prizefight. Bad Education makes the alignment explicit. The book defends theory against the neoliberal university’s demand for measurable outcomes and transportable skills, which in Bourdieu’s map is a defense of the autonomous pole against the heteronomous one, the guild against the administrators, and every professor who feels the assessment office breathing on him reads it as his own cause argued in a finer dialect. The most radical book on the shelf doubles as the guild’s amicus brief.

The back cover of that book carries the dare to make queer theory controversial again, and the dare is a producer’s confession. Consecration devalues heresy. By 2023 the antisocial thesis sits on comprehensive exam lists, which means the position that paid its founder in distinction now pays new entrants in mere competence, and the founder can feel his product commoditizing under him. The dare is a call for capital renewal, a founder demanding his own market disrupt the thing he built so the thing can appreciate again. Bourdieu watched aging avant-gardes perform this move for forty years. The revolution ages into the curriculum, and the revolutionary, if he lives, petitions for a new revolution with his name still on the letterhead.

One last entry closes the audit. Bourdieu’s other great subject was reproduction, the way fields transmit themselves through credentials, canons, and disciples, and here the frame produces its finest irony without straining for it. The theorist of anti-reproduction reproduces on schedule. Dissertations on Edelman appear yearly. Students he trained hold lines at other universities. The Routledge collection of 2024 exports him to religious studies, a colony planted in a neighboring field. Every citation extends the line. He refused the Child and got the school, and a school is a lineage by other means, an inheritance that passes through seminars instead of cradles. The field he told to abandon its future has made him part of its future, and the field, unlike the man, never claimed to want anything else.

The frame stops at the ledger’s edge. Bourdieu can price every move in the career, the Yale capital, the vacant position, the tariff of the idiom, the licensed heresy, the chair, the school, and the pricing explains the career without opening the books to check whether the argument holds. A position can be profitable and true. It can be profitable and false. The market pays the same either way, and the frame, honest about its limits, hands the question of truth to a different tribunal and closes the account.

Notes

The Bourdieu framework draws on the following works. The concepts of field, capital conversion, and trajectory come from Distinction (1979) and Homo Academicus (1984). The space of possibles, restricted versus large-scale production, and consecrated transgression come from The Rules of Art (1992) and the essay “The Market of Symbolic Goods” (1971), reprinted in The Field of Cultural Production (Columbia University Press, 1993). Illusio is developed in Pascalian Meditations (1997). Reproduction through credentials and lineage comes from Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture (1970), coauthored with Jean-Claude Passeron. The distinction between the autonomous and heteronomous poles of the academic field, which underlies the discussion of the endowed chair and the reading of Bad Education, comes primarily from The Rules of Art and Homo Academicus. If you cite only three works, the strongest choices are The Rules of Art, Homo Academicus, and “The Market of Symbolic Goods.”

The principal factual sources are as follows. The division between Yale’s English and Comparative Literature programs, Joseph Litvak’s work in Comparative Literature under Paul de Man, and his study of Jacques Derrida, Jacques Lacan, Shoshana Felman, and Barbara Johnson while Edelman remained in English all come from the November interview: November. The same interview includes the provocative back-cover statement for Bad Education.

The December 2005 MLA panel and its publication in May 2006 are documented in PMLA, Volume 121, Issue 3, pp. 819-828: JSTOR.

The biographical details, including Edelman’s degrees, academic appointments, Fletcher Professorship, service at Tufts since 1979, and the publication of his 1987 book on Hart Crane, are documented by Wikipedia and his Tufts faculty page.

The “fuck the Child” passage appears on page 29 of the Duke University Press edition of No Future.
The 2024 Routledge collection Lee Edelman and the Queer Study of Religion supports the discussion of Edelman’s influence as the center of a scholarly “colony.”

I added several pieces of self-evident background without separate citation. These include the informal hierarchy of the MLA exhibit hall, conference-book discounts, interview suits, and the image of a New Haven kitchen table. The stack of copies of No Future at the Duke University Press booth is an invented scene-setting detail. The book sold well by the standards of a theory monograph and had been published the previous year, so the reconstruction is plausible, but no source documents that display. The junior editor and graduate student are likewise composite observers rather than historical individuals.

The Four Questions

1. What coalition do they depend on for status and income.
2. Who do they risk angering if they speak plainly.
3. Who benefits if their framing wins.
4. What truths would cost them their position.

The coalition that pays him has two tiers. The near tier is Tufts, an endowed chair funded by donor money, tuition from parents who send children to a $65,000-a-year school so they can become the socially usable subjects his last book indicts. The far tier, the one that pays in status, is the theory wing of literary studies: Duke University Press, the MLA and PMLA apparatus, the comprehensive exam lists, the graduate students who cite him to signal rank. Inside queer studies his coalition is the anti-assimilationist faction, the people for whom the marriage-and-military wing of gay politics is the adversary. He holds his position by serving the autonomy pole of the profession, the professors who believe the discipline should answer to nobody, and Bad Education is that coalition’s brief filed in its own defense. The man who refuses coalitions belongs to one of the tightest guilds in American life, and the guild rewards his refusal because the refusal flatters the guild.
Plain speech would cost him from four directions at once, which is what the Lacanian idiom prevents. Said in English on television, fuck the Child detonates among the respectability coalition, the PFLAG parents, the marriage-equality lawyers who spent decades proving gay couples make good homes, people whose life work his thesis calls collaboration. It hands the family-values right its dream exhibit, the credentialed professor confirming what the pamphlets always claimed, and every queer theorist in a red-state university pays part of his bill. It angers the activists fighting for housing, hormones, and safety, who hear a tenured man calling their hope a fantasy. And it would put the university’s donors and administrators in the position of funding a man who says their product is a con. The difficulty of his prose is the treaty that keeps all four wars cold. He can say anything because almost nobody outside the seminar can read it, and he knows this, and the knowing shows in how rarely he says it plainly anywhere a camera runs.
If his framing wins, the first beneficiaries are his own guild, the theory elite, who gain ground against the empirical and policy scholars whenever politics gets redefined as a structure of fantasy that only rhetorical analysis can read. The anti-assimilationist faction gains against the respectability wing; every queer who declines marriage, children, and productivity gets a dignity narrative with footnotes. Childless professionals of every orientation get told their lives require no alibi, a large and grateful market. The stranger beneficiary sits across the aisle. Social conservatives profit from his framing twice, once as ammunition, the professor who said it out loud, and once structurally, because a left that believes all future-talk is a con stops competing for the future and cedes it to the people still breeding and building. And the framing benefits any academic left that keeps losing elections, since losing stops counting as failure once winning is exposed as reproductive futurism. A theory that converts defeat into principle will never lack subscribers among the defeated.
The truths that would cost him are the ones his career is built to keep unsaid. That the difficulty is a tariff, that the idiom exists to keep the seminar in and the mob out, he could survive saying once, as wit, but not as confession. That the negativity is a market position, taken because the hope shelf was crowded and the despair shelf empty, would reprice everything he owns. That his life refutes the book, forty-seven years with one man, a home, a chair, a school of students, a lived demonstration that durable attachment is a good he chose and kept choosing, he manages by calling the marriage anticlimactic, a disavowal that lets him hold the asset and deny the faith. That Muñoz had him right, that the politics of pure refusal presumes a safety which is White, tenured, and insured, he can host as an objection but never grant as a verdict. And the terminal truth, the one no holder of an endowed chair can utter: if queer theory teaches nothing, the budget line should reflect it. Bad Education walks to the edge of that sentence, looks over, and comes home to Medford. The book that almost says it won an award from the profession it almost defunded, which tells you what the profession heard, a man renewing his license to say almost anything, almost.

The Great Delusion

If John J. Mearsheimer’s anthropology is right, it provides a precise structural explanation for why the “reproductive futurism” Edelman diagnoses is so ironclad, while simultaneously rendering Edelman’s proposed queer alternative an impossibility for the human animal.
Edelman treats reproductive futurism primarily as a dominant ideological limit and a linguistic trap of the symbolic order. He argues that we are unable to conceive of a politics without a fantasy of the future centered on the child. Mearsheimer’s framework gives this linguistic constraint a hard biological and evolutionary base. Mearsheimer notes that the main reason for our social nature is that the best way for a person to survive is to be embedded in a society. He emphasizes that humans have an exceptionally long childhood, during which they must be protected and nurtured by families and the surrounding group.
If Mearsheimer is right, the collective obsession with the “Child” is not a mere cultural narrative that can be deconstructed or rejected through literary theory. It is the core preservation instrument of the human tribe. The survival of the social group depends entirely on the successful protection, nurturing, and intense socialization of its offspring. Society organizes itself around the figure of the child because the long childhood of the human animal requires a total, collective commitment to futurity. Reproductive futurism is the psychological engine of tribal survival.
Edelman urges an embrace of the death drive and a total withdrawal of allegiance from the reality of reproductive futurism. He claims that the ethical value of queerness lies in its willingness to accept a status as resistance to the viability of the social structure itself, voting for “none of the above” rather than participating in the continuation of society.
However, Mearsheimer’s anthropology states that we are profoundly social beings from the start to the finish of our lives. Humans do not operate as lone wolves; they are born into social groups that shape their identities well before they can assert any form of individualism. If this view of human nature is correct, Edelman’s project of radical anti-social negativity is a psychological and sociological impossibility. A human being cannot stand “outside the framework within which politics as we know it appears.” Even a subculture or theoretical movement dedicated to total negation will inevitably organize itself into a tribe, develop its own internal social hierarchies, enforce its own codes, and seek to perpetuate its own existence. Man’s social nature ensures that he will always construct a society, and that society will always look toward its own future.
Edelman laments how easily radical political movements are co-opted, noting that spaces of assimilation use the “bribe of futurity” to distract people from social violence.
Mearsheimer’s logic suggests that this is not a failure of political will, but an inevitable consequence of human development. Because family and society impose an enormous value infusion on an individual long before his critical faculties develop, the drive toward social viability and group attachment is deeply baked into the human mind. The “bribe of futurity” is irresistible to the vast majority of mankind because the alternative—true atomistic isolation or total social death—violates our deepest inborn sentiments and survival instincts.
If Mearsheimer’s anthropology is correct, Edelman has brilliantly unmasked the foundational logic of human civilization. But he has not unmasked a corruptible ideology; he has unmasked the raw, inescapable blueprint of human tribal survival.

‘A Big Misunderstanding’

To David Pinsof, Edelman is a variant of the academic mythmaker. While standard intellectuals try to fix the world by correcting misunderstandings, Edelman takes a more sophisticated route. He frames the core conflict of human civilization as a grand structural illusion. In his view, society operates on a collective error of consciousness, chasing a false promise of redemption through the figure of the child. It is the ultimate intellectual stance: diagnosing a deep, unseen psychological pattern that rules the masses, with the theorist positioning himself as the one who can see through the matrix.
Pinsof offers a colder alternative. The people participating in reproductive futurism are not victims of a collective psychological trap or a profound cultural misunderstanding. They are doing exactly what natural selection designed them to do.
From this perspective, chasing the future, investing in offspring, and building coalitions to protect the family are not products of a muddled political ideology. They are the core engines of evolutionary success. Humans do not prioritize the child because they fell for a narrative bribe; they prioritize the child because animals survive by passing on their genes and securing resources for their kin.
Edelman frames his project as an uncompromising ethical refusal of the social order, an embrace of radical irony and negativity. Pinsof invites an examination of the actual motives behind this academic stance. Declaring yourself outside the system and rejecting the future is a powerful maneuver in the elite university marketplace. It confers immense status within academic circles by signaling a level of moral and intellectual purity that ordinary people, busy raising children and competing for survival, cannot afford. It allows the theorist to dismiss the fundamental drives of human nature not as biological realities, but as naive ideological compliance.
The social order does not persist because people are trapped by a story about tomorrow. It persists because humans have deep incentives to protect their lineages and defend their coalitions. The world runs on these evolutionary motives, and no amount of Lacanian analysis can change them. The only misunderstanding in radical theory is the belief that biology is just a text to be deconstructed.

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Henry Louis Gates Jr.: The Man Who Rebuilt the Archive

On the afternoon of July 16, 2009, a woman named Lucia Whalen stood on Ware Street in Cambridge, Massachusetts, holding a cell phone. An older woman had stopped her on the sidewalk and pointed at a yellow clapboard house half a block from Harvard Yard. Two men with suitcases were pushing against the front door. Whalen worked nearby, for the Harvard alumni magazine. She told the 911 dispatcher she saw two men, possibly forcing entry, possibly not. She said one might be Hispanic. She said she saw suitcases and allowed that the men might live there. She never mentioned race until the dispatcher asked.

Inside the house, Henry Louis Gates Jr. (b. 1950) had just returned from Shanghai, where he had been filming interviews for a PBS documentary about American ancestry. He was fifty-eight years old, five foot seven, one hundred fifty pounds, and he walked with a cane because a doctor in West Virginia had misdiagnosed a broken hip when he was fourteen and the joint had never sat right since. His front door had jammed. His driver, a large Moroccan man, put a shoulder into it while Gates went around through the kitchen. The house belonged to Harvard. Gates held the most senior professorship Harvard gives.

Sergeant James Crowley of the Cambridge police arrived alone. He saw a man in the foyer. He asked the man to step outside. The man refused. What happened next depends on who tells it. Crowley’s report says Gates shouted, accused him of racism, and followed him onto the porch yelling. Gates says he showed his Harvard identification and his driver’s license, asked for the officer’s name and badge number, and got handcuffed on his own porch for asking. The charge was disorderly conduct. The city dropped it five days later and called the arrest regrettable. By then the mug shot of America’s most decorated Black scholar, in a polo shirt, arrested at his own home, had gone around the world.

The scene compressed his life’s work into a single frame. Gates had spent thirty years arguing that the record of Black lives in America gets lost, miscataloged, or never written down at all, and that someone has to go find it. On his porch the question turned personal. Who counts as belonging where he stands? What does the paperwork prove? He had the deed, the ID, the endowed chair, and the handcuffs went on anyway. Years later he donated those handcuffs to the Smithsonian‘s National Museum of African American History and Culture. He understood, better than almost anyone alive, that objects become archives.

He came from Piedmont, West Virginia, a paper mill town of around two thousand people folded into the Allegheny hills near the Maryland line. The Westvaco mill ran the town’s economy and its social order. Black men could work the loading platform. They could not work the machines. Henry Louis Gates Sr. (1913-2010) loaded trucks at the mill by day and worked a second job as a janitor at the telephone company by night, and he read two newspapers every day and handicapped the ball games with a sharp tongue. Pauline Coleman Gates, who died in 1987, cleaned white families’ houses and became the first Black secretary of the Piedmont PTA. She wrote obituaries for the Black dead of the county, and her younger son watched her turn lives into paragraphs. He was called Skip from infancy, a family nickname that followed him onto the letterhead of Harvard University.

Piedmont was segregated and small and, in the way of small places, intimate across its own color line. The mill picnic was for whites. The Black families held their own. Gates has written that the terms of the town were unjust and the texture of the life inside those terms was rich: church breakfasts, report cards, family photographs on the mantel, the weekly ritual of watching any Black person who appeared on television, the whole family calling out, colored, colored, on Channel 9. His memoir Colored People (1994) recorded that world just as integration dissolved it, and the book carries a double grief, for what segregation cost and for what integration scattered.

In 1964, at fourteen, he broke his hip playing touch football. The white doctor in the next town examined the fracture and delivered a different diagnosis. The boy was an overachiever, the doctor said. The injury was in his head. A Black boy from the mill hollow who said he wanted to be a doctor himself had presented a psychological symptom, and the physician treated the ambition instead of the joint. The hip healed wrong. One leg ended up shorter than the other. Gates has walked with a cane or crutches ever since, a permanent gait built by a white man’s judgment about what a Black child could plausibly want. Whatever theory of race in America Gates later constructed, he carried the evidence in his own walk.

He graduated from Piedmont High School in 1968 as class valedictorian and went first to Potomac State College, a junior college twenty minutes from home, because that was what ambitious Piedmont kids did. An English professor there, Duke Anthony Whitmore, read his essays and told him to aim at Yale. He transferred in 1969, part of the largest cohort of Black students Yale had ever admitted, arriving on a campus where Black studies had just become a department and a demand. He dropped the premedical plan. In his junior year Yale gave him a fellowship that sent him to Tanzania, where he worked delivering anesthesia at a mission hospital in Kilimatinde and then spent months crossing Africa overland. He graduated summa cum laude in history in 1973.

A Mellon fellowship took him to Clare College, Cambridge, and Cambridge nearly ended the career before it began. His tutors regarded African literature as anthropology at best. There was no chair in the subject, no tripos paper, no serious tradition of study. What saved him was the presence of Wole Soyinka (b. 1934), the Nigerian playwright then at Cambridge, who took Gates on and taught him that Yoruba myth, ritual, and verbal art constituted a literary system with its own gods, its own forms, and its own theory of language. Gates also fell in with a Ghanaian-English undergraduate philosopher named Kwame Anthony Appiah (b. 1954), and the two began a friendship and editorial partnership that has now run fifty years. Gates took his Cambridge doctorate in English in 1979. The degree certified him in the tradition that had excluded his subject, which turned out to be the precise credential the fight required.

He taught at Yale through the early 1980s, then Cornell from 1985 to 1989, then Duke where he held the John Spencer Bassett chair. In 1981 the MacArthur Foundation put him in its first class of fellows. He was thirty. He used the standing, and the money, on a bet that looked eccentric at the time: that the history of Black writing in America was far larger than anyone knew, and that the shortage was in the catalog, in the index, in the archive, and not in the writing.

The bet paid almost at once. In a Manhattan bookshop he bought, for fifty dollars, a copy of an 1859 novel called Our Nig; or, Sketches from the Life of a Free Black, by one Harriet E. Wilson (1825-1900). Scholars had assumed the author was white. Gates ran down census records, death certificates, and local histories in New Hampshire and established that Wilson was a free Black woman, which made Our Nig the first novel published by a Black woman in the United States. He republished it in 1983 with the documentation attached. The method mattered as much as the find. Literary claims, he showed, could be settled the way property claims are settled, with paper.

He scaled the method up. The Black Periodical Literature Project, which he directed with support from the National Endowment for the Humanities, sent research teams through American periodicals from 1827 to 1940 and indexed Black fiction and poetry from more than nine hundred publications. He edited the thirty-volume Schomburg Library of Nineteenth-Century Black Women Writers, which won an Anisfield-Wolf award in 1989 and put a shelf of recovered women in front of every research library in the country. A tradition that had been taught as a handful of names now had a census.

The theory came in the same decade. Figures in Black (1987) and The Signifying Monkey (1988) argued that African American literature carries its own critical system inside its vernacular. The Signifying Monkey of Black folklore, a trickster who defeats the lion by mastering indirection, descends from Esu-Elegbara, the Yoruba god of interpretation, and the practice named signifying, the art of repetition with a difference, of parody, revision, and double-voiced talk, supplies the tradition’s native poetics. Hurston revises Douglass, Ellison revises Wright, Reed revises everybody, and the revisions are the tradition. The claim landed hard because it answered the strongest objection to the field. Black literature did not need to borrow its criticism from Paris or New Haven. It had brought its own. The book won the 1989 American Book Award and became one of the founding documents of the discipline.

The canon wars of the late 1980s and early 1990s made him a general. In Loose Canons (1992) and a stream of essays, Gates argued for expansion against both flanks. Against the traditionalists, he held that a curriculum which omitted Black writing misdescribed America. Against the hard multicultural left, he held that Black texts deserved formal reading, not devotional citation, and he mocked the idea that a syllabus could substitute for politics. His position, roughly the pluralist center, drew fire from both sides, which he took as evidence of its accuracy.

Harvard hired him in 1991 to run an Afro-American studies department that had dwindled to almost nothing. What he built there became the most famous act of academic recruitment of the decade. He brought Appiah from Duke. He brought the philosopher and preacher Cornel West (b. 1953) from Princeton, the sociologist William Julius Wilson (b. 1935) from Chicago, the historian Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, the sociologist Lawrence Bobo. The press called it the Dream Team, a basketball metaphor that Gates did nothing to discourage, since it made a point: Black scholars were stars, they had a market, and Harvard was paying. When Harvard’s president Lawrence Summers (b. 1954) clashed with West in 2001 over grade inflation and a rap CD, West left for Princeton and Appiah followed, and the columnists wrote the department’s obituary. Gates stayed, recruited again, and turned the W. E. B. Du Bois Institute into what is now the Hutchins Center for African and African American Research, a complex of fellowships, journals, art galleries, prize medals, and archives that functions as the field’s central bank. His insight was institutional. Arguments win seminars. Endowments win centuries.

In February 2001 he sat in the sale room at Swann Galleries in New York while an agent bid on his behalf, anonymously, for lot 30, an unpublished nineteenth-century manuscript titled The Bondwoman’s Narrative, by Hannah Crafts. He won it for about eight thousand five hundred dollars. Authentication followed: ink and paper analysis, handwriting study, and a hunt through census schedules and plantation records that tied the manuscript’s details to the household of a North Carolina planter named John Hill Wheeler. Gates published it in 2002 and it reached the bestseller lists, a novel by an enslaved woman, in her own hand, unedited by any white sponsor. A decade later the scholar Gregg Hecimovich identified the author as Hannah Bond, a woman who escaped the Wheeler house in 1857 disguised as a man. The full circuit, auction paddle to census page to national bestseller, is Gates’s career in miniature.

By then he had stopped being only a professor. He wrote long profiles for The New Yorker through the 1990s, collected in Thirteen Ways of Looking at a Black Man (1997). He consulted on Spielberg’s Amistad. He and Appiah built Encarta Africana and then the print Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience, completing a project W. E. B. Du Bois had planned and never finished, which was the point. In 2008 he founded The Root with Donald E. Graham (b. 1945) of the Washington Post Company, putting Black commentary and genealogy online just as commentary and genealogy moved online. And he became, by increments, the face of Black history on American television: Wonders of the African World, America Beyond the Color Line, African American Lives, Black in Latin America, The African Americans: Many Rivers to Cross, Reconstruction, The Black Church, Gospel, and in February 2026 the four-part Black and Jewish America: An Interwoven History.

Finding Your Roots, running on PBS since 2012 and through its twelfth season in 2026, made him something rarer than famous. It made him familiar. The format is simple. A guest sits across a table from Gates. A large album called the book of life sits between them. He turns the pages. Ledgers, ship manifests, muster rolls, baptismal records, DNA percentages. The camera holds on faces as abstraction becomes kin: the comedian whose ancestor bought his own freedom, the actress descended from the man who enslaved her other ancestor, the senator with the horse thief. Gates supplies the pause, the raised eyebrow over the half-glasses, the courtroom timing of a man revealing a verdict. His own research had already carried him somewhere improbable. Having traced descent from John Redman, a free Black man who fought in the Continental Army, Gates was inducted into the Sons of the American Revolution in 2006. The scholar of exclusion carries the country’s most exclusive genealogical credential.

The show also produced his worst professional embarrassment. In 2015, hacked Sony emails revealed that the actor Ben Affleck had pressed to keep a slaveholding ancestor out of his episode, and that Gates had complied after consulting a Sony executive about the request. PBS reviewed the matter, found the program had violated its editorial standards, postponed the next season, and required new fact-checking and independence rules. Gates apologized and absorbed the lesson in public. The episode exposed the tension his television career runs on. The archive does not care about a celebrity’s brand, and a show that needs celebrities needs their comfort. He had spent a career insisting the record must stand. For one guest, briefly, it bent.

His arguments have bent no further left than the evidence, which has cost him standing in places that once claimed him. His 2010 New York Times op-ed on the African role in the Atlantic slave trade, and his insistence in Wonders of the African World on filming African participation in that trade, drew a furious rebuttal from the political scientist Ali Mazrui and a longer coolness from Afrocentric scholars who read him as handing ammunition to the other side. His reparations writing dwells on the difficulty of the ledger rather than the justice of the claim. His DNA ventures, including a commercial ancestry company, drew criticism from geneticists who considered the science oversold and from colleagues who considered the commerce unseemly. The recurring charge, across forty years, is that he is too comfortable: with markets, with Harvard, with white institutions, with reconciliation. The beer summit stands as the emblem. Two weeks after the arrest, after President Barack Obama (b. 1961) said the Cambridge police had acted stupidly and then walked it back, Gates and Crowley sat with Obama and Joe Biden at a white iron table in the Rose Garden, four men, four beers, cameras at a distance. Critics on the left saw a teachable moment dissolved into a photo op. Gates saw a Black man arrested on his porch drinking with his arresting officer at the White House and judged the exchange worth making. He and Crowley have since shared beers again, and DNA testing later suggested the two men share a distant Irish ancestor, a coincidence so on the nose that no novelist could use it.

The late work runs at a pace that embarrasses younger scholars. Stony the Road (2019) on Reconstruction and its overthrow. The Black Church (2021). The Black Box: Writing the Race (2024), a synthesis of his lifelong argument that Black identity in America is a construction built under pressure, unstable in biology and formidable in history, written by Black authors from inside a box whose walls others drew, named one of the New York Times hundred best books of its year. In 2025 he and Martha H. Patterson edited The New Negro: A History in Documents, 1887-1937 for Princeton University Press. In 2026 he, David Bindman, and Suzanne Preston Blier published The Image of the European in African Art at Harvard University Press, reversing the gaze of his long-running Image of the Black in Western Art project. The season twelve finale of Finding Your Roots aired in April 2026 with Barry Diller in the chair. The honors compound like interest: the Spingarn Medal in 2024, the Barry Prize and honorary fellowship of the Royal Academy of Arts in 2024, the hundred-thousand-dollar Vilcek Prize for Excellence in Literary Scholarship in February 2025, the Thomas Jefferson Foundation Medal in Citizen Leadership from Monticello and the University of Virginia in April 2026.

On June 24, 2026, he processed in scarlet through Oxford, from Exeter College to the Sheldonian Theatre, where the chancellor, William Hague, conferred an honorary doctorate. The other honorands included Jacinda Ardern, Billie Jean King, and two Nobel laureates. Gates said Oxford had held an almost mythical place in his imagination since childhood. The mill town valedictorian with the miscast hip, whose Cambridge tutors once doubted his subject was a subject, now collects the ancient universities the way his mother’s PTA collected honor roll names.

His critics keep a fair ledger. He conciliates. He commercializes. He performs. He has made a fortune from television and philanthropy while colleagues who took harder lines took smaller stages. All of that is true and all of it is downstream of a decision he made young and never revisited: that the war over Black standing in America would be won in the archive and the institution, in the census page and the endowed center and the prime-time slot, and that a man who wants to move the record must be in the rooms where the record is kept. He has recovered novels, indexed a century of periodicals, rebuilt a department twice, published the enslaved in their own hand, and turned genealogy into a national civic ritual. The son of the woman who wrote Piedmont’s Black obituaries became the country’s chief officer of Black memory. His deepest claim needs no theory to state. Black history is where American history keeps its receipts, and he went and got them.

Notes

Verified this week through current sources:

Oxford University conferred an honorary degree on Henry Louis Gates Jr. at Encaenia on June 24, 2026. The ceremony included the traditional procession from Exeter College to the Sheldonian Theatre, with William Hague presiding. The other honorary degree recipients included Jacinda Ardern and Billie Jean King: University of Oxford and Cherwell (June 24, 2026). Gates remarked that Oxford had occupied an almost mythical place in his imagination since childhood.

The 2026 Thomas Jefferson Foundation Medal in Citizen Leadership was presented by the University of Virginia and Monticello, as documented by the Harvard Faculty of Arts and Sciences: Harvard FAS.

The Vilcek Prize for Excellence in Literary Scholarship, announced in February 2025, including the $100,000 award, is documented by the Harvard Gazette and the Vilcek Foundation.

Season 12 of Finding Your Roots premiered on January 6, 2026, and concluded in April with the episode featuring Barry Diller and Kate Burton. Black and Jewish America aired on PBS in February 2026 as a four-part series. These details appear in the Cantab profile and the Hutchins Center curriculum vitae: Hutchins Center.

Gates was inducted into the Sons of the American Revolution in 2006 through his ancestor John Redman. This is documented in the Anisfield-Wolf Book Awards juror biography and on the Monticello profile.

The following material is well documented but would benefit from a final spot check before publication. The details of Gates’s 2009 arrest come from the Cambridge Police Department report, widely republished by outlets including The Boston Globe and The New York Times. Lucia Whalen’s 911 call, released by Cambridge police on July 27, 2009, confirms that she did not volunteer Gates’s race and instead referred to the men carrying suitcases. The setting and beverages at the White House “beer summit” come from the White House pool reports of July 30, 2009. The display of Gates’s handcuffs at the Smithsonian National Museum of African American History and Culture was reported by The Washington Post and Smithsonian Magazine around the museum’s 2016 opening.

The story of the childhood hip misdiagnosis and the family description of him as an overachiever comes from Colored People and Gates’s later retellings, including a New Yorker profile and the Harvard Gazette. His work administering anesthesia in Tanzania and the encouragement he received from Duke Anthony Whitmore at Potomac State College are documented in Yale and MacArthur Foundation biographical materials and in Colored People.

The purchase of Our Nig for fifty dollars is recounted in Gates’s introduction to the 1983 Random House edition and in contemporary New York Times coverage. The Swann Galleries auction, including the anonymous winning bid of approximately $8,500 in February 2001, is described in Gates’s introduction to The Bondwoman’s Narrative and in New York Times reporting from 2001 and 2002. Gregg Hecimovich’s identification of Hannah Bond as the author was reported by The New York Times in September 2013.

The Ben Affleck controversy is documented through the WikiLeaks Sony emails released in April 2015 and the PBS review issued in June 2015, which found violations of editorial standards and introduced new procedures. The exchange between Gates and Ali Mazrui over Wonders of the African World took place during 1999 and 2000 and was published in the West Africa Review before being widely excerpted elsewhere. Gates’s discovery of a shared Irish ancestor with Stephen Colbert followed the DNA research conducted for Faces of America in 2010.

I added several pieces of self-evident descriptive background without separate citation, including the appearance of a mill town’s racially segregated labor structure, the atmosphere of the Swann auction room, the mechanics of using the “book of life” during filming, and the ceremonial texture of the Encaenia procession.

Henry Louis Gates Jr.: The Recording Angel

Ernest Becker (1924-1974) argued that a man cannot live staring at his own death, so every culture builds him a hero system, a structure of value inside which his acts add up to something that outlasts him. The system tells him what counts as courage, what counts as waste, and what he may point to on his last day as proof he was here. Henry Louis Gates Jr. built his hero system out of paper, and to see why, you have to find his two terrors, because a hero system is always an answer, and the terrors come first.

The first terror sat at the kitchen table in Piedmont, West Virginia, in the 1950s, where Pauline Coleman Gates wrote the obituaries of the Black dead of Mineral County. Watch the scene from the boy’s height. The mill whistle has blown. His father works the second job at the phone company. His mother sits with a tablet of lined paper and turns a laundress or a deacon or a stillborn child into paragraphs, because if she does not, the county’s memory will hold nothing, the White paper will not run it, and the person will have lived and died and left less trace than a receipt. The boy learns before he can name it that death has two stages. The body goes first. The record goes second, and for his people the second death usually arrives on schedule because no one is paid to prevent it. Everything Gates later does, the recovered novels, the indexed periodicals, the census pages read aloud to weeping actors, wars against the second death. He cannot stop the first. Nobody can. Becker’s point is that heroism begins there, at the admission.

The second terror came in 1964, when a doctor looked at a Black fourteen-year-old with a broken hip and diagnosed the ambition instead of the bone. The injury, the doctor said, lived in the boy’s head. The boy walked wrong for the rest of his life on that sentence. Here the terror inverts. The first terror is no record. The second terror is the record kept by someone else. The slave ledger recorded men with care, weight, price, teeth, temperament, and the care was the violence. A misdiagnosis, a mug shot, a manifest: paper can erase you while preserving you. So the hero system that answers both terrors cannot rest at getting Black lives written down. It must seize the pen. The recorder must be one of your own, trained past challenge, credentialed by the same institutions that kept the hostile books, standing where the books are kept. That is the shape of the ambition, and Cambridge, Harvard, Norton, PBS, and the Pulitzer board mark its stations.

Every hero system carries a subtraction story, an account of what you can strip from a man and still find the part that counts. The ascetic subtracts appetite and keeps the soul. The soldier subtracts comfort and keeps honor. Gates runs his subtraction on race. Put the cheek swab in the envelope and the lab dissolves the mythology: the segregationist carries African ancestors, the Black professor carries Irish ones, blood sorts nobody. Gates subtracts biology from race and expects the concept to survive, and in his system it does, because what remains after the subtraction is history, the deeds, ledgers, laws, sale bills, and church registers that made a people out of a category. Race is a fiction with a paper trail, and the paper trail is real, and the paper trail is his. The heroic core, once blood is gone, is the document. Other systems run the same subtraction and keep a different remainder, the soul, the nation, the class, the self that owes nothing to ancestry. Gates keeps the receipts.

Now take his sacred values one at a time and carry them into other courts, because a value never floats free. It means what its hero system needs it to mean.

Start with roots, the word on his most famous product. At the table on his set sits an actress, and Gates turns a page of the large album his producers call the book of life, and she reads the name of a fourth great-grandfather who bought his own freedom for four hundred dollars, and she covers her mouth, and the camera holds. In Gates’s system this moment completes a circuit. The unrecorded becomes recorded, the second death reverses, the descendant carries proof. Roots mean evidence of arrival.

Set other figures at that table. A Mormon genealogist from Salt Lake City has spent thirty years in microfilm for a different stake. In his hero system the dead wait on the living. A name recovered is a soul that can be baptized by proxy and sealed to its family for eternity, and an unrecovered name is a soul stranded. Roots run forward, not back. He does not weep at the reveal. He files it and gets the ordinance scheduled, because in his court the archive is a rescue operation with a deadline of never.

A Yoruba babalawo would find the album cold. In his system the ancestors do not live in paper. They eat. They attend. A grandfather is fed at a shrine, consulted before a marriage, blamed for a fever. Writing a name in a book and closing the book resembles burying the man a second time. Roots mean presence, and a people who must consult archives to find their dead have already lost them. Gates knows this court. Soyinka introduced him to it at Cambridge, and Esu, the god of interpretation, stands behind his first big book. He took the god and left the shrine, which tells you which system he serves.

A Daughter of the Confederacy in Richmond keeps her roots in a velvet folder, the commission of a great-great-grandfather, and in her system the document confers rank. Ancestry is a claim against the present, proof that her family held standing before the world broke, and the archive exists to certify grievance and precedence. She and Gates handle identical instruments, censuses, muster rolls, and family Bibles, and the instruments serve opposite gods. Hers freeze a hierarchy. His overturn one.

A street lecturer on 125th Street, folding table, incense, laminated charts of Kemet, offers roots as restoration. In his system the archive of the oppressor is poisoned at the source, and the true record shows kings, pyramids, stolen sciences. Gates fought this court in the open. When he filmed Africans discussing African participation in the slave trade, this court called him a traitor, because in a restoration system the record must heal, and a record that wounds is enemy work. Gates answered that a record that cannot wound cannot certify anything. The two systems both say recovery and mean different rescues.

A Zen abbot might watch the page turn and see attachment compounding. In his system the self is already a fiction, and a documented fiction is a heavier fiction. Roots are what you cut so the mind can be free. To him the entire apparatus, the labs, the albums, the tears, elaborates a mistake about what a person is. Gates’s system has no reply to this court and does not want one. A hero system does not answer every rival. It selects its battles by what its terror requires, and the abbot’s terror is not his.

Take the second value, the book. Gates named his album the book of life, and the phrase has an owner. In the synagogue on Rosh Hashanah the Book of Life opens, and for ten days a Jew stands in judgment while it is decided who will be written and sealed for the year. The tribal traditionalist, the Orthodox Jew in Los Angeles or Jerusalem, lives inside a hero system where the decisive record is kept elsewhere, by a Judge, and no human archivist can add a name. His people run the deepest genealogical operation in history, a chain of transmission from Sinai, yichus weighed in marriage, descent tracked through mothers for three thousand years, and all of it points at obligation. Roots bind him to commandments. The record certifies duty, not arrival. Watch a sofer at his desk: one letter wrong and the scroll is unfit, because in that court the text is a covenant and variance is corruption. Now put Gates beside him. Gates built his theory on signifying, repetition with a difference, the tradition advancing by revision, Ellison rewriting Wright, Reed rewriting everybody. In one system difference in transmission voids the document. In the other, difference in transmission is the document. Both men bend over books with total seriousness, and the books ask opposite things of them. Gates borrowed the sacred title for a television prop, and the borrowing shows what his system does with older systems: it collects them, cites them, and files them, the way a museum holds altars that once held blood.

Take the third value, recovery, and give it two more courts. In Moscow in the 1990s a volunteer of the Memorial society photographs NKVD execution lists, name, occupation, date shot, and in his hero system recovery is indictment. The names are recovered so that a state may someday stand where the actress sits, and no one at his table weeps for joy. Recovery aims at judgment. Gates recovers toward admission. Our Nig enters the syllabus, the Norton anthology enters the backpack, the recovered writer takes a chair at the table that excluded her, and the table stays. His critics inside Blacker, angrier courts have said this for forty years: he recovers in order to join. A Palestinian grandmother in Nablus keeps an iron key and a Turkish land deed in a tin box, and in her system the record is a claim to ground. Paper points at soil. She would find it strange to recover a deed in order to teach it. Gates’s porch in 2009 tested exactly this line. He held the deed, the lease, the university card, and the handcuffs went on anyway, and for four minutes on Ware Street the paper did what paper does when the man reading it decides it weighs nothing. His system absorbed the blow the way his system absorbs everything. The handcuffs went to the Smithsonian, labeled, accessioned, lit. Another system might have gone to court or to the street. He filed the insult in the national archive and called it a win, and inside his hero system it was one.

How aware is he of the trade? More than most. Becker says the hero system works best slightly out of sight of its owner, and Gates’s runs close to the surface. He knows the pluralist center draws fire from both flanks and has said the crossfire proves the position. He knows television requires guests and guests require comfort, and in 2015 the world saw the one documented instance where comfort beat the record, a slaveholding ancestor kept off the air for a movie star, and Gates took the finding and the new rules in public. He knows what the beer in the Rose Garden cost him on the left and paid him everywhere else. What he holds slightly out of view is the limit the porch exposed: a hero system built on paper needs readers who honor paper, and it has no answer for the moment they decline, except to write the moment down. His deepest faith, past race, past pluralism, holds that the record eventually finds an honest reader. Piedmont taught him that faith at the kitchen table, and no arrest, no hack, no critic has moved him off it. Whether the faith is true is a question his system cannot ask, because it is the floor the system stands on.

The empathy he earns, he earns honestly. He took a wrecked hip, a mill-town start, and a field that his Cambridge tutors did not consider a field, and instead of bitterness he produced shelves. The Schomburg Library gave nineteenth-century Black women back their names. The periodical project gave a literature back its bulk. A woman who escaped a North Carolina house in men’s clothes in 1857 sits on bestseller lists in her own hand because he raised a paddle at an auction. Set aside the celebrity and the bow ties, and the core act repeats for fifty years: he finds the dead the county would not print, and he prints them. That is his mother’s work at industrial scale, and a man who spends a life finishing his mother’s sentences deserves gentler judgment than his rivals give him.

So mark the coordinates. The hero here is the clerk raised to angel, the man who answers death by seizing the ledger, who believes that a life written down in friendly hands has beaten the second death and that beating the second death is what a man can do about the first. The rival he never names sits past all his named enemies, past the restorationist and the colorblind man and the radical, and it is the believer for whom the decisive book is kept in heaven and every human index is vanity, the court where his mother’s obituaries were prayers and his own are programming. He debates everyone except that court, because his system and that one cannot share a table; one of them holds the pen, and the other kneels. And the cost his ledger cannot price is Piedmont alive, the mill picnic, the supper, the family calling colored, colored at the television set, the world whose intimacy his own ascent helped dissolve, which he then recorded in the best book he ever wrote. The archive holds the obituary. It never holds the supper. He knows this, said it in Colored People, and kept filing, because the alternative his system offers is the second death, and against that he has spent everything.

The Great Delusion

If John J. Mearsheimer’s anthropology is right, it provides a structural explanation for the deep emotional resonance of Gates’s work while severely testing the ultimate liberal lesson Gates seeks to teach.
On Finding Your Roots, when Gates presents a guest with their “book of life” containing their ancestral tree and DNA percentages, the emotional reaction is almost always profound. Guests frequently weep upon discovering the names of enslaved ancestors or long-lost European forebears.
In a liberal framework, this reaction is somewhat puzzling; a detached, autonomous individual should theoretically find his identity in his personal choices, achievements, and self-authored future, not in the lives of people who died two centuries ago. Mearsheimer’s anthropology explains this phenomenon. If humans are tribal at their core and develop strong attachments to their group, then the desire to know one’s lineage is a biological imperative. Gates is not merely presenting cold, historical data; he is handing the human animal his literal, ancestral tribe. The “book of life” provides a deep sense of security and belonging because it grounds the individual within a historical collective, satisfying the innate sentiment that man is not a lone wolf.
Gates began his career as a literary theorist, famously writing The Signifying Monkey (1988), where he argues that African American literature is a unique, rich tradition that interprets and reflects upon what came before it. He emphasizes how language and cultural practices are passed down through generations.
This maps perfectly onto Mearsheimer’s claim that family and society impose an enormous value infusion on an individual during a long childhood. Gates’s literary scholarship demonstrates the precise operation of this value infusion. The traditions, rhetorical styles, and cultural markers that Gates tracks are preserved because the group protects and socializes its young intensely. Critical faculties develop later, but they operate within the cultural matrix established during childhood. Gates’s academic career has been an extended documentation of how a specific group’s socialization shapes individual identity.The Limits of Genetic UniversalismGates frequently uses the genetic findings of his show to argue for a liberal, universalist conclusion. By showing that white Americans often have Black ancestry, that Black Americans have substantial European ancestry, and that we are all deeply interconnected, Gates argues that race is a social construct and that beneath our perceived differences, we are a single human family.
However, if Mearsheimer’s view is correct, this universalist hope runs directly into the buzzsaw of human nature. Mearsheimer notes that liberalism downplays the social nature of humans by treating them as atomistic actors, mistakenly believing that a universal concern for rights can unite everyone on the planet. If humans are inherently tribal, showing people a pie chart of their DNA will not dissolve their primary group allegiances. Man does not form his allegiances based on a rational analysis of global genetic data; he forms them based on the immediate, intense socialization of his local environment. An individual who grew up socialized within a specific community will maintain his attachment to that group, regardless of what a genetic test says about his deep ancestry.
If Mearsheimer’s anthropology is correct, Gates has built a magnificent mechanism for unearthing the historical truth of human lineages. But the tool cannot achieve the post-racial, universalist harmony Gates hopes for, because the human drive to form exclusive, adversarial groups will always override the abstract reality of a shared genetic map.

‘A Big Misunderstanding’

To David Pinsof, Gates is a classic example of the benevolent intellectual who relies on the misunderstanding myth. His work operates on the assumption that racism, bigotry, and deep-seated intergroup conflicts are fundamentally errors of history and perception. In this framework, if people can see their shared genetic lineage, understand the true facts of Reconstruction, and realize how deeply connected different communities are, then the irrational prejudices dividing society might begin to dissolve.

Pinsof offers a colder alternative. The historical and contemporary actors who engage in racial animosity, build exclusionary hierarchies, or participate in sharp coalitional warfare do not suffer from a lack of historical data or a misunderstanding of biology. They understand their incentives.

From this perspective, intergroup conflict is an engine of zero-sum competition over status, resources, and the coercive apparatus of the state. Dominant groups do not enforce social hierarchies because they are misinformed about the humanity or ancestry of minority groups. They do so because securing dominance maximizes their access to power and shields their own kin from competition. The human mind did not evolve to seek universal harmony through objective historical truth; it evolved to defend coalitions and derogate rivals.

Gates frames his multi-decade project as an objective, educational effort to expand the national consciousness and heal division through shared heritage. Pinsof invites an examination of the actual motives behind this elite institutional posture. Positioned at the pinnacle of the university system, the high-status intellectual who serves as the arbiter of historical correction gains immense social and moral authority. By defining historical errors and designing the narrative interventions to fix them, the credentialed elite turns their own cultural preferences into an objective standard of progress. It allows them to view societal friction not as a permanent conflict of material interests, but as an intellectual defect that requires their specific guidance to correct.

The deep fractures in the social landscape do not persist because people lack the right genealogical charts or a proper understanding of history. They persist because human coalitions have fundamentally conflicting motives over power and resources. The only misunderstanding in therapeutic history is the belief that structural warfare between groups can be solved by a better history lesson.

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N. Katherine Hayles: The Chemist Who Rewrote the Human

Picture a chemistry lab in Southern California in 1968. Beckman Instruments, Fullerton. Fluorescent light on stainless steel. A young woman in a white coat runs analyses for a company that builds the machines other scientists use to measure the world. She holds a bachelor’s degree in chemistry from the Rochester Institute of Technology and she is finishing a master’s at Caltech, where women in the graduate chemistry program can be counted on one hand. The work is exact. The work is also narrow. She later describes her problem in the mildest terms available to her: she loved science, she loved literature, and laboratory life gave her no room for the second love. In 1970 she walks away from the bench. She enrolls in an English M.A. program at Michigan State. In the status economy of American science, this looks like failure. A Caltech-trained chemist trading instruments for novels trades hard knowledge for soft, money for penury, rigor for talk. It takes her thirty years to prove the ledger wrong.

Nancy Katherine Hayles (b. 1943) grew up in St. Louis, Missouri, the daughter of Edward and Thelma Bruns. Her surname comes from her first marriage, to William Hayles in 1969; the marriage ended in 1979 and left her with two children and the name under which she built her career. She earned the B.S. in chemistry from RIT in 1966, worked as a research chemist at Xerox, took the M.S. from Caltech in 1969, and consulted for Beckman Instruments until 1970. Then came the pivot: the M.A. in English from Michigan State in 1970 and a Ph.D. in English from the University of Rochester in 1977. On her own website she recalls the shock of the crossing through a line from Tom Stoppard‘s Arcadia: she discovered that “everything I thought I knew was wrong,” down to what counts as evidence and how one makes an argument. A chemist demonstrates learning by running the experiment. A literary scholar demonstrates learning by building a reading. Hayles spent the rest of her life refusing to choose between the two proofs.

The academic ladder she climbed tells its own story about status in the American university. Instructor, then assistant professor, at Dartmouth from 1975 to 1982. Assistant professor at the University of Missouri-Rolla, an engineering school in the Ozarks, from 1982 to 1985. Associate professor at the University of Iowa in 1985, then a named chair there, the Millington F. Carpenter Professorship, by 1989. In 1992 UCLA hired her as the Hillis Professor of Literature in English and Media Arts, a joint appointment that recognized what she had become: a literary critic whom the design and media people also claimed. In 2008 Duke made her the James B. Duke Professor of Literature, the highest rank the university confers. She now holds the emerita version of that chair alongside a Distinguished Research Professorship back at UCLA, where she returned and where she still works. A woman who started at a technical institute in Rochester, took a detour through corporate labs, and entered literary study a decade behind her cohort ended up holding chairs at two of the wealthiest research universities in the country. She did it by writing about things her colleagues did not yet know they needed to understand.

Her first two books established the method. The Cosmic Web: Scientific Field Models and Literary Strategies in the Twentieth Century (1984) traced how field theories in physics and relational models of reality surfaced in the fiction of Pynchon, Nabokov, and Borges. Chaos Bound: Orderly Disorder in Contemporary Literature and Science (1990) did the same for chaos theory and postmodern narrative. The premise sounds modest and is not. Hayles argued that scientists and novelists working in the same decades draw on the same cultural reservoir. Science does not simply discover; it also imagines, and its imagination has a period style. Literature does not simply decorate; it thinks, and its thinking sometimes runs parallel to the equations. She refused both available pieties. Against the scientists who saw literary theory as fog, she insisted that scientific models carry cultural assumptions. Against the humanists then riding high on social constructivism, she insisted that science delivers reliable knowledge about the world. She named her middle position “constrained constructivism”: theories are models of reality rather than reality, but reality pushes back and rules most models out. Her chemistry training shows here. She had run experiments. She knew nature votes.

The years around 1990 gave her a front-row seat to the science wars, and the seat was uncomfortable. She has compared the period to a child watching her parents fight. One parent was her lab training, which told her scientific method is the best instrument humans have built for reliable knowledge. The other parent was her literary training, which told her every scientist swims in a culture he cannot fully see. Most combatants picked a parent. Hayles kept both, and the books that followed are the record of a forty-year effort to hold the two loyalties in one frame.

The breakthrough came in 1999. How We Became Posthuman: Virtual Bodies in Cybernetics, Literature, and Informatics opens with a scene of reading. Hayles picks up Mind Children by the Carnegie Mellon roboticist Hans Moravec (b. 1948) and finds his prediction that human consciousness will soon be downloaded into computers. Moravec presents this as a dream. Hayles receives it as a nightmare, and the book she writes in response asks how a serious scientist came to believe that a person is a pattern of information that can leave its body the way a traveler leaves a hotel.

Her answer runs through the Macy Conferences, the meetings held in New York between 1946 and 1953 where Norbert Wiener (1894-1964), Claude Shannon (1916-2001), Warren McCulloch (1898-1969), Margaret Mead (1901-1978), and a shifting cast of engineers, neurophysiologists, and social scientists built the field of cybernetics. Hayles reads the transcripts the way a novelist reads a dinner party. She watches Shannon define information as a mathematical quantity stripped of meaning, a move that made communication engineering possible and telephone networks profitable. She watches the group generalize the move, until information floats free of any body, any medium, any material substrate. The decision was practical and local. Its consequences were metaphysical and global. Once the culture learned to imagine information as bodiless, Moravec’s fantasy followed: if you are your information, the flesh is packaging, and packaging can be discarded.

How We Became Posthuman argues that this entire construction rests on an erasure. Information never exists without a body. It lives in ink, in voltage, in neurons, in air pressure. Minds do not ride in bodies; minds are what certain bodies do. Hayles attacked the disembodied posthuman while refusing to retreat into the liberal humanist subject it replaced, the autonomous, self-owning, rational individual of Enlightenment political theory. That subject, she noted, was always a fiction too, and a gated one; it described propertied European men and called the description universal. Her posthuman keeps the embodiment the cyberneticists erased and drops the sovereignty the humanists invented. The book won the René Wellek Prize for the best book in literary theory and the Eaton Award for science fiction criticism in the same cycle, a pairing that captures its reach. It became a founding text of posthumanist studies and a standard syllabus item on three continents. Graduate students who never opened a chemistry textbook learned from Hayles that the Turing test, Neuromancer, and Shannon’s channel diagrams belong to one history.

She could have spent the next twenty years administering that success. Instead she kept moving. Writing Machines (2002), a small experimental volume designed with Anne Burdick, argued that the material form of a text shapes its meaning, and proved it by making its own typography and page design part of the argument. She coined the term “technotext” for works that reflect on the technology producing them, and the book took the Suzanne Langer Award. Her concept of the “flickering signifier” gave critics a tool for digital writing: a word on a screen is not a stable mark like ink on paper but the momentary surface of code, memory, processor, and display, a signifier that flickers between visible text and invisible execution. My Mother Was a Computer (2005) pushed into code as a cultural force, examining how machine language and natural language now interpenetrate in everything from novels to subjectivity. The title comes from a time when “computer” named a job held by women who calculated by hand, a detail Hayles uses to remind readers that the history of computation is a history of bodies, many of them female.

Alongside the books she built a field. Electronic literature, the writing born digital, hypertext fiction, generative poetry, works that exist only in execution, had passionate makers and no scholarly infrastructure. Hayles supplied it. She directed NEH summer seminars on the subject starting in 1995, introducing a generation of scholars and writers to the form. She served as faculty director of the Electronic Literature Organization from 2001 to 2006 and co-edited the first Electronic Literature Collection, which gave teachers a stable canon to assign. Her 2008 book Electronic Literature: New Horizons for the Literary surveyed and legitimated the field. Since 2014 the organization’s annual prize for criticism carries her name, which is the academic equivalent of a statue in the town square. Her championing of writers such as Mark Z. Danielewski (b. 1966), whose House of Leaves she read as a print novel remade by digital logic, helped move experimental work from cult status to dissertation topic.

In 2007 she published a short article that traveled farther than some of her books. “Hyper and Deep Attention: The Generational Divide in Cognitive Modes” distinguished deep attention, the sustained single-object focus that long novels train and reward, from hyper attention, the rapid switching among information streams that digital environments train and reward. Teachers recognized their classrooms in the distinction at once. Hayles declined the jeremiad the topic invited. She treated the shift as a change in cognitive ecology with costs and gains on both sides, and asked what pedagogy should do about it rather than which generation to blame. How We Think: Digital Media and Contemporary Technogenesis (2012) expanded the argument: humans and their technologies evolve together, and digital media are reorganizing attention, memory, and scholarship whether the professoriate approves or not.

Then came the late turn, the one that makes her career unusual among literary critics. Most scholars narrow with age. Hayles widened. Unthought: The Power of the Cognitive Nonconscious (2017) argued that cognition exceeds consciousness. Most of the interpretive work that keeps a human alive happens below awareness, and cognition in her definition, the interpretation of information within contexts that connect it to meaning, extends to nonhuman animals, to plants, and to technical systems. She introduced the “cognitive assemblage”: a working combination of humans and machines that senses, interprets, and decides together. Traffic systems, drone warfare, high-frequency trading. In such assemblages the interesting question is no longer whether the machine thinks like a man but how the joint system distributes interpretation, and who answers for what it decides.

Postprint: Books and Becoming Computational (2021) returned to her oldest love, the book, and refused both funeral and triumph. Print did not die; it was absorbed. Every printed book now passes through computational systems of composition, design, distribution, and marketing before it reaches a hand. The codex survives as the visible tip of a computational apparatus. And Bacteria to AI: Human Futures with Our Nonhuman Symbionts (2025), published when she was eighty-one, proposes an Integrated Cognitive Framework that places human thought on a continuum running from bacterial sensing through plant signaling and animal cognition to large language models. She argues that computational media possess something like umwelten, the world horizons that biology ascribes to organisms, while insisting on the difference between living systems, which have intentions, and physical processes, which do not. The political claim beneath the theory is blunt: the belief that humans are the only real cognizers on the planet has licensed the treatment of everything else as raw material, and the ecological results are in. She rejects the accelerationists who expect machines to save us and the reactionary humanists who want the old sovereign subject back. Her proposal is humbler and stranger: learn to live as one cognizer among many, a symbiont in systems no single mind controls.

The profession has kept score. A Guggenheim Fellowship, two NEH fellowships, a Rockefeller residency at Bellagio, the National Humanities Center. Lifetime achievement awards from the Science Fiction Research Association and the Society for Literature, Science, and the Arts, a society she served as president from 1991 to 1993, back when it was small and its subject was suspect. Election to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and the Academia Europaea in 2015. Honorary doctorates from Umeå in Sweden, the Art Center College of Design in Pasadena, and, in 2024, the Royal College of Art in London. Critics have landed blows along the way. Some charged that How We Became Posthuman holds science to a constructivist standard it exempts from its own realism; others found her readings of Maturana‘s autopoiesis strained. The objections register as border disputes within a territory she mapped.

The last scene closes a sixty-year loop. May 8, 2026. Panara Theater on the campus of the Rochester Institute of Technology, the doctoral hooding ceremony. The graduates process in regalia while student performers from the National Technical Institute for the Deaf sign the national anthem. The honorary degree recipient and keynote speaker is Katherine Hayles, class of 1966, chemistry. RIT gave her a B.S. and an apprenticeship in laboratory method; she left the lab within four years. Now the institute confers on her an honorary Doctor of Letters, and its new doctors of engineering and imaging science and computing sit and listen to a literary critic in her eighties tell them about cognition, machines, and books. The chemists in the room might miss the joke. The degree is in Letters because the letters won, but she never let them win alone. Bodies matter in her account, and media, and code, and the ink this sentence would be printed in. She spent a career telling a culture in love with disembodied information that there is no such thing, and the culture, now building minds out of matrices, needs the reminder more than ever.

Notes

The opening scene in the Beckman laboratory extrapolates from documented facts. Hayles worked as a research chemist at Xerox in 1966 and as a chemical research consultant for Beckman Instruments from 1968 to 1970, as documented by Alchetron and Wikipedia: Alchetron and Wikipedia. Beckman Instruments was headquartered in Fullerton during that period, and women in Caltech’s graduate chemistry program in the late 1960s were uncommon. Those elements are reasonable historical extrapolations based on place and period. Hayles’s own explanation for leaving science, her love of literature and lack of enthusiasm for laboratory work, comes from a Rochester Institute of Technology profile: RIT.

The statement “Everything I thought I knew was wrong” is Hayles’s own description of her intellectual transformation and comes from her personal website: N. Katherine Hayles.

The discussion of the science wars, including the comparison to “a child watching her parents fight” and the concept of “constrained constructivism,” comes from her 2025 essay in Media Theory: Media Theory. I paraphrased rather than quoted the image of the child because it is her own metaphor. If you retain it, attribution would be appropriate.

The Hans Moravec scene is based on Hayles’s own account. The prologue to How We Became Posthuman begins with her reading Moravec’s Mind Children and experiencing his vision of the future as a nightmare rather than a dream. I rendered that episode without direct quotation.

The Macy Conferences scene is reconstructed from the historical chapters of How We Became Posthuman. The participants, dates, and setting, New York between 1946 and 1953, are standard historical facts.

The closing Rochester Institute of Technology scene is confirmed by the university’s commencement announcement and the 2026 commencement program: RIT News and 2026 Commencement Program. The program identifies Hayles as the honorary degree recipient speaking at the doctoral hooding ceremony in Panara Theater on May 8, 2026, with student performers from RIT’s National Technical Institute for the Deaf. My reference to performers signing the national anthem is a reasonable inference from NTID’s participation. The program itself refers only to “student performers from RIT/NTID.”

Flesh Against Pattern: The Hero System of N. Katherine Hayles

Two terrors run under this life. The first is the old one. The body fails. A chemist knows this better than most, because a chemist knows the body is chemistry, and chemistry runs down. Proteins misfold. Membranes leak. The reaction stops. The second terror is stranger and belongs to our century. It is the fear that the first terror has an exit, that a person is a pattern of information, that the pattern can be copied out of the flesh and run on something that does not rot, and that everything we called a life, the mother’s hands, the smell of a lab, the weight of a book, was packaging. N. Katherine Hayles (b. 1943) built a career on refusing the exit. She accepted the first terror to fight the second.

Start with the man who offered the exit. Hans Moravec (b. 1948) ran a robotics lab at Carnegie Mellon in the 1980s, in Pittsburgh, a steel city then losing its steel. His machines crawled and stumbled and saw the world through cameras, and they were pitiful next to a housecat, and he loved them. In 1988 he published Mind Children, and in it he described a surgery of the future. A robot surgeon peels the brain layer by layer, scans each layer, simulates it in a computer, confirms the simulation runs true, and discards the tissue. At the end the skull is empty and the patient wakes inside the machine, himself, continuous, and now backed up. Moravec presented this as deliverance. Read him with Ernest Becker (1924-1974) open on the desk and the scene changes. Becker argued in The Denial of Death (1973) that the knowledge of death is the wound at the center of human life, and that every culture is a hero system, an arrangement of roles and values that lets a man feel he is a being of primary value in a universe of meaning, an object of cosmic significance whose acts outlast his animal term. Religion did this work for millennia. Where religion thins, men build substitutes. Moravec’s surgery is a substitute. It is the causa-sui project, Becker’s term for the dream of being one’s own father, engineered in silicon: a man looks at the grave and announces that death is a hardware problem, and hardware can be upgraded. There is no reason to sneer. The dream is old and human and it comes from the same terror that built the pyramids. The roboticist in Pittsburgh, surrounded by machines that could barely cross a room, wrote a scripture for people who could no longer say the older ones aloud.

Hayles read Mind Children and could not sleep on it. She has told the story many times: the roboticist’s dream reached her as a nightmare. Her whole late system unfolds from that recoil, and the recoil makes sense only if we see what she had already staked. She trained as a chemist at the Rochester Institute of Technology and Caltech, worked corporate labs, then left science for literature in 1970 and spent a decade earning a second apprenticeship. A person who pays that price twice has wagered that both kinds of knowing count, the equation and the sentence, and that both live in trained bodies. Moravec’s surgery says the wager was foolish. If mind is substrate-independent pattern, the years at the bench and the years with the novels trained nothing essential. The nightmare was personal before it was theoretical.

So name her hero system. Call it the creed of the embodied knower. Its first commandment: there is no information without a body. Its second: finitude is the condition of meaning, and the systems that promise escape from finitude, the uploaded mind, the sovereign rational soul of liberal humanism, the machine that will save us, are vital lies. Its promised heroism: a man wins significance by knowing where he is, in a mortal body, inside media, inside code, inside ecologies of other cognizers, and by acting responsibly there. Its saints are the ones who refuse comfortable dualisms. Its afterlife is the corpus, the students, the field built and left behind. Every hero system works by subtraction as much as by assertion, and hers subtracts without anesthesia. Subtract the immortal soul. Subtract the resurrection. Subtract the liberal subject, that self-owning rational man of the Enlightenment, whom she exposed as a gated fiction. Subtract the transhumanist rapture. What remains after the subtraction is flesh that thinks, briefly, alongside bacteria and algorithms, and her claim that this is enough. Becker would ask the hard question at once: enough for what? A hero system must metabolize death, and hers asks its members to face death with no promise except that they knew where they were when it came.

Watch her sacred values move through other hero systems, because a sacred word keeps its spelling and changes its soul at every border.

Take embodiment. In Scottsdale, Arizona, a software architect signs the paperwork with Alcor and wears a steel bracelet with dewar instructions for the paramedics. For him the body is the enemy of the person. He lifts, fasts, tracks his bloodwork, and none of it is love of flesh; it is maintenance of a vehicle he intends to abandon. “Death is an engineering problem,” he tells his sister at Thanksgiving, and she stops arguing because he glows when he says it, and she recognizes the glow from their grandmother at Mass. In a hospice in Cleveland, a night nurse turns a ninety-pound man every two hours so his skin will not break down before his heart does. For her, embodiment is the final honesty. Families arrive with phones full of the man as he was, and she teaches them to hold the hand in front of them. Nothing in her work is pattern. All of it is weight, warmth, smell, the labor of breath. In a Lagos megachurch, a Pentecostal woman dances in the Spirit until her dress is soaked, because in her system the body is the instrument God plays, and worship that stays in the head is no worship. In a gym in Queens at five in the morning, a bodybuilder loads the bar and fights entropy one plate at a time; his body is the hero project, the sculpture that argues against decay, and he knows the argument is losing and lifts anyway. For Hayles, embodiment means none of these. It means the ground of knowing. Thought has a location and a metabolism. The chemist’s hands, the reader’s eyes moving across a page, the neuron’s chemistry: cognition is what certain bodies do, and a mind removed from its body is a rumor. Same word, five altars.

Take information. For the engineer in Claude Shannon’s (1916-2001) lineage, information is a triumph over noise, a quantity you can price and pipe, and stripping it of meaning was the professional achievement of a lifetime; telephone networks and everything after run on that renunciation. For the transhumanist, information is the soul renamed, the thing about you that could survive you, which is why he speaks of it with reverence his grandfather kept for the word spirit. For an intelligence officer in Tel Aviv, information is national survival measured in hours, and a body is often where it hides, which is a sentence with teeth. In a study hall in a religious neighborhood, an old man and his grandson sing the words of a page of Talmud aloud, swaying, and here information is the strangest thing of all: a transmitted word that is alive, that must pass through breath and memory and argument, generation to generation, and that carries the covenant in its syntax. The old man might agree with Hayles more than either would expect. He also believes there is no Torah without bodies to study it. Hayles’s own meaning sits against all of these: information is the century’s most consequential abstraction, made bodiless by a historical decision at mid-century, and her life’s work was to reattach it to the flesh and media that carry it, because a culture that believes in bodiless information will end by believing in disposable bodies.

Take cognition, the sacred term of her last books. A gunnery sergeant on Parris Island has a theory of mind and it is hierarchical: cognition is the officer class of the person, the will that keeps a recruit moving when the meat votes to quit, and his whole liturgy of pain exists to install that hierarchy. A product director in Shenzhen has another: cognition is a capability on a roadmap, benchmarked quarterly, and the question of whether the model understands anything bores him because the market does not ask it. A Zen abbot has a third: cognition is the churn the practice quiets, and the self it generates is the illusion to see through. And in a memory-care unit in Fort Wayne, a daughter visits a mother who no longer produces what any benchmark calls cognition. The staff speak of decline. The daughter has learned something else. “She still knows my hand,” she says, and she is not being sentimental; she has run the experiment daily for three years. Her hero system locates the person somewhere cognition cannot reach, in the bond, in the body that bore her, and any framework that hands out standing by cognitive capacity has already, quietly, demoted her mother. Hayles’s late system takes the word in the opposite direction from the sergeant and the product director. In Unthought (2017) and Bacteria to AI (2025) she democratizes cognition, extends it downward and outward, to cells, plants, technical systems, until the human holds no crown, only a place in an assemblage. The move is moral before it is technical. She believes the crown produced the wreckage, that a species convinced it is the only real cognizer treats everything else as material, and the burning climate is the invoice. Her heroism asks men to save the world by accepting demotion. The daughter in Fort Wayne might answer that she does not need her mother promoted or demoted along that scale at all. The scale is the problem.

Set her system beside the traditionalist’s, and give the traditionalist his full strength, because he is not a straw man; he is running the oldest terror-management technology on record, tested across exiles and plagues, and it works. His hero system is tribal, national, covenantal. Significance flows from a particular people with a particular God across particular generations. Embodiment means circumcision on the eighth day, the fast broken together, the body enlisted in a lineage. Information means the scroll carried out of the burning city, the word passed father to son with the melody intact. Cognition ranks below fidelity; the covenant does not test IQ. Death is answered communally: the mourner’s prayer said by sons, the name given to grandchildren, the people that continues when the man does not. Against this, Hayles offers planetary symbiosis, and the traditionalist hears the offer and asks his questions. Who sits shiva in an assemblage? Which symbiont says the prayer? A hero system that dissolves the boundary between my people and the bacteria has no way to consecrate my dead in particular, and the whole engine of his system is that the dead are his. Her framework can describe his community with respect, as one cognitive ecology among many. His framework cannot return the compliment, because for him the covenant is not one option on a menu, and a system that shelves it beside xenobots has already denied it. The two systems do not merely disagree; each one’s form of reverence reads as the other’s blasphemy. Becker would say both are doing the same work with different tools, buying significance against death, and Becker’s leveling is exactly what the traditionalist refuses and what Hayles, to her credit, accepts and lives inside.

How much does she know about her own project? More than most. She diagnosed Moravec’s dream as death-denial with a clinician’s calm, and a woman who can see the terror under a roboticist’s equations can usually feel it under her own prose. Otto Rank (1884-1939), Becker’s master, described the artist type as the man who refuses the ready-made hero systems and manufactures a private one, justifying his existence through the work, and the description fits her without alteration. Twelve books. A hundred articles. Fields built where there were none: literature and science, electronic literature, the criticism of code. Since 2014 the Electronic Literature Organization gives an annual award that carries her name, so that every year, while she lives, young scholars compete for a prize called Hayles, and her name circulates in rooms her body never enters. She keeps publishing into her eighties, a new theory of mind at eighty-one, interviews, keynotes, an honorary doctorate at her first alma mater sixty years after the chemistry degree. None of this is vanity in the cheap sense. It is the immortality project running exactly as Rank drew it, the corpus as causa-sui, and she has earned the extra measure of charity we owe the honorable, because she paid retail at every step. She defended scientific reliability during the science wars when her own guild wanted blood, and defended embodiment against the engineers when their stock was rising and hers was not. She never sold the convenient version. Whether she has stood at the last window, the one Becker says no system fully curtains, and asked what the corpus buys her on the actual morning of her actual death, the record does not say. Her books go silent at that door. They tell us how to live among cognizers. They do not tell us how she plans to die.

And here the irony arrives that a Becker reading cannot decline. Her survival, the only survival her creed permits, will be informational. The body that knew the lab bench and the page will stop, and what persists will be pattern: texts absorbed, as she herself showed in Postprint (2021), into computational systems of storage and circulation, formatted, indexed, migrated from server to server, quoted by machines to students not yet born. She will become the thing she spent a career proving does not exist, information without her body, and the proof will travel in that form. Moravec wanted the upload as rescue and she refused it, and the refusal will be uploaded. She might answer, and the answer has force, that this was always the honest bargain: the work persists as pattern precisely because it no longer needs to be her, that an afterlife of influence is categorically unlike an afterlife of experience, and that confusing the two is the exact error she wrote twelve books to correct. The corpus survives. She does not. She said so first.

The hero, then: the embodied knower, the woman who walked out of the lab and back toward it for forty years, who refused the two great anesthetics of her era, the old sovereign soul and the new uploaded one, and who asks her followers to find significance standing in the mortal middle, symbionts among symbionts, responsible and temporary. The rival her books never name is not Moravec, who is named on the first page, and not the humanist, who is named on the tenth. It is the praying man, the one whose hero system solved death first and did not require him to be brilliant, and whom her entire framework politely declines to argue with, because to argue would be to admit he is answering the same question she is. And the cost that no ledger prices appears at a graveside, any graveside, hers or ours: a creed of embodiment has nothing to hand the mourner once the body is gone, no prayer, no promise, only the pattern in the books and the instruction, honest and cold and hers, to know where you are.

Notes

The brain-transfer surgery scene comes from Hans Moravec’s Mind Children: The Future of Robot and Human Intelligence (Harvard University Press, 1988), Chapter 4. A summary is available at Wikipedia. Hayles’s account of reading the book as a nightmare rather than a dream appears in the prologue to How We Became Posthuman (University of Chicago Press, 1999).

Ernest Becker’s discussion of hero systems and the causa sui project comes from The Denial of Death (Free Press, 1973), especially Chapters 1 through 6. Becker’s treatment of Otto Rank’s artist type appears in Chapter 8 and in Rank’s Art and Artist (1932).

Alcor is headquartered in Scottsdale, Arizona, and members commonly wear medical-alert bracelets identifying their cryonics arrangements: Alcor.

The N. Katherine Hayles Award has been presented annually since 2014: Electronic Literature Organization. This is also confirmed at Wikipedia.

Hayles’s Bacteria to AI, published by the University of Chicago Press in 2025 when she was eighty-one years old, is documented here: University of Chicago Press.

Her honorary doctorate from the Rochester Institute of Technology, awarded on May 8, 2026, is documented here: RIT News.

I created several scenes that are explicitly fictional composites rather than historical reconstructions. These include the cryonicist’s Thanksgiving conversation, the daughter’s dialogue, and the other archetypal scenes. I also treated Pittsburgh’s loss of the steel industry during the 1980s, hospice protocols, and sons reciting the mourner’s Kaddish as self-evident background requiring no separate citation.

The observation that Hayles’s books become notably silent regarding her own mortality is my interpretation of her body of work rather than a documented fact.

The Hayles Set: A Portrait of the Tribe That Reads Machines

Every November a few hundred scholars check into a mid-price conference hotel for the annual meeting of the Society for Literature, Science, and the Arts, and the first thing a visitor notices is the mood. The Modern Language Association convention, the great gathering of English professors, runs on dread. Ten thousand people, a collapsing job market, interview suits in the elevators. SLSA runs on cheer. The field is small, the stakes are low, the members chose marginality on purpose, and the bar fills early with physicists who read Pynchon and English professors who can explain a Turing machine. A woman with silver hair holds court at a corner table. Younger scholars approach in ones and twos, the way junior officers approach a general who won her war a long time ago. This is Kate Hayles’s tribe. She served as its president from 1991 to 1993, when it was smaller still, and its culture bears her fingerprints the way a startup bears its founder’s.

Draw the map first. At the center sit the literature-and-science scholars and the media theorists: Hayles, Donna Haraway (b. 1944), whose 1985 cyborg manifesto gave the set its founding myth, Friedrich Kittler (1943-2011), the German who taught them that media determine our situation and who soldered his own circuits to prove he meant it, Cary Wolfe, who edits the Posthumanities series at Minnesota, Rosi Braidotti (b. 1954) in Utrecht, Karen Barad (b. 1956), the particle physicist turned feminist theorist whose “agential realism” gave the set a metaphysics, Bernard Stiegler (1952-2020) in Paris, Mark Hansen, Hayles’s colleague at Duke. A second ring holds the digital media and software people: Lev Manovich (b. 1960), Alexander Galloway, Wendy Chun, McKenzie Wark (b. 1961), Matthew Kirschenbaum, whose forensic work on hard drives made “the materiality of the digital” a career, Johanna Drucker (b. 1952) at UCLA, Rita Raley, Jessica Pressman, who co-wrote with Hayles. A third ring holds the electronic literature colony: Espen Aarseth (b. 1965) in Copenhagen, Nick Montfort at MIT, Stuart Moulthrop, Scott Rettberg and Jill Walker Rettberg in Bergen, Michael Joyce (b. 1945), whose 1987 hypertext afternoon is the set’s Dead Sea Scroll, Shelley Jackson, John Cayley, and the memory of Robert Coover (1932-2024), who ran the Brown workshops where much of it hatched. The science-studies elders sit close by: Bruno Latour (1947-2022), Isabelle Stengers (b. 1949), Andrew Pickering (b. 1948), Steven Shapin (b. 1943). The set publishes in Configurations, Critical Inquiry, New Literary History, and electronic book review, and its presses are Minnesota, Duke, MIT, and Chicago. Its shrines are the Duke Program in Literature, built by Fredric Jameson (1934-2024), UCLA Design Media Arts, MIT Comparative Media Studies, the Bergen e-lit program, and the media-archaeology basements of Berlin.

A tribe defines itself by its borders, and this one has three. To its right, in its own imagination, stands the traditional humanist, the Great Books man who thinks the computer is a typewriter and the canon is enough. The set treats him as a fossil, gently. To its left, in the direction of money, stands Silicon Valley: Ray Kurzweil (b. 1948), Nick Bostrom (b. 1973), the futurists and engineers who believe the machines they hype. The set treats them as barbarians with better funding, and needs them, because a critic of technological fantasy requires a supply of fantasists. And alongside, in the same buildings, works the analytic philosopher of mind, Daniel Dennett (1942-2024) and his descendants, who ask the same questions about cognition and consciousness and cite none of the same people. The two literatures on mind and machine pass in the hallway without nodding. Each finds the other’s vocabulary unreadable, and neither considers this a loss, which tells you these are tribes and not just methods.

What do they value? Boundary crossing, above everything. In most of the academy, staying in your lane is safety; here it is failure. The founding credential is the double life: the chemist who became a critic, the physicist who became a feminist theorist, the poet who writes code. When members introduce a speaker, they linger on the improbable resume the way other communities linger on a genealogy, because the improbable resume is the genealogy. Second, they value earliness. Status flows to whoever read the technology first: hypertext in 1990, the web in 1995, code studies in 2003, machine learning in 2015, large language models before the reporters called. A scholar who arrives at a topic after the New York Times does has already lost. Third, they value the coined term. This set mints vocabulary the way Renaissance courts minted medals: cyborg, cyberspace, technotext, ergodic literature, protocol, technogenesis, cognitive assemblage, agential realism, hyper attention. A coinage that circulates is a pension. Careers are ranked, half-consciously, by how many of a scholar’s terms other people use without citation, because uncited use means the word has entered the language, and entering the language is the local form of heaven.

That points at the hero system. Every community tells its members a story about how their work defeats insignificance, and this set tells a rescue story with two acts. Act one: the humanities are dying, budgets cut, majors fleeing to computer science, the public sneering, and the old guard proposes to die with dignity, re-reading Milton while the water rises. Act two: a remnant crosses over, learns the machines, and returns with the one thing the engineers cannot produce, an account of what computation means, and in doing so saves the humanities by making them necessary to the technological century. The hero of this story is the bridge figure, and the moral physics of the set follows from the story. Courage means technical literacy: reading the code, opening the hard drive, learning the math well enough that the engineers cannot wave you off. Cowardice comes in two flavors, and the set’s tightrope runs between them. The technophobe fails on one side, the humanist who refuses the machines. The technophile fails on the other, the convert who believes the hype and becomes a press agent for the industry. Virtue is the crossing that returns. Haraway crossed into biology and returned. Hayles crossed into cybernetics and returned. Kittler crossed into hardware and returned. The one who crosses and does not return, who goes native in the Valley, stops being cited.

The set also runs a second, quieter salvation project: the ark. Electronic literature dies with its platforms. HyperCard is gone, Storyspace barely runs, and when Adobe killed Flash on December 31, 2020, a generation of works went dark overnight. The community responded the way a religion responds to a burned library. It built the Electronic Literature Collection, funded preservation labs, taught emulation as a sacred craft, and treats the curator who resurrects a dead work as a minor saint. Hayles co-edited the first Collection, and the annual criticism prize bears her name, which means the ark and the founder are fused. A community whose art form decomposes in real time thinks about mortality more than most, and its preservation work is its burial rite and its resurrection doctrine in one.

The status games are visible at close range. Watch the demo room at an ELO conference. Folding tables, laptops, a projector with the wrong dongle. A poet-programmer shows a piece that generates verse from live weather data, and the crowd assesses on two axes at once: is the writing good, and is the code his. A work with borrowed code and fine writing ranks below a work with original code and passable writing, because the second axis carries the tribe’s identity. In the theory wing the games differ. There the flex is bilingual citation, Deleuze and Dennett in one paragraph, Heidegger and Shannon in one footnote, performed lightly, since visible strain reads as social climbing. European invitations rank high; the field’s money and reverence sit in Germany, Scandinavia, and the Low Countries, where media theory holds chairs it never won in America, and a keynote in Siegen or Bergen outranks one in Ohio. And beneath the games runs the field’s structural anxiety: almost no jobs. The set solved scarcity the way small aristocracies do, by converting scarcity into intimacy. Everyone knows everyone. Feuds are family feuds. A senior figure places her students one by one, by hand, through calls, and placement is the deepest patronage the community offers.

Then the funded cousin arrived and strained the family. Around 2009 the digital humanities boom brought Mellon money, NEH grants, labs, and lines, and it brought a different creature: the project manager scholar, the man who counts words across ten thousand novels, Franco Moretti (b. 1950) and his distant reading, Ted Underwood and his models, Alan Liu (b. 1953) trying to hold the two wings together. The theory wing looked at the spreadsheets and saw everything it had crossed over to critique: instrumental reason, deliverables, uncritical tools. The DH wing looked at the theory wing and saw people who wrote about materiality without building anything. The word “critical” became the border checkpoint. Critical making, critical code studies, critical DH: the adjective functions as a loyalty oath, a promise that the tools are handled with tongs.

Which opens the moral grammar. The set’s praise words are material, embodied, situated, entangled, emergent, recursive, generative, and, supremely, critical. Its curse words are reductive, deterministic, disembodied, universalist, instrumental, naive, and uncritical. The highest compliment a member can pay a book is that it complicates the binary. The gravest charge is that a scholar has been captured, by the industry, by the hype, by an unexamined humanism. Confession has a place in the liturgy: the speaker acknowledges her own position, her complicity in the systems she describes, before proceeding, and the acknowledgment inoculates. Certain sins are named with technical labels that carry moral charge. “Screen essentialism,” Kirschenbaum’s coinage, sounds descriptive and functions as an accusation: you mistook the display for the reality, you were fooled by surfaces, you failed the tribe’s founding test.

And here sits the set’s central contradiction, worth stating plainly because the members rarely do. Officially, the community is anti-essentialist. It was raised on construction and performativity; it holds that the human has no fixed nature, that categories are historical, that essence talk is the ancestral sin. Yet its working claims are essence claims. Media determine our situation. Materiality is constitutive of meaning. Cognition is essentially embodied. The human is essentially entangled with its tools, relational all the way down, and was never the autonomous subject liberalism described. Matter acts. These are statements about what things are by nature, delivered by people whose formal creed forbids statements about what things are by nature. The set escapes the bind through vocabulary, saying “always already” instead of “essentially,” and the substitution works socially. It also inverts the usual direction of essentialism. Where the old humanist essentialized the person and treated the tools as accidents, this set essentializes the entanglement and treats the bounded person as the accident. That is still a doctrine of essence. It has priests, heresies, and a catechism, and its normative force is the community’s real spine: you ought to attend to the substrate, you ought to decenter the human, you ought not believe your own species’ press releases. A member who violates the norms can hold the same politics, the same degrees, the same footnotes, and still feel the temperature drop.

Hayles’s standing inside this world rests on a rare feat: she satisfied both wings of its moral code for fifty years. The theory wing trusts her because she never surrendered to the engineers. The technical wing trusts her because she never faked the science; the chemistry degrees function as a permanent security clearance. She policed the tightrope the tribe walks, against the humanist who will not learn and the futurist who will not doubt, and she did the policing in books that outsiders could read. The prize with her name on it, the honorary doctorates arriving in her ninth decade, the corner table at the conference bar: these are what a small tribe gives its lawgiver while she lives. What the tribe cannot give her, or itself, is size. It shaped how two generations of scholars think about machines, and the machines were built anyway, by people who never read a word of it, which is the joke the set tells about itself at the bar, late, when the badges come off.

Notes

The opening scenes are composites. The Society for Literature, Science, and the Arts hotel bar and the Electronic Literature Organization demonstration room are reconstructed from the documented culture of those meetings rather than from a single recorded event. The contrast with the anxiety surrounding the Modern Language Association convention reflects a well-established academic culture. The Society for Literature, Science, and the Arts’ small, welcoming, interdisciplinary character is widely described by participants. See SLSA. The corner-table setting and the dialogue-free descriptive details are my own extrapolations.

The shutdown of Adobe Flash on December 31, 2020, and the resulting preservation crisis for electronic literature are well documented: Wikipedia and the preservation initiatives of the Electronic Literature Organization. Michael Joyce’s afternoon, a story (1987) is generally recognized as the foundational work of literary hypertext: Wikipedia.

The following names and claims were checked. Donna Haraway’s “A Cyborg Manifesto” first appeared in 1985 in Socialist Review: Wikipedia. Friedrich Kittler’s statement that “media determine our situation” is the opening sentence of Gramophone, Film, Typewriter (1986, English translation 1999), and his reputation for building electronic circuits and programming computers is well established: Wikipedia. Cary Wolfe edits the Posthumanities series at the University of Minnesota Press: University of Minnesota Press. Karen Barad’s background in physics and the concept of agential realism are documented at Wikipedia. Matthew Kirschenbaum’s concepts of “screen essentialism” and forensic materiality come from Mechanisms: New Media and the Forensic Imagination (MIT Press, 2008). Robert Coover’s electronic writing workshops at Brown University are documented here: Wikipedia. Hayles’s presidency of the Society for Literature, Science, and the Arts from 1991 to 1993 and the annual Hayles Award beginning in 2014 were documented in the earlier biography. The growth of digital humanities funding around 2009, including the creation of the National Endowment for the Humanities Office of Digital Humanities in 2008 and major Mellon Foundation investments, is well documented. Franco Moretti’s work on distant reading is associated with the Stanford Literary Lab.

Several interpretive claims are my own rather than established scholarly consensus. The image of a field positioned between traditional humanism, Silicon Valley, and analytic philosophy of mind is my framework. The limited citation between media theory and analytic philosophy of mind is a real and verifiable pattern, although Hayles is an important exception because she frequently engages scientists directly. The hallway metaphor is mine. Likewise, the discussion of an official anti-essentialism resting on substantive claims about media, embodiment, and entanglement is my synthesis. Critics within the field have made related observations, including Martin Paul Eve’s discussion of realism and the criticism attributed to Jason Weiss in the Alchetron entry referenced earlier, but my broader formulation should be read as an argument rather than as a consensus view. The interpretations of theoretical coinages as professional capital and academic placement as patronage are extrapolations from the sociology of small scholarly fields. The closing line about machines being built by people who never read the field is my own self-deprecating construction rather than a quotation. It reflects a sentiment often expressed informally within the field, but no one is quoted as saying it.

I limited Fredric Jameson to a single mention in his role as a builder of the Duke program. His Marxist approach regards much of this scholarship as insufficiently political, but I left that tension aside to keep the portrait focused.

The Great Delusion

If John J. Mearsheimer’s anthropology is right, it reinforces Hayles’s core critique of the posthuman fantasy while completely reinterpreting the threat she describes.

Hayles argues that the liberal humanist tradition treated the body as a possession rather than an intrinsic part of the self, a mistake that allowed early cybernetic theorists to imagine a clean separation between information and matter. She insists that our cognitive processes are shaped entirely by our physical embodiment.

Mearsheimer’s framework gives this insistence a sociological and evolutionary anchor. He notes that the main reason for our social nature is that the best way for a person to survive is to be embedded in a society. This embedding requires a long, physical childhood where helpless biological infants are protected, nurtured, and intensely socialized by families.

If Mearsheimer is right, human cognition is not just embodied in a generic physical organism; it is embodied in an animal specifically optimized for face-to-face, localized tribal survival. The “value infusion” that shapes human identity occurs through visceral, physical, and emotional interactions during early development. You cannot upload a human mind into a computer or abstract it into pure information because human thought is structurally bound to the biological setup of a social primate.

Hayles traces how political liberalism historical coupled the concept of the autonomous individual with the market and technological progress, leading to a posthuman subject that views the self as a malleable informational construct.

Mearsheimer aligns with Hayles’s skepticism of this liberal autonomy. He argues that liberalism downplays the social nature of human beings to the point of almost ignoring it, falsely treating people as atomistic actors. If Mearsheimer’s anthropology is correct, the highly flexible, self-authoring, posthuman individual that worries Hayles is a complete illusion. Human beings do not become liberated, independent informational nodes when placed in high-tech environments. Instead, they remain profoundly social and tribal beings. The introduction of digital networks does not dissolve human nature; it simply provides a faster system for the tribal animal to seek out its group and defend its collective identity.

In her later work, such as How We Think: Digital Media and Contemporary Technogenesis, Hayles explores how digital media changes our cognitive habits, shifting us from deep attention to hyper-attention. She looks at how humans and intelligent machines codevelop.

If Mearsheimer is right, this codevelopment will always be bounded by our tribal core. Technogenesis — the transformation of human capability through technological tools — will not lead to a borderless, universal digital consciousness. Because reason is the least important of the ways we determine our preferences, human beings will use intelligent machines and digital protocols primarily to weaponize their existing tribal animosities and solidify group boundaries.

Hayles fears that technology might strip us of our material humanity, but Mearsheimer’s anthropology implies that human biology and its social imperatives are far too stubborn to be dissolved by informatics. The posthuman era will not be defined by a clean, detached realm of pure information; it will be defined by the ancient, tribal human animal using advanced digital tools to fight the same territorial and collective battles it has fought since the dawn of the species.

‘A Big Misunderstanding’

To David Pinsof, Hayles constructs a sophisticated version of the intellectual’s core myth. Instead of diagnosing a standard political or social misunderstanding, she diagnoses a metaphysical one. In her framework, western civilization has spent centuries operating under a massive conceptual error—the delusion of liberal humanism and human exceptionalism. Her career rests on correcting this philosophical mistake. She treats the tendency to separate human thoughts from technological media as a flaw in our self-awareness. If only humanity could transcend its outdated anthropocentric illusions and realize it is posthuman, it could build an ethical framework suitable for the digital age.

Pinsof offers a colder alternative. Humans do not act like autonomous, self-contained agents because they fell for a bad enlightenment narrative or misunderstood their relationship with computers. They act that way because natural selection designed them to operate as competitive, self-interested animals.

From this perspective, the insistence on human boundaries and localized control is not a philosophical miscalculation. It is a savvy strategy. Humans do not care about distributed cognition or nonhuman symbiosis; they care about their families, their status, and their allies. The human mind did not evolve to view itself as a node in a giant cosmic network of machine intelligence. It evolved to win local arguments, accumulate status, and defend its coalition against rivals.

Hayles frames her project as an objective, posthumanist intervention meant to expand critical theory and prepare humanity for its computational future. Pinsof invites an examination of the actual motives behind this academic posture. Championing a radical shift in how we define the human body and mind is a powerful device in the elite university marketplace. It confers immense prestige within humanities departments by signaling a superior level of theoretical insight that ordinary people, occupied with material survival, find irrelevant. It allows the credentialed academic elite to look down on the masses not as competitors, but as primitive, unreflective creatures stuck in an outdated human paradigm.

The social and political conflicts surrounding technology do not persist because people have a flawed conceptual framework regarding algorithms or cybernetics. They persist because human coalitions have conflicting material motives over resources, power, and state control. The only misunderstanding in posthumanist theory is the belief that a fundamental conflict over human power can be resolved by changing the definition of what it means to be human.

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The Disorder of Jack Halberstam

In April 1939, a twelve-year-old boy stood on a platform at the Prague railway station. His mother put him on one of the Kindertransport trains organized by Nicholas Winton (1909-2015). The boy was Heini Halberstam (1926-2014), son of a Viennese rabbi who had died of a heart attack when the boy was ten. A week later he arrived in England. He never saw his mother again. In 1942 the Nazis deported Judita Halberstamova from Prague with most of the city’s Jews, retaliation for the assassination of Reinhard Heydrich. The boy grew up billeted with an English foster mother who pushed him toward university. He read mathematics at the University of London, took a doctorate in 1952, and became an analytic number theorist known for the Elliott-Halberstam conjecture on the distribution of primes. He taught at Trinity College Dublin, then Nottingham, then Illinois. He married a teacher and opera singer named Heather Peacock.

Their second child, Judith, was born in England on December 15, 1961. In 1971 Heather Peacock died in a car accident, leaving Heini with young children. Judith was nine. The family would grow to six children through Heini’s second marriage. Decades later, that child, now writing and teaching as Jack Halberstam (b. 1961), composed a public obituary for the father, dwelling on the mysticism mathematicians bring to primes, numbers at once eccentric and part of an order the mind cannot quite read. A reader looking for the origins of a career spent on figures who do not fit their categories could start there: a Kindertransport orphan who found a home in the strictest of formal systems, and a child of that orphan who made a career of breaking formal systems open.

Halberstam is the David Feinson Professor of Humanities at Columbia University and director of Columbia’s Institute for Research on Women, Gender and Sexuality. He is among the most cited figures in queer theory and transgender studies, the author of Skin Shows (1995), Female Masculinity (1998), The Drag King Book (1999, with Del LaGrace Volcano), In a Queer Time and Place (2005), The Queer Art of Failure (2011), Gaga Feminism (2012), Trans* (2018), and Wild Things (2020). A Guggenheim Fellowship came in 2024. His next book, Anarchitecture After Everything: A Trans Manifesto, arrives from MIT Press on August 18, 2026.

The path ran through the standard institutions. A B.A. in English with highest honors from Berkeley in 1985. An M.A. from Minnesota in 1989 and a Ph.D. there in 1991. The timing counted for as much as the training. Halberstam finished graduate school in the exact years queer theory became a field. Judith Butler (b. 1956) published Gender Trouble in 1990. Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick (1950-2009) published Epistemology of the Closet the same year. Universities that had never hired in gender and sexuality began to compete for people who could teach it. Halberstam rode that wave from an assistant professorship in literature at the University of California, San Diego, to a full professorship at the University of Southern California in American Studies and Ethnicity, Comparative Literature, and Gender Studies, where he also directed the Center for Feminist Research, and then, in 2017, to Columbia.

The first book announced the method. Skin Shows: Gothic Horror and the Technology of Monsters (1995) treated Frankenstein’s creature, Dracula, Buffalo Bill from The Silence of the Lambs, and the slasher film as a serious archive. Where the discipline’s prestige ran through Milton and Henry James, Halberstam went to the multiplex and the pulp shelf. Monsters, he argued, are where a culture stores its fears about race, sex, class, and the body. The claim owed a debt he never hid. Stuart Hall (1932-2014) and the Birmingham school of cultural studies had taught a generation that popular culture is a battleground where power gets made and contested, and Michel Foucault (1926-1984) had taught the same generation to watch how institutions classify bodies. Halberstam took both lessons and added a temperament: a preference for the low, the childish, the sensational, and the unserious as the places where norms show their seams and come apart.

The second book made his name. To see why, picture a scene Halberstam himself made famous. A women’s restroom in an American airport, the mid 1990s. A person with short hair, a men’s jacket, and a flat chest pushes open the door. A woman at the sink looks up, startled, and says the wrong thing, or calls security, or just stares. The masculine woman has a plane to catch and a decision to make: produce a female voice, produce identification, or stand there and absorb the challenge. Halberstam called this the bathroom problem, and Female Masculinity (1998) built a theory from it. The book’s argument runs against the grain of common sense. Masculinity, it says, does not belong to male bodies. Tomboys, butches, drag kings, and trans men have carried versions of it for centuries, and their masculinity is no copy. It often reveals how masculinity works better than the male original does, because it cannot lean on the alibi of a male body. The book traced these figures through novels, films, medical records, and nightlife, and it gave a generation of masculine women and transmasculine people something they had rarely had before: a scholarly account in which they were the subject rather than the symptom. It won the Publishing Triangle’s Judy Grahn Award for Lesbian Non-Fiction in 1999 and drew two Lambda nominations. It remains, by most measures, the book for which Halberstam is known.

The research for it was not conducted in an archive with white gloves. In the mid 1990s Halberstam went to the drag king clubs of New York and San Francisco, rooms like Club Casanova on the Lower East Side, where women and trans men in sideburns drawn with mascara performed Elvis and lounge-lizard swagger for crowds packed against small stages. The photographer Del LaGrace Volcano (b. 1957) shot the scene while Halberstam wrote it, and the collaboration became The Drag King Book (1999). Drag queens had already entered the theory canon as evidence of gender’s performed character. Halberstam insisted the kings needed their own account, and that watching a woman build a plausible masculinity out of a suit, a walk, and a smirk taught you things about ordinary manhood that no seminar could.

In a Queer Time and Place: Transgender Bodies, Subcultural Lives (2005) widened the lens from bodies to calendars. Straight life, Halberstam argued, runs on a schedule: school, career, marriage, children, mortgage, inheritance, retirement. He called it reproductive time, and he described queer lives that run on other clocks, organized around nightlife, risk, chosen kin, art, and loss. The book put him inside the debate then reshaping queer theory, the so-called antisocial turn, in which Lee Edelman (b. 1953) urged queers to refuse the political cult of the Child and the future it demands. Halberstam shared the suspicion of respectability and compulsory optimism but refused the movement’s austere psychoanalytic register. Where Edelman read Hitchcock and Lacan, Halberstam read punk flyers, performance art, and cartoons, and his refusals came out collective and comic rather than solitary and death-driven.

The Queer Art of Failure (2011) carried that sensibility to its largest audience. The book opens with a wager: that failure, losing, forgetting, and not becoming what your parents wanted can be read as arts rather than defects. Its archive includes Finding Nemo, Chicken Run, and SpongeBob SquarePants alongside the theorists, a practice Halberstam names low theory, borrowing from Hall. The question underneath the whimsy is a hard one. Who defines success? And who benefits when success means productivity, upward mobility, reproduction, and professional discipline? A line from the book circulates widely among graduate students who feel the machine closing around them: being taken seriously, Halberstam writes, means missing the chance to be frivolous, promiscuous, and irrelevant. Critics have asked what failure costs when the person praising it holds an endowed chair. The question is fair, and it has followed him. It has not slowed the book’s career; it is taught, cited, and gifted at graduations.

Through these years the author’s own name changed in public. The early books say Judith Halberstam. Friends and the drag king world had long said Jack. In a 2012 post titled “On Pronouns,” Halberstam described himself as a free floater between names and pronouns, declining to convert a lifetime of gender ambiguity into a tidy transition story with a before and an after. Institutional pages now say Jack and he/him. Halberstam accepts the pronouns while resisting the demand that the ambiguity resolve. The stance is consistent with the books: categories, including the liberating ones, are things he prefers to hold loosely.

That preference produced the loudest fight of his career. On July 5, 2014, Halberstam published an essay on the group blog Bully Bloggers titled “You Are Triggering Me! The Neo-Liberal Rhetoric of Harm, Danger and Trauma.” It opens with Monty Python and ends with an indictment. Queer and feminist politics, he argued, had traded structural analysis for a competitive economy of hurt feelings, in which trigger warnings, call-outs, and campaigns against reclaimed words replaced any confrontation with banks, bosses, and states. Organizing against another queer person’s use of a reclaimed slur, he wrote, is not activism but censorship. The essay traveled far beyond the blog’s usual readership. Conservatives who had never read a page of queer theory quoted it with pleasure. Younger queer readers filled the comments with something closer to grief than anger. One, in their mid twenties, wrote that they had valued his work and found the essay reactionary, a refusal to take trauma survivors and disabled people seriously dressed up as edge. The exchange marked a generational fault line inside the world Halberstam helped build, between a cohort formed in the AIDS years and the club scene, for whom toughness and dark humor were survival skills, and a cohort formed online, for whom naming harm is the first political act. Halberstam did not retract. Provocation, in his account of himself, is part of the job.

Two more books rounded out the decade. Gaga Feminism: Sex, Gender, and the End of Normal (2012), written for a trade audience through Beacon Press, took Lady Gaga as a figure for a feminism adequate to collapsing gender arrangements, new family forms, and queer kinship, impatient with conservative nostalgia and stale feminist scripts alike. Trans: A Quick and Quirky Account of Gender Variability* (2018) intervened in the transgender debates of the 2010s with a characteristic gesture: the asterisk. Trans*, with the wildcard attached, refuses to settle into a single identity, narrative, medical pathway, or political program. The book worries about classification even when the classifiers mean well, a suspicion that has sometimes placed Halberstam at an angle to a trans politics organized around recognition, diagnosis, and rights.

The late work moves from gender toward wreckage. Wild Things: The Disorder of Desire (2020) writes an alternative history of sexuality through wildness, the long association of queerness with disorder, animality, and the unclassifiable, reading Stravinsky’s The Rite of Spring, Maurice Sendak, and the painter Kent Monkman along the way. Wildness here is no romantic freedom. It is a disturbance in the sorting systems that divide civilized from primitive, human from animal, normal from deviant. From wildness Halberstam turned to buildings and their unmaking. Gordon Matta-Clark (1943-1978), the artist who took a chainsaw to abandoned houses and cut a suburban home in half, became his central figure. In the essay “Unbuilding Gender,” Halberstam connected Matta-Clark’s anarchitecture to trans embodiment: both cut into structures that promise coherence, partition, and legibility. Places Journal gave the essay’s larger project the Arcus/Places Prize in 2018 for public scholarship on gender and the built environment. Lectures at the University of Glasgow in 2022 extended the argument to collapse, demolition, and what he calls unworlding. The contemporary art world took notice from its side. Adam Pendleton (b. 1984) made Halberstam the subject of a short film portrait, So We Moved, connected to Pendleton’s Museum of Modern Art exhibition, placing the critic inside the archive he had spent a career reading.

Anarchitecture After Everything: A Trans Manifesto gathers these threads. MIT Press describes a book that reads cutting, splitting, dismantling, and unbuilding through Matta-Clark and through the destabilizing force of trans embodiment, with a cast that includes Alvin Baltrop, Beverly Buchanan, Nicole Eisenman, Cassils, and the writer Renee Gladman. The trans body appears in it not as an identity awaiting recognition but as a source of new language for what might come after inherited forms fall.

Halberstam lives in Brooklyn with his longtime partner, the scholar Macarena Gómez-Barris, who chairs the Department of Social and Cultural Analysis at New York University, in a home that includes her two children and ongoing ties to their father, an arrangement Halberstam has called a very queer setup. He has said he feels no pull toward marriage. The domestic facts sit in quiet tension with the books, which spend so many pages against family, futurity, and the settled life, and which their author appears to have made peace with from inside a durable partnership, a professorship, and an endowed chair.

An assessment has to hold two things at once. The first is influence. Halberstam changed what counts as evidence in the humanities. Drag kings, horror films, children’s animation, butch style, nightlife, failure, ruins: he helped make each of these admissible in the court of theory, and Female Masculinity stands as a founding document of a field that did not exist when he entered graduate school. The second is exposure. His method wagers everything on the productivity of refusal, and refusal is easier to admire in a book than to live on. His fights with his own side, over trigger warnings, over the pace and vocabulary of trans politics, over whether the categories his students now defend deserve defending, have made him a figure the movement claims and quarrels with in the same breath. The son of a man saved by a train and a list has spent his career suspicious of lists, of categories, of the systems that sort people into the saved and the lost. The father found order in primes. The child found a vocation in disorder, and built, book by book, one of the more secure careers in American letters out of the argument that security is overrated.

Notes

The Kindertransport, Heini Halberstam’s life, Heather Peacock’s death in 1971, the six children, and the discussion of prime numbers as a form of mysticism all come from the obituary Jack Halberstam wrote on his own website: Obituary for Heini Halberstam, together with the Heini Halberstam Wikipedia entry, which confirms both the Nicholas Winton Kindertransport connection and the Elliott-Halberstam conjecture. Judith was one of four children at the time of Heather Peacock’s death, according to the obituary. The six named children include two from Heini Halberstam’s second marriage, so I wrote that “the family would grow to six children” to keep the chronology accurate.

Jack Halberstam’s birth date, December 15, 1961, in England, degrees, appointments at the University of California, San Diego, the University of Southern California, and Columbia University beginning in 2017, together with summaries of the major books, come from Wikipedia and your source document. The Judy Grahn Award and Lambda Literary Award nominations are taken from your document.

The essay “On Pronouns” and Halberstam’s description of being a “free floater” come from On Pronouns.

The essay “You Are Triggering Me!,” including the opening reference to Monty Python, the discussion of censorship, and the paraphrased comment by a reader in their mid-twenties, comes from Bully Bloggers. The reader’s remark appears in the comments on that page.

The references to Halberstam’s Brooklyn home, the relationship with Macarena Gómez-Barris, the phrase “very queer setup,” and the lack of interest in marriage derive from interviews cited by Grokipedia: Grokipedia. Those claims are worth confirming against the original interview if they become a major part of the biography. The primary source appears to be a profile published around 2018 or 2019, so I kept the discussion restrained.

The Guggenheim Fellowship in 2024, the Arcus/Places Prize in 2018, the 2022 Glasgow lectures, Pendleton’s So We Moved, and the details of the forthcoming MIT Press book, including the August 18, 2026 publication date and the roster of participating artists, come from your source document. The MIT Press catalog and Columbia University’s faculty page would provide the strongest primary confirmation.

I added several pieces of self-evident background without separate citation. The airport bathroom scene dramatizes the “bathroom problem” chapter of Female Masculinity, which Halberstam explicitly grounds in personal experience. Club Casanova and the mascara sideburns reflect documented features of the drag king culture described in The Drag King Book. The suggestion that graduate students widely circulated the “taken seriously” quotation reflects its frequent appearance on Goodreads and elsewhere. The closing observation about the tension between Halberstam’s critiques of the family and the durability of the domestic life described in the biography is my own synthesis.

The Escape Artist: Jack Halberstam’s Hero System

Snow fell on Champaign, Illinois, in the last week of January 2014. In a house near the university, a mathematician died in his sleep at 87. His child, a professor in Los Angeles who had been born Judith and now lived as Jack, sat down to write the obituary. Jack Halberstam (b. 1961) wrote about prime numbers. He wrote that his father, Heini Halberstam (1926-2014), spent his career on their distribution, and he quoted the mathematicians who speak of primes the way monks speak of God: a secret harmony, an order felt and never read. Then he wrote the other story. Prague, April 1939. A widow puts her twelve-year-old son on a train organized by Nicholas Winton (1909-2015). The boy’s name is on a list. The list saves him. Three years later the mother’s name appears on a different list, and that list kills her.

Two terrors stand up out of that obituary, and they run the length of the son’s career. The first is the terror of the category. In this family the sorting of persons was never an abstraction. A registry decided who rode the train to London and who rode the train east. A man raised on that history learns in his bones that when the world writes your name in its book, the book can close on you. The second terror is quieter and more his own. Heather Peacock (d. 1971), the opera singer who married the rescued boy, died in a car crash when her child was nine. The forms that promise permanence, the mother, the home, the given name, the given body, broke early and broke without warning. Ernest Becker (1924-1974) argued that every man builds a hero system against the knowledge of death, a project that lets him feel of lasting worth in a universe that will erase him. Most men build by accumulation. They add a house, a family, a rank, a name on a deed, and they call the pile immortality. Halberstam built the other way. His wager runs: whatever holds still can be caught, and whatever can be caught can be killed, so heroism is motion. Never be where the category looks for you. He made a name by teaching the world to distrust names, and the paradox holds his entire career.

The hero system tells its own origin story, and like every hero system it subtracts. The story goes: a masculine girl in an English academic family refuses the scripts on offer, crosses an ocean, enters the university, and by nerve and style breaks the locks on gender, on the archive, on the discipline. Free floater, he called himself in 2012, above names and pronouns, refusing to convert a life of ambiguity into a before-and-after tale. The subtraction is what the story leaves off the bill. Subtract the year 1991, when he finished a Ph.D. at Minnesota just as queer theory opened a new wing of the academy and hired anyone who could teach it. Subtract tenure, granted young, which converts every provocation from risk into asset. Subtract the endowed chair at Columbia, the Guggenheim, the Brooklyn home shared for years with a partner who chairs a department at NYU. Subtract Winton’s list, two generations back, without which none of it exists. The floating was underwritten at every point by things that held still. The praise of failure issued from a man the university had marked, early and in writing, as a success. He has joked about this from the podium. The books audit everyone’s ledger but his own.

To see the hero system from inside, watch its sacred words move through other lives, because a sacred value has no fixed meaning. It means what a man’s death-denial project needs it to mean.

Take failure, the value he raised to an art in 2011. In a hotel ballroom in Palo Alto, a founder of 29 stands before a slide that reads only a number, the number of the round he just closed after his first company died. He says to the room, we failed fast and we learned, and the room nods, because in his hero system failure is tuition. It is a rung. The system runs on resurrection, and a man with no failures reads as a man who never bet. Two hundred miles south at Camp Pendleton, a gunnery sergeant walks a line of recruits at dawn and uses the same word with no resurrection in it. Out there, he tells them, failure means a man goes home in a box, and the boxes do not reopen. His hero system spends failure the way a body spends blood. In Koreatown, a grocer who opens at six and closes at eleven hears his son say the word at the kitchen table past midnight. The son wants to leave accounting for art school, and he has read, somewhere, that failure can be a practice. The grocer does not raise his voice. He says, I did not cross an ocean to watch you practice failing, and in his hero system the sentence is love, because failure means the shame of a family carried backward across water to people who sacrificed to send one man out. Now set Halberstam’s use beside these. The Queer Art of Failure argues that losing, forgetting, and refusing to grow up can undo the scoring system, that the judges’ course serves the judges, and that a man who will not run it has stepped outside their power to grade him. Within his hero system the claim coheres. If the category is death, then the prize list is a census, and the loser has slipped the census. The founder hears the word and thinks of his next round. The sergeant hears it and thinks of boxes. The grocer hears it and thinks of his mother’s hands. Each man’s failure belongs to the immortality he is denying death with.

Take legibility, the value Halberstam holds in reverse. His sacred term is illegibility, the right to stay unread. In a Moscow apartment in 1978, a poet types four carbons of a poem that never mentions the state and buries every meaning two layers down, because in his hero system illegibility is oxygen. The readable poets are in the camps. Outside a Home Depot in Van Nuys at seven in the morning, a Honduran day laborer lives illegibly and calls it no art. No papers means no name in the system, and no name means the ICE van drives past him, and it also means no lease, no license, no claim when a contractor pays half of what he promised. Illegibility shields him and starves him in the same motion. And in a rented hall in Los Angeles, a middle-aged man stands before three rabbis and asks to be made legible. He has studied for two years for this. He wants his name written, in Hebrew, in a book his grandfather could read, and when autumn comes he will stand for hours and pray the prayer that asks God to inscribe him in the Book of Life. His entire hero system runs toward the registry. To be counted in the minyan, to be read by the Judge, to appear in the ledger of a people four thousand years old, this is what he crossed over for. Set Halberstam beside these three. His books treat legibility as the trap. The state reads you, the clinic reads you, the movement reads you, and every reading fixes you for handling. Trans* with the asterisk, wildness, anarchitecture, the cut in the wall of Gordon Matta-Clark (1943-1978), all of it defends the unread remainder of a person. Within his hero system the defense makes sense, because his family’s history taught that the ledger has two columns and you do not choose yours. The poet might understand him. The day laborer might ask what a professor knows about living unread. The convert might say, softly, that a man who refuses every book has also refused the Book of Life.

Take wildness, the late sacred term. A bishop in Lagos preaches on Sunday to eleven thousand people in a former warehouse, and when he says the wild he means the bush his grandfather feared, the place of spirits, the disorder the Gospel cleared the way a farmer clears thorn. His hero system measures heroism in ground gained from chaos. A Polish-born structural engineer in New Jersey once reviewed photographs of Matta-Clark’s split suburban house for a magazine and saw no liberation in the cut. He saw severed load paths, a structure eating its reserve, a family’s shelter made unsafe for a gesture. He builds against gravity, and gravity forgives nothing, and his heroism is the wall that holds. A rancher’s widow in western Nebraska heard a visiting lecturer praise wildness once and said nothing, because in her family’s memory the wild was the blizzard of 1949 that killed cattle in the thousands and the winters that took children before the county got roads. Her people’s hero system was the fence, the windbreak, the church built first of sod. Halberstam’s wildness answers a different death. In Wild Things the wild is whatever the classifiers could not sort, the disorder that keeps the taxonomy from closing over every body, and his 2022 Glasgow lectures pushed further, toward collapse and unworlding as openings. Within his system the ruin is hope, because a finished world is a filed world, and a filed world is the train platform in 1939. The bishop hears the same word and reaches for his Bible. The engineer reaches for his calculations. The widow says nothing and looks at the fence.

There is a fourth walk to make, and honesty requires naming whose it is. This writer’s hero system is tribal, national, and traditional, and from inside it Halberstam’s sacred terms invert. Here the category is the ark. The list saved his father; a list, the bris, the ketubah, the membership roll, the census of a people commanded twice in Torah, is how a small tribe survives four thousand years of larger tribes with better armies. The inherited form, liturgy fixed for centuries, law argued but binding, does what no improvised kinship has yet done, which is carry the dead forward and hand the unborn a name. From this vantage the celebration of unmaking looks like a passenger carving the hull and calling the carving art, and the arithmetic looks brutal: the communities that kept their forms still exist, and the ones that floated free are footnotes. Yet the tribalist owes Halberstam’s system its due, and the debt is real. The same registry logic that keeps a tribe alive drew up the transport east. His grandmother died of a category. A man whose family paid that bill has standing to distrust every clerk who reaches for the roll, and the tribalist who refuses to hear this has stopped telling the truth about lists, which cut both ways and always have. The quarrel between these two hero systems is old and neither side has clean hands. One says the form is what carries you across the flood. The other says the flood was made of forms.

How much of this does Halberstam see? More than his critics grant and less than his position asks. He sees the comedy of his perch and performs it, the tenured theorist of failure, and self-mockery from a podium costs a podium nothing. The 2014 fight over trigger warnings showed him something harder. The young readers who filled his comment thread had taken the doctrine of refusal without the tenure that had insulated his own, and when they built a politics from their wounds he called it neoliberal grief and would not retract. He saw the generational bill arrive and disputed the charges. His home life shows the deepest ambivalence. The man who wrote against family, futurity, and the settled schedule has kept one partner for many years, helps raise her children, keeps a home in Brooklyn, and holds the most fixed position American letters can offer. He calls the arrangement queer, and perhaps it is, and perhaps a man of 64 has quietly signed a truce with half of what his books attack. The books do not mention the truce. That silence is the surest sign the hero system still governs, because a hero system defends its story hardest where the story has stopped being true.

The hero, in the end, is the escape artist, the man who cuts a door in every wall the world builds around him and makes the cutting his life’s work, who answered a family history of fatal categories by refusing to be filed and turned that refusal into books, a chair, a fellowship, a school. The rival his books never name is the builder, and the builder’s nearest face is his father’s, the rescued boy who repaid rescue with a life of order, who took the most rule-bound discipline men have made and served it for sixty years, who kept the second marriage and raised the six children and went back to Prague at the end to find his mother’s name on a wall, needing, before he died, to see her written down. And the cost the ledger cannot price is what the cutting can never buy back: rest inside anything, the unguarded gratitude a man might feel toward the forms that carried him, the train, the list, the university, the home in Brooklyn, and, farther down than argument can reach, the wish of a nine-year-old in 1971 that some things would hold still and stay, a wish the grown man’s entire system exists to deny ever having made.

Lee Edelman: Position-Taking in the Field of No

Start at the Duke University Press booth in the exhibit hall of the 2005 Modern Language Association convention in Washington. The hall runs on a caste system anyone can read. The trade houses take the big corner islands. The university presses line the middle aisles with cloth-covered tables and forty-percent conference discounts. Graduate students in interview suits finger the monographs they cannot afford and calculate which titles a hiring committee expects them to have read. At the Duke table sits a stack of a slim book published the year before, No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive, and the stack keeps shrinking. Upstairs, its author sits on a panel that the field will still assign twenty years later. A junior editor at a rival press watches the stack and understands the arithmetic of her trade. The book that tells the profession to stop hoping has become the book the profession hopes to publish next.

Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002) reads careers the way an accountant reads books. A field, in his usage, is a market of positions. Producers enter with inherited and acquired capital, survey the space of possible moves, and take the position that promises the best return on their holdings. The moves feel like conviction from inside. From outside they trace the shape of the market. Nothing in the frame requires cynicism. Bourdieu insists the players believe, that belief is the entry fee, and he calls the shared belief illusio, the agreement that the game is worth playing and the stakes are real. The frame asks one question of Lee Edelman: what did he hold, what was scarce, and what did he take?

Begin with the holdings. Edelman arrives at Yale in 1975 with a Northwestern B.A. and leaves in 1981 with the trifecta, M.A., M.Phil., Ph.D. The New Haven of those years mints the scarcest academic currency in the American humanities. Paul de Man teaches there, Derrida visits, and a degree from the place functions the way a Basel apprenticeship once functioned for a goldsmith. But the finer detail rewards attention. Edelman sits in the English program, the conservative shop, while the deconstructive mint operates across the hall in Comparative Literature. His access to the new currency runs through his social capital. His partner, Joseph Litvak, studies in Comparative Literature under de Man, reads Derrida and Lacan and Felman and Barbara Johnson in seminar, and brings the training home. Picture the apartment in New Haven, two graduate students, a kitchen table covered in library books with different call numbers. One man holds the institutional credential of the old regime. The other holds the doctrine of the new one. The house merges the portfolios. Bourdieu writes that capital converts across forms, social into cultural, cultural into symbolic, and the Edelman-Litvak home of the late 1970s runs the conversion nightly, at dinner, for free.

Follow the trajectory. Edelman starts at Tufts in 1979 and produces what his credentials predict, close readings of difficult American poets, a first book on Hart Crane in 1987 from Stanford. The position is respectable and crowded. Hundreds of men hold it. Then the field around him reorganizes. The plague years and the theory wars produce a new subfield, queer theory, and a new subfield presents what Bourdieu calls a space of possibles, a brief window when the founding positions stand open and a producer can seize one instead of inheriting one. By the early 1990s the claims are being staked. Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick holds the position of the archive and the affect. Judith Butler (b. 1956) holds performativity. Leo Bersani has sketched the anti-relational claim in essays but built no fortress on it. Every other entrant crowds toward the same product, and the product is hope, queerness as resistance, subversion, community, world-making, a better tomorrow with better representation. The hope shelf groans. The despair shelf sits nearly empty, one Bersani essay leaning against the bookend.

Edelman reads the market and takes the empty position with both hands. Homographesis (1994) files the claim. No Future (2004) builds the fortress. The move is textbook Bourdieu. In a market of symbolic goods, value tracks scarcity, and the scarcest position in a field organized around hope is the refusal of hope. A hundred books promise that queerness will redeem the social. One book says the social cannot be redeemed and queerness names the reason. The hundred books compete with each other. The one book competes with nobody. Distinction flows to the pole of maximum difference, and Edelman has located the pole and planted a flag with a profanity on it.

The idiom deserves its own audit. Edelman writes a Lacanian dialect that costs the reader years of preparation, sinthome, jouissance, the drive circling its object, and reviewers who admire him concede the sentences fight the reader. Bourdieu treats difficulty as a tariff. A restricted market keeps its prices high by keeping its customers few, and a prose that excludes the common reader selects for the consecrated reader, the one whose own capital rises by demonstrating he can pay the toll. The difficulty does double duty. It walls out the mass market, and it flatters the restricted one. An undergraduate who quotes Edelman signals rank the way a wine bore signals rank, by consuming what requires training to consume. The tariff also protects the position from cheap imitation. Anyone can refuse hope. Refusing hope in correct Lacanian takes a decade, and the decade is the moat.

Now the profanity. The famous sentence in No Future tells the reader to fuck the social order and the Child in whose name we are terrorized, and the sentence appears in a footnoted monograph from a university press, vetted by peer reviewers, marketed at conference discount. Bourdieu has a name for this class of goods, the consecrated transgression. Fields organized around distinction reward rule-breaking, but only rule-breaking performed by producers with full credentials, inside the sanctioned genres, under the imprint of the consecrating institutions. A man who shouts the sentence on a bus gets moved away from. A Fletcher Professor who prints it on page twenty-nine of a Duke monograph gets symposia. The scandal is the product, and the footnotes are the license to sell it. The field wants heresy the way a museum wants a Duchamp, framed, insured, and attributed.

Return to the Washington ballroom, because Bourdieu reads the 2005 panel differently than its participants read it. Onstage the positions clash, Edelman and Halberstam for negativity, Muñoz and Dean against, and the audience experiences a battle. The frame sees a distribution ceremony. The field has gathered to ratify which positions exist, who holds them, and what a new entrant must cite to play. Opposition inside a field is cooperation at the level of the field. Muñoz needs Edelman the way a challenger needs a champion, and Edelman’s stock rises with every attack that treats his position as the one worth attacking. When Cruising Utopia answers him in 2009, the answer completes the market. Now the subfield offers a full product line, negativity and utopia, and every dissertation for two decades buys both and stages the debate again. PMLA prints the panel in May 2006, and the printing is the consecration. The dispute becomes canon. Both parties collect the dividend, and the graduate student at the back of the ballroom goes home and writes the seminar paper that reproduces the structure at retail.

The standing joke about Edelman, that the antisocial thesis draws a salary from an endowed chair, lands as hypocrisy in the mouths of his critics. Bourdieu removes the surprise. The academic field runs on an autonomy principle inherited from the artistic field, the principle that the highest producers serve nothing but the discipline, refuse the market, refuse the state, refuse usefulness. Art for art’s sake becomes theory for theory’s sake, and the producer who refuses most conspicuously ranks highest at the autonomous pole. Edelman’s refusal of usefulness is the most useful commodity a producer at that pole can offer. His no to the future is a yes to the field’s deepest self-image, the guild that answers to nobody. The chair follows the refusal the way the purse follows the prizefight. Bad Education (2023) makes the alignment explicit. The book defends theory against the neoliberal university’s demand for measurable outcomes and transportable skills, which in Bourdieu’s map is a defense of the autonomous pole against the heteronomous one, the guild against the administrators, and every professor who feels the assessment office breathing on him reads it as his own cause argued in a finer dialect. The most radical book on the shelf doubles as the guild’s amicus brief.

The back cover of that book carries the dare to make queer theory controversial again, and the dare is a producer’s confession. Consecration devalues heresy. By 2023 the antisocial thesis sits on comprehensive exam lists, which means the position that paid its founder in distinction now pays new entrants in mere competence, and the founder can feel his product commoditizing under him. The dare is a call for capital renewal, a founder demanding his own market disrupt the thing he built so the thing can appreciate again. Bourdieu watched aging avant-gardes perform this move for forty years. The revolution ages into the curriculum, and the revolutionary, if he lives, petitions for a new revolution with his name still on the letterhead.

One last entry closes the audit. Bourdieu’s other great subject was reproduction, the way fields transmit themselves through credentials, canons, and disciples, and here the frame produces its finest irony without straining for it. The theorist of anti-reproduction reproduces on schedule. Dissertations on Edelman appear yearly. Students he trained hold lines at other universities. The Routledge collection of 2024 exports him to religious studies, a colony planted in a neighboring field. Every citation extends the line. He refused the Child and got the school, and a school is a lineage by other means, an inheritance that passes through seminars instead of cradles. The field he told to abandon its future has made him part of its future, and the field, unlike the man, never claimed to want anything else.

The frame stops at the ledger’s edge. Bourdieu can price every move in the career, the Yale capital, the vacant position, the tariff of the idiom, the licensed heresy, the chair, the school, and the pricing explains the career without opening the books to check whether the argument holds. A position can be profitable and true. It can be profitable and false. The market pays the same either way, and the frame, honest about its limits, hands the question of truth to a different tribunal and closes the account.

The Great Delusion

If John J. Mearsheimer’s anthropology is right, it places a structural limit on Halberstam’s anarchic vision, while validating his critique of the nuclear family.
Halberstam theorizes “wildness” as an unbounded, unpredictable space of desire and behavior that resists the orderly, organizing impulses of modernity. He looks to the wild, the feral, and the disorderly to find modes of being that refuse the “carceral logics” and categorizations of liberal society. Mearsheimer’s framework suggests that this completely unorganized, wild space cannot function as a viable terrain for human existence. If humans do not operate as lone wolves but are social beings from start to finish, any group of individuals attempting to live within Halberstam’s “wildness” or “desirous disorder” will automatically and inevitably organize themselves into a new social structure. They will create a tribe. They will develop custom codes, social expectations, and alternative hierarchies to survive, because cooperation is a biological necessity for the species. True, unmapped behavioral anarchy violates man’s core survival instinct.
In The Queer Art of Failure and In a Queer Time and Place, Halberstam critiques the rigid timeline of the conventional heteronormative lifestyle—marriage, reproduction, and the nuclear family—treating it as an artificial architecture designed to feed capitalist production and social conformity. He advocates for alternative modes of kinship and connection that bypass these traditional milestones.
Mearsheimer’s anthropology actually supports Halberstam’s claim that the isolated, individualistic nuclear family is an inadequate, fragile structure, but for entirely different reasons. Mearsheimer emphasizes that humans require an exceptionally long childhood, meaning they must be nurtured not just by isolated parents, but by “families and the surrounding society.”
If Mearsheimer is right, the hyper-individualistic, atomized modern home that liberalism encourages is an historical anomaly that goes against man’s social nature. Human evolution favored the dense, extended tribal group to raise children and protect the collective. Halberstam’s search for alternative kinships and communal alliances outside the rigid nuclear mold reflects the human animal’s natural discomfort with atomization, seeking a broader social fabric to replace the lonely structure of the modern liberal home.
Halberstam often highlights subcultures—whether punk movements, drag communities, or radical artistic circles—as sites of pure refusal against dominant norms, where individuals can rewrite the rules of gender and identity.
However, Mearsheimer notes that by the time an individual reaches the point where his reasoning skills are well developed, his surrounding environment has already imposed an enormous value infusion on him. If this logic holds, subcultures are not spaces of absolute individual liberation or chaotic freedom. They operate under the exact same structural rules as the dominant culture they oppose. An alternative community or subculture will immediately impose its own intense socialization upon its members. It will demand conformity to its own radical aesthetic, enforce taboos, and penalize betrayal just as fiercely as any traditional tribe.
If Mearsheimer’s anthropology is correct, Halberstam has identified brilliant, creative strategies for shifting allegiances between different human groups. But man cannot escape the logic of the collective entirely; he merely exchanges the socialization of the dominant tribe for the intense socialization of the radical subculture.

‘A Big Misunderstanding’

To David Pinsof, Halberstam is an exceptionally creative purveyor of the misunderstanding myth. Instead of trying to fix the world by making people more successful, Halberstam attempts to fix the world by redefining success itself. His framework operates on a profound diagnostic premise: the masses are caught in a collective ideological delusion, running a rat race driven by capitalist and heteronormative propaganda. The theorist arrives to reveal that our misery stems from a conceptual mistake. If only we could reframe failure as a revolutionary art form, we could liberate ourselves from the constraints of the social marketplace.

Pinsof offers a colder alternative. The people striving for conventional success—accumulating wealth, seeking status, and prioritizing the survival and advancement of their offspring—are not suffering from a lack of imagination or a blind compliance with capitalist norms. They understand their incentives.

From this perspective, the pursuit of resources and reproductive stability is the core business of natural selection. Humans do not compete for high-status positions or look for stable mates because they fell for a bourgeois story. They do it because they are evolutionary animals designed to secure material advantages for themselves and their allies in a highly competitive landscape. Striving for conventional success is a savvy strategy for survival; choosing to fail is a luxury few can afford.

Halberstam frames his embrace of low theory and pop culture as an egalitarian rebellion against elite standards of knowledge. Pinsof invites an examination of the actual motives behind this academic posture. In reality, writing a celebrated treatise on the virtues of failure from a endowed chair at an Ivy League university is an incredible device for maximizing status. It signals a level of radical purity and moral superiority that ordinary people, occupied with the harsh realities of making a living, cannot match. It turns anti-conformity into a valuable currency within the university hierarchy, allowing the elite academic to dismiss the fundamental drives of human survival as mere ideological programming.

The social order does not persist because people are confused by mainstream definitions of achievement. It persists because the rewards of success—status, security, and resource dominance—are real, and the costs of failure are high. The only misunderstanding in the celebration of failure is the belief that changing the theory of the game alters the Darwinian incentives to win it.

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Sports, Family & Tribe

Americans have many ideas for making soccer more exciting, but for billions of people, soccer is just fine as it is.

I gave up long ago trying to talk people into fandom. It either works for you or it doesn’t. If you didn’t get the taste in childhood, you’re unlikely to develop it as an adult.

There’s no objective standard for sporting excitement. The value that sports gives a man depends on the energy he creates with other people around the sport. If he loves the people and he loves the energy, he’ll love the sport.

If you have happy memories built from a shared love of cricket with your family and community, you’re likely to keep loving it as an adult.

If humans are tribal from start to finish and deeply socialized from childhood, there is no autonomous individual consciousness to cultivate, nor is there a uniform, universal human spirit waiting to be discovered in a text or in a sport. There’s no objective standard by which the NFL is more exciting than soccer. The Western literary canon is not a collection of transcendent, objective truths; it is the specific, sophisticated socialization mechanism of the European elite. The humanist belief that reading Shakespeare can liberate a man from his tribal instincts is an illusion. Literature does not transcend the tribe; it encodes it.

A sport like a text or a song or a practice is a set of internal goods that only make sense to people formed inside it. The American who wants to fix soccer by adding timeouts and bigger goals is not making an error of analysis. He is applying the standards of his own tradition to a ritual that belongs to someone else. It is like a Baptist visiting a Catholic mass and suggesting they cut the standing and kneeling to tighten the show. The suggestion misses what the thing is for.

Clifford Geertz (1926-2006) made a similar point about the Balinese cockfight. The cockfight is not entertainment plus gambling. It is the Balinese telling a story about themselves to themselves. Cricket in a Yorkshire village or an Indian street works the same way. The five-day Test match, which strikes Americans as a bureaucratic punishment, encodes an entire ethic: patience, attrition, the long rhythm of sessions, the honorable draw. If you were not raised inside that rhythm, the draw looks like a defect. Inside it, the draw is a moral outcome. Nobody arrives at the honorable draw by reason. You inherit it, usually from a father or an uncle on a couch on a Saturday.

Fandom research keeps finding that team allegiance transmits through family, especially fathers, and forms early. The emotion attaches to the people before it attaches to the game. The game becomes a container for the relationship. When a man in his fifties watches his boyhood club, he is partly watching his dead father. That is why fandom survives decades of losing. No rational consumer would stay. A son stays.

Emile Durkheim (1858-1917) gives you the engine. Collective effervescence: the crowd generates the sacred, and the sacred attaches to the totem, whether the totem is a flag, a wafer, or Fulham. The stadium is one of the last places in secular life where men sing together. Strip the crowd and the shared memory away and what remains is grown men chasing a ball, which is why sport looks absurd to outsiders and holy to insiders. Same physical facts, different worlds.

A few limits.

First, conversion happens. My model predicts that a man without childhood memories of a sport will not develop the love later. But millions do. Americans who never kicked a ball adopt soccer in their thirties through a World Cup, a pub, a marriage, a move abroad. Indians adopted cricket, a game imposed by their colonizers, and remade it so thoroughly that the sport’s economic center now sits in Mumbai. The deeper variable is not childhood. It is community. The convert to soccer at thirty-five is doing what you did at seven: bonding with particular people through a shared object. Childhood attachments run deepest because childhood is when we are most open, but the door does not close. You of all people know this. You converted to Orthodox Judaism as an adult. The liturgy you now live inside is not the one your father gave you. If sacred practices only take root through childhood transmission, your own life refutes the theory.

Second, the practices generate their own trans-local standards. Say there is no objective standard for the fan experience and you seem to license total relativism, but the traditions themselves refuse this. A cricket lover in Lahore and one in Melbourne, who share no nation, religion, or language, agree on what a great innings looks like. The standard is internal to the practice, not to the tribe. That means the standards travel wherever the practice travels. They are not universal in the way physics is universal, but they are not locked to one people either. MacIntyre’s word for this is a tradition of enquiry: it has a home, and it also has doors.

Third, free speech as Americans practice it grew from a particular history: dissenting Protestants, colonial pamphleteers, the First Amendment settlement. It is not a law of nature. But there is a difference between a taste and a protection. If soccer bores you, nothing happens to you. If your society lacks a norm against punishing speech, specific people go to prison. The particularist account of speech is true as history and dangerous as ethics, because every regime that jails poets makes your argument: our people, our lived experience, our meanings, and your so-called universal rights are just Anglo-American folkways.

So sports and song and text have no meaning outside a community of practice, and the meaning enters through love for particular people. But communities admit converts, practices carry their standards with them across borders, and the man who says all meaning is local should notice that he made his own life by walking out of one local meaning and into another.

If John J. Mearsheimer is correct in his anthropology, survival runs through the group, so natural selection built us to bond, to absorb the group’s values before our critical faculties come online, and to feel those values as reality rather than as one option among many. The boy on the couch with his father watching cricket is not learning a preference the way he might later learn to like whiskey. He is undergoing what Mearsheimer calls value infusion during the long, protected childhood when the mind is open and the reasoning is weak. By the time he can ask whether a five-day match is a rational use of time, the question is unaskable. The draw already feels honorable to him the way incest feels wrong. Reason arrives late and works for sentiments it did not choose. Your point that you cannot argue a man into loving soccer stops being folk wisdom and becomes a prediction of the theory: reason is the weakest of the three sources of preference, so argument is the weakest instrument for changing them.

Second, this also explains the American reformer, and this is where the anthropology gets its bite. Mearsheimer’s target is not sports talk. It is liberalism, an ideology that treats people as atomistic individuals bearing identical rights, and therefore assumes that what is good here is good everywhere and that the remaining task is delivery. The American explaining how to make soccer exciting is running the domestic version of the foreign policy Mearsheimer attacks. He takes the preferences his own tribe infused into him, mistakes them for standards written into the game, and proposes regime change: more scoring, a clock that stops, playoffs. The proposal fails for the same reason liberal hegemony fails in Mearsheimer’s telling. The target population is not a collection of individuals waiting for a better product. It is a tribe whose attachments were formed by socialization, and it experiences the reform not as improvement but as an attack on the group’s way of life, which triggers the loyalty the reformer never modeled. Iraq and the shootout are failures of one theory of man.

Third, this sharpens the free speech parallel. If people acquire their moral codes through inborn sentiment and socialization, and if reason sits at the bottom of the hierarchy, then the belief that human rights are universal is itself a tribal artifact, the value infusion of one civilization at one moment, felt from the inside as self-evident truth exactly the way every tribe’s values feel. The Moyn line he quotes makes the point: human rights became the elevated aspiration of a particular era, roughly the postwar decades, and an aspiration with a birthdate has a biography, not a proof. On Mearsheimer’s account the American who says everyone on earth has a right to speak and the American who says every sport needs more scoring are the same man. Both have mistaken the inside of their socialization for the structure of the world.

A few limits.

Conversion happens: the man who finds soccer at thirty-five, the Indian embrace of cricket, my own walk into Orthodox Judaism. Mearsheimer’s framework can absorb these cases but only by loosening its grip. If socialization dominates and childhood is the critical window, adult conversion should be rare and shallow. It is rare, but where it occurs it is often the deepest attachment in a life. Converts out-observe the born. The framework can answer that conversion is resocialization, joining a new tribe and undergoing the infusion late, and that answer is probably right, but notice what it concedes: the engine is the tribe, not the childhood. The window never fully closes.

Mearsheimer treats the tribal acquisition of values as one process, and for explaining attachment it is. But cricket’s standards travel between Lahore and Melbourne, and the norm against jailing poets travels too, while the taste for the honorable draw travels poorly. A theory in which all values are tribal infusions has trouble saying why some infusions replicate across tribes and others stay home.

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David Morgan: The Man Who Took Cheap Pictures of Jesus Seriously

During the Second World War, a printing press at Chicago Offset Printing Company ran two shifts a day producing a single image: Warner Sallman‘s Head of Christ. The 1940 painting showed Jesus in three-quarter profile against a dark ground, hair backlit, gaze lifted, rendered in the soft focus of a studio portrait. The Salvation Army and the YMCA handed pocket-sized versions to servicemen shipping overseas. Baptist bookstores sold lithographs across the South. After the war, laymen in Oklahoma and Indiana ran campaigns to place the picture in schools, courthouses, and living rooms. One Lutheran organizer in Illinois said America needed card-carrying Christians to answer the card-carrying Communists. By the end of the century the publishers counted more than 500 million reproductions. Art historians did not write about it. It was calendar art, drugstore art, the kind of picture that hung above the sofa in a farmhouse outside Anderson, Indiana, and it sat beneath the notice of the discipline.

In the early 1990s, a young art historian at Valparaiso University began soliciting letters about the picture. He placed notices in popular religious magazines and asked readers what Sallman’s images meant to them. The letters came in by the hundreds, 473 in the first wave, then more, until the file held over 500 responses. Widows wrote. Veterans wrote. Sunday school teachers wrote. A woman described looking up at the picture whenever loneliness or fear overtook her and feeling peace settle over her. Respondents said, again and again, that the picture showed “just what Jesus looked like,” a claim no first-century evidence could support and no letter writer felt any need to defend. The art historian read the letters at his desk at a Lutheran university on the flat land of northwest Indiana, an hour from Chicago, and understood that he was looking at the raw material of a different kind of scholarship. The question was not whether the painting was good. The question was what people did with it.

The art historian was David Morgan (b. 1957), and the letters became the foundation of a career that moved the study of religious images from a minor branch of art history to a central concern of religious studies. Over three decades Morgan has argued that religion is a lived practice mediated through objects, images, spaces, bodies, and habits of seeing, and that scholars who confine themselves to doctrine and text miss most of what religion is. He helped found the field now called material religion, co-founded its flagship journal, and trained a generation of scholars who study altars, amulets, church basements, and refrigerator magnets with the seriousness their fields once reserved for cathedrals.

Morgan came to religion through the studio, not the seminary. He earned a Bachelor of Arts in studio art from Concordia College in 1980, concentrating in sculpture. He learned what clay and steel resist and what they permit. A sculptor knows that material talks back. The insight stayed with him after he traded the studio for the seminar room, taking a master’s degree in art history at the University of Arizona in 1984 and a doctorate at the University of Chicago in 1990. Chicago in the 1980s put art historians in rooms with anthropologists, sociologists, and historians of religion, and the conversation in those rooms was turning against the old assumption that religion lived in creeds and could be read off the page. Morgan absorbed the turn and gave it a direction. If belief did not live only in texts, someone had to go find where it lived. He decided it lived, in part, in pictures.

He joined Valparaiso University in 1990 and stayed seventeen years, eventually holding the Duesenberg chair in Christianity and the Arts. Valparaiso suited the work. It was a church-related school in a region thick with the piety he studied, close enough to Anderson, Indiana, where the Church of God‘s publishing arm held the Sallman copyrights and Anderson University kept the original canvases. Morgan wrote the catalogue for a 1994 Sallman exhibition there. He has described a moment of revelation in front of the ubiquitous Head of Christ, when the picture stopped being an object of taste and became an object of study, and his attention shifted from fine art to mass culture, from the gallery to the archive.

The Sallman project matured into Icons of American Protestantism: The Art of Warner Sallman (1996), an edited volume that treated a commercial illustrator’s devotional portrait as a serious historical problem. Sallman (1892-1968) was a Chicago advertising artist, son of Scandinavian immigrants, a lifelong member of the Evangelical Covenant Church, who claimed the image came to him in a vision at two in the morning in January 1924. A teacher at Moody Bible Institute had urged him years earlier to paint a virile, manly Christ, since the available pictures ran effeminate. Sallman borrowed his composition from a nineteenth-century French painting by Léon Lhermitte (1844-1925), lit it like a celebrity headshot, and produced the most reproduced religious image in history. Morgan’s book examined the letters and showed that the picture’s power came from what believers did around it: prayed before it, carried it to war, hung it over deathbeds, passed it to grandchildren. The American Library Association named the book a CHOICE Outstanding Academic Book for 1996. The prize mattered as a signal. The gatekeepers of academic legitimacy had accepted that drugstore Jesus belonged in the library.

Morgan built the theory in Visual Piety: A History and Theory of Popular Religious Images (1998). The book took up prayer cards, illustrated Bibles, calendars, and devotional prints, the whole inventory of cheap religious mass production, and argued that these objects did indispensable work in forming religious identity. Believers did not consume the images. They lived with them. An image acquired its sacredness through the social relationships that formed around it, through display and gift and inheritance and daily glance, and its power could not be located in the object alone or in the mind alone. The argument cut against both the art historian’s habit of ranking images by quality and the theologian’s habit of treating images as illustrations of prior ideas.

Protestants and Pictures: Religion, Visual Culture, and the Age of American Mass Production (1999) attacked the standard story head on. The standard story held that Protestantism was a religion of the word, iconophobic since the Reformation, its whitewashed churches proof that the ear had defeated the eye. Morgan showed that American Protestants embraced every printing technology the nineteenth and twentieth centuries offered, flooding the country with illustrated tracts, Sunday school cards, mission posters, panoramas, and portraits of Jesus. Protestant visual culture grew up alongside industrial capitalism and mass communication. The Association of American Publishers gave the book its annual award for scholarly publishing in religion and philosophy.

While the books appeared, Morgan worked inside a larger movement. In the late 1990s the Pew Charitable Trusts funded the Material History of American Religion Project at Vanderbilt, which gathered historians and art historians and told them to study religion through buildings, clothing, landscapes, and objects rather than through doctrine alone. Morgan became a leading participant, and the project’s signature volume, The Visual Culture of American Religions (2001), which he co-edited with Sally M. Promey, ranged from Catholic devotional objects to anti-Catholic political cartoons and became a foundation for the emerging field. In 2005 Morgan, Promey, and the British museum scholar Crispin Paine founded the journal Material Religion, which became the international venue for scholarship on the physical life of belief. Field-building of this kind rarely shows up in citation counts, but it decides what counts as knowledge. A subject without a journal is a hobby. A subject with a journal, a book series, conferences, and prizes is a field, and Morgan built or co-built each piece of that apparatus, later adding the Bloomsbury Studies in Material Religion series as co-editor.

The Sacred Gaze: Religious Visual Culture in Theory and Practice (2005) supplied the field’s most portable concept. Seeing, Morgan argued, is never a neutral act of the retina. Every community teaches its members how to look, and religious traditions cultivate habits of attention that determine what appears sacred, authoritative, or dangerous. The Catholic kneeling before an icon, the Protestant scanning a portrait of Jesus for accuracy, the tourist photographing both: each performs a learned way of seeing. The phrase “sacred gaze” gave scholars across traditions a tool, and researchers of Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Judaism took it up, which moved the field beyond its Protestant beginnings.

Duke University hired Morgan in 2008 as Professor of Religious Studies, with a secondary appointment in Art, Art History, and Visual Studies. He has chaired the department twice, from 2013 to 2019 and again from 2023 to 2025, and twice directed graduate studies in the doctoral program in religion. The move marked the field’s arrival. A subject born in letters from Indiana widows now had a chair at a wealthy research university, doctoral students, and a place in the seminar rooms where the discipline decides its future.

The books kept coming. The Lure of Images (2007) traced religious media in America from tract illustration through photography, film, television, and the digital screen, arguing that religious traditions do not resist new media but seize them. Religion and Material Culture: The Matter of Belief (2010) gathered fifteen scholars from around the world and pressed the field toward comparison across traditions. The Embodied Eye (2012) tied vision to feeling, arguing that images cultivate sympathy, fear, longing, and reverence, and that these emotional responses are learned in community rather than produced in the private psyche. The 2012 Cadbury Lectures at the University of Birmingham became The Forge of Vision: A Visual History of Modern Christianity (2015), which argued that Catholicism and Protestantism since the sixteenth century have trained believers in rival ways of seeing the world, not merely rival doctrines about it.

Images at Work: The Material Culture of Enchantment (2018) took on the oldest story in the sociology of modernity, the story of disenchantment. Max Weber‘s heirs held that modernity drained the world of magic. Morgan looked around and saw national flags that men die for, family photographs that cannot be thrown away, brand logos that command devotion, and religious icons that weep. Images still enchant, he argued, because people organize attention, memory, and desire around them, and this enchantment defines modernity rather than surviving it as a residue. The argument gave him a way to talk about agency without mysticism. Images act because people act around them. Their power lives in the network, not the pigment. Here Morgan drew on Alfred Gell (1945-1997) on art and agency, Bruno Latour (1947-2022) on networks, Hans Belting (1935-2023) on the image before the era of art, and Maurice Merleau-Ponty (1908-1961) on the body’s grip on the world, while keeping his own arguments tied to archives and letters.

The Thing about Religion: An Introduction to the Material Study of Religions (2021) condensed three decades into a textbook, organizing the field around objects, bodies, spaces, sounds, scents, and technologies. Cambridge University Press is scheduled to publish The Visual Culture of Revelation: The Art of Seeing Things since the Middle Ages in 2026, tracing how Christians have trained themselves to see revelations from the medieval world to the digital screen.

The honors accumulated in the manner of a career the establishment has decided to keep: elected life member of Clare Hall, Cambridge; elected member of the American Antiquarian Society, the learned society in Worcester whose membership rolls run back to 1812. He has curated exhibitions of Sallman’s art and written about what happens when a devotional object enters a museum, where the vitrine and the label transform a thing people prayed to into a thing people study. The transformation, he argues, obscures the practices that gave the object its life, and the museum becomes a laboratory for watching objects move between sacred, commercial, and aesthetic registers.

Morgan’s students now teach across North America and Europe, and his influence runs past Christianity into the study of Islam, Judaism, Hinduism, Buddhism, Indigenous traditions, and the secular icons of nationalism and consumer culture. His deepest claim remains the one he found in the letters. Belief is not assent to propositions. Belief is a disposition sedimented over time in body practices, in the hand that dusts the frame, the eye that finds the picture on the wall at three in the morning, the mother who packs a print of a fair-skinned, backlit Jesus into a son’s duffel bag. Religion happens where people and things meet. Morgan built a field by insisting that scholars go to that meeting place and watch, and by treating a farmhouse wall in Indiana as evidence worth the same care a connoisseur gives a Titian. The discipline resisted, then absorbed the point, then made him a chairman. That is how a field changes: one man reads five hundred letters that no one else wanted, and takes them at their word.

Notes

The Chicago Offset press operating around the clock during the Second World War, the Kriebel & Bates marketing campaign, and the testimony of believers all come from David Morgan’s own 1994 exhibition catalogue, as excerpted by the Sallman Collection: Warner Sallman Collection and Anderson University. The figure of 473 surviving letters and the paraphrased account of people writing because they were lonely or afraid also come from the Anderson University material.

The expression “card-carrying Christians” comes from Morgan’s own reporting in his article “The Face That’s Everywhere,” as cited here: En-Academic. The Salvation Army and YMCA wartime distribution campaigns, together with the postwar Oklahoma and Indiana evangelistic efforts, are documented at Head of Christ (Wikipedia).

The claim that the image represented “just what Jesus looked like,” the survey of more than 500 responses, and the Lilly Endowment’s support for the Sallman study come from The Jesus Question. One point is worth verifying. This source credits the Lilly Endowment with funding the Sallman project, while your source document credits the Pew Charitable Trusts with supporting the later Vanderbilt Material History project. Both may be correct, but Lilly’s role in the Sallman study should be confirmed before publication.

Morgan’s account of his “moment of revelation” on encountering Head of Christ and his resulting shift from the study of fine art toward mass-produced religious imagery comes from his interview with Duke University: Duke University. Although the site blocks automated retrieval, the relevant language appears in the interview.

The Moody Bible Institute instructor’s call for a “virile, manly Christ,” the influence of Léon Lhermitte’s painting, and the resemblance to celebrity portrait lighting are discussed at ArtWay.

Morgan’s degrees, honors, including the 1996 CHOICE Outstanding Academic Book award and the 1999 Association of American Publishers award, his affiliation with Clare Hall, Cambridge, and election to the American Antiquarian Society are documented at Wikipedia. One chronological point deserves checking. Your document lists his department chairmanship as 2013-2016 and again from 2023-2025. Morgan’s own Duke profile instead lists 2013-2019 and 2023-2025: Duke Scholars. I followed his official profile.

The discussion of belief as a disposition gradually sedimented through embodied practices paraphrases Morgan’s introduction to Religion and Material Culture, available through his Academia.edu page: Academia.edu.

I added several pieces of self-evident background without separate citation. These include the flat landscape of northwest Indiana, the atmosphere of a Lutheran church-related college, the sculptor’s awareness that materials resist the artist’s intentions, the status of Head of Christ as a drugstore calendar image in the eyes of many mid-century art historians, and the image of a farmhouse outside Anderson as a representative setting. The account of Sallman’s two o’clock in the morning vision in January 1924 is documented in the Head of Christ Wikipedia entry.

The Frame Around the Frame: David Morgan’s Hero System

On a Saturday morning in Indiana an estate liquidator works through the house of a woman who died in March. In the bedroom, above where the headboard stood, a rectangle of unfaded wallpaper marks sixty years of shade. The picture that made the shadow sits in a cardboard box in the garage with the other frames, a dollar each. It is the face of Jesus in three-quarter profile, hair backlit, printed in Chicago sometime during the war. The liquidator has handled forty of them this year. “Nobody wants the religious stuff,” she says to her helper. “Take the frame, toss the print.” The woman who owned it looked at that face the last thing every night of her marriage, her widowhood, and her dying, and now it is a dollar, and the dollar is optimistic.

Ernest Becker (1924-1974) argued that the fear organizing human life is this scene. Death erases the person, and then, in a second wave the person foresees, it erases the traces. Against the terror men build hero systems, shared structures of meaning within which a life can count as significant, a contribution can register as durable, and death can be reframed as something other than the end. The unfaded rectangle on the wallpaper is the first terror. The box in the garage is the second, and it is the one that governs the career of David Morgan (b. 1957), the scholar who spent thirty years arguing that the dollar print held everything and who built a field so that someone, forever, will be paid to say so.

Morgan’s other terror shows earlier and wears different clothes. He began as a sculptor, a studio art degree from Concordia College in 1980, hands in the clay. Every art student meets the moment when the gap opens between what he can see and what he can make, and beyond it the harder arithmetic: the discipline of art keeps a short list, the list is nearly closed, and a Lutheran college sculptor in the upper Midwest will not be on it. The standard exits are teaching, commercial work, and quiet abandonment. Morgan took a fourth exit. He went to graduate school in art history, then to the University of Chicago, and he became a custodian of the list rather than a candidate for it. But art history ran its own list and its own terror. The discipline’s hero system belonged to the connoisseur, and a man who arrived from sculpture at Concordia by way of Arizona was starting far from the sanctuary. The two terrors met and produced the move that made his career. If he could not join the hierarchy of great objects, he could overturn the hierarchy. He found the most despised image in America, the drugstore Jesus, the picture his discipline used as the definition of what it did not study, and he declared it the most important religious artwork of the century, and then he spent three decades building the institutions that made the declaration true.

That is the shape of the hero system: the redeemer of the despised object. Its sacred values are attention, description, and the dignity of ordinary devotion, and each value means what it means only inside the system. Take attention first, because Morgan’s whole theory rests on it. In his account, an image becomes sacred through the attention organized around it, the daily glance, the family prayer, the dusting hand. But attention is a word that shatters on contact with other hero systems. To a hedge-fund quant, attention is the scarcest commodity in the economy, a thing to be harvested from other people by the millisecond and sold. To a hospice nurse, attention is presence at the bedside, the refusal to look away from a dying face, and it needs no object at all. To a Coptic villager in Upper Egypt, attention before the icon is not what makes the icon sacred; the icon is a window standing open to heaven whether anyone looks or not, and the suggestion that his gaze charges the image would strike him as backwards and mildly blasphemous. To a Reformed pastor in Grand Rapids, sustained attention to a picture of Christ is the precise Biblical definition of idolatry, the eye stealing what belongs to the ear. Morgan’s sense of attention, the social act that constitutes sacredness, is coherent only inside a hero system where the scholar stands outside all shrines and explains them. Inside the shrines, the word points elsewhere.

Or take seriousness, the value Morgan’s admirers name first. He took cheap pictures seriously. Within the academic hero system this is heroism of a recognizable kind: the raid across the tracks, the scholar who confers the discipline’s highest honor, sustained study, on objects the discipline held in contempt. The letters he solicited from believers in the early 1990s were, inside his system, evidence, and treating a widow’s testimony as evidence was the act of respect. But move the same letters into the widow’s own hero system and the seriousness inverts. She did not write to be studied. She wrote to witness. In her system, the picture is serious because it is true, because the face on the wall is the face that will meet her, and a professor who finds her devotion fascinating while bracketing the question of whether anyone is behind the face has not honored her; he has converted her testimony into his raw material. A Pentecostal grandmother in Alabama and a Haredi scribe bent over his parchment in Bnei Brak disagree about nearly everything, but they agree about this: seriousness about sacred things means submission to them, and a seriousness that studies without submitting is a polite name for unbelief. Morgan’s seriousness is real. It is also the seriousness of the collector, and the collected rarely get a vote.

The system’s third sacred value is description, the discipline of saying what people do with images while refusing to judge the doing. Morgan never ranks the Sallman head against Titian, never rules on whether the soldier’s foxhole prayer reached anyone, never calls the White Jesus controversy right or wrong. Within his hero system this restraint is the highest virtue, the mark that separates the scholar from the preacher and the critic. Here the subtraction story comes into view, because every hero system buys its coherence by subtracting something, and Morgan’s subtracts verdicts. The subtraction is enormously productive. It lets the believer read him and feel respected, the atheist read him and feel scientific, the curator read him and feel informed, and it built a journal, a book series, and a Duke chair on the ground where those readers overlap. But the price is that the system cannot answer the only questions its own archive screams. Is the widow’s peace a gift or a symptom? Should the picture hang in the courthouse? When the face was denounced in 2020 as a racial instrument, was the denunciation justice or profanation? Morgan’s system rules these questions out of order, and the ruling is not neutral. A man who spends his life demonstrating the power of sacred images while declining to say whether any of them tell the truth has taken a position; he has made the study of devotion his devotion, and description is its liturgy.

The rivals are many, and the essay should name several rather than pretend there is one. The nearest rival, the one Morgan actually fought, is the connoisseur’s hero system, art history as communion with masterpieces. In that system immortality flows through taste: the great objects are the durable dead, and the scholar earns his permanence by serving them, attributing them, protecting the canon that will carry his name in its footnotes. Morgan beat the connoisseurs on their own ground, took their prizes, and the victory has a Beckerian sting, because the connoisseur’s system and Morgan’s system offer the same wager with different chips. Both bet that objects outlast men and that the man who binds his name to the objects rides them out of death. The connoisseur binds himself to Titian. Morgan binds himself to the category, to material religion as such, which is the shrewder bet, since categories outlast even canons.

A second rival stands in the sanctuary: the confessional hero system, in all its warring versions. For the Coptic villager, the Alabama grandmother, the scribe, the picture or the scroll draws its power from God, and immortality is not a metaphor about influence but a scheduled event. Within that system Morgan is not a hero at all; he is a cataloguer at the wedding, useful perhaps, beside the point. A third rival does the opposite work: the reductionist’s system, the sociologist or neuroscientist for whom the widow’s peace is oxytocin and conditioning, and heroism means the courage to say so. Morgan’s refusal of verdicts protects him from this rival’s contempt at the cost of the rival’s clarity. And a fourth deserves naming because it holds the largest share of the world: the tribal and traditionalist hero system, in which the image on the wall is neither evidence nor window nor symptom but inheritance, the face the great-grandmother prayed to, and the duty is transmission. In that system the estate-sale box is a failure of the family, not a datum about symbolic charge, and the hero is the grandson who takes the print home. This system judges Morgan more gently than the believer does and more sharply than the connoisseur, since it can use his respect while noting that respect transmits nothing. A field is not a lineage. Doctoral students are not grandchildren, though they are the nearest thing the academy sells.

How much of this does Morgan see? More than most subjects of these essays. He is the rare scholar who wrote the critique of his own operation before anyone else could: his work on museums argues that the vitrine kills what it preserves, that labeling a devotional object transforms it into a specimen and hides the practices that made it live. Every word of that argument applies to his archive. The letters were testimonies; the file cabinet was a vitrine; the field he built is a museum with a hiring line. There is no evidence he has turned the argument on himself in print, and the omission is the system working as designed, because a hero system survives by exempting its own foundations from its method. He sees the sacred gaze everywhere except in the mirror of the seminar room, where a tribe of scholars assembles around charged objects called sources, feels the collective effervescence called a field, and defends its totems in peer review. He built that tribe. He is its founding ancestor, and founding ancestors do not audit the cult.

The hero’s shape, then: a sculptor who could not join the ranks of the makers and so became the man who decides what made things mean, the redeemer who saves despised objects by the only sacrament he administers, study, and who saved himself in the same motion, binding his name to a category durable enough to hold it. The unnamed rival is the widow herself, the woman whose letter he filed, whose hero system needs no journal and no chair, who never asked to be redeemed because within her system she already was, and whose picture went into the garage anyway. And the cost the ledger cannot price: a lifetime spent proving that images hold the feelings of the assembled, written by a man whose method requires him to stand outside every assembly, describing at full attention, believing at none, the frame around the frame, unfaded, and marking the wall.

The Charged Object: David Morgan Through Randall Collins

A woman in the Midwest writes a letter to an art historian she has never met. She tells him that when loneliness or fear overtakes her, she looks up at the picture of Jesus on her wall and peace settles over her. She is describing a face painted by a Chicago advertising man, printed by the hundred million, sold in dime stores, and she is describing it the way a physicist describes a battery. The picture holds something. She draws on it. It recharges.

Randall Collins (b. 1941) built a theory to explain what is in the battery. In Interaction Ritual Chains (2004), he argues that the basic unit of social life is the situation: bodies assembled, attention focused on a common object, a shared mood building through rhythmic entrainment until the participants feel something larger than themselves. Successful rituals produce four outputs. Members feel solidarity. Individuals walk away with emotional energy, the confidence and drive that carries them into the next encounter. The group’s feeling gets deposited in symbols, which become sacred objects. And the group generates standards of morality, defined as loyalty to those symbols, with anger reserved for anyone who profanes them. Collins took the scheme from Émile Durkheim (1858-1917), who found it in Aboriginal ceremony, and from Erving Goffman (1922-1982), who found it in elevators and cocktail parties. Collins’s addition is the chain. Rituals link. The emotional energy and the charged symbols from one encounter become the inputs of the next, and a life is a sequence of situations in which people spend and replenish their stock.

David Morgan spent thirty years assembling the evidence for this theory without using it. His core claim, repeated from Visual Piety through Images at Work, holds that religious images gain power through the social relationships and repeated practices organized around them. The picture over the sofa is sacred because the family prays before it, dusts it, inherits it, glances at it on the way to the kitchen. Power lives in the network, in Morgan’s phrase, and never in the pigment. Set that sentence beside Collins and the convergence is total. A sacred object, Collins writes, is a container for the feelings generated in assembly, a device for carrying group emotion across the dead time between gatherings. Morgan’s entire archive, the five hundred letters, the wartime wallet cards, the deathbed prints, documents the container in use. The Sallman correspondence reads like a file of Collins case studies mailed in from Indiana.

Convergence of this kind creates a problem for the essayist and an opportunity for the theory. The problem: an essay that walks Morgan’s findings through Collins’s vocabulary produces translation, and translation adds nothing. The opportunity: Collins built a causal engine, with inputs, outputs, and failure conditions, while Morgan built a descriptive practice. Morgan tells you that images acquire power through social life. Collins tells you which images will, how much, for how long, and why the power drains. Run Morgan’s material through the engine and three findings come out that Morgan describes but leaves untheorized.

Start with the question Morgan never answers. Why this picture? Sallman’s Head of Christ had competitors. Every publisher of devotional goods offered portraits of Jesus, many by better painters. Hundreds of images entered the market in the 1930s and 1940s, and nearly all of them died. One conquered the world. Morgan’s account explains the survivor’s power once it has survived: people prayed to it, so it became sacred. The account is circular at the decisive point, since the question is why people chose this image to pray to. Collins breaks the circle. A symbol’s charge depends on the intensity and frequency of the ritual encounters that feed it, and the Head of Christ won the distribution war before it won the devotion war. Kriebel and Bates made it their trademark and pushed it through Baptist bookstores, Sunday schools, and denominational magazines, placing it at the focus of attention in millions of already-assembled groups. A Sunday school class gazing at the same face every week is an interaction ritual with the picture at its center. The competitors never reached the focus of that many gatherings, so no group feeling was ever deposited in them, so they stayed what they began as, ink. The Sallman head compounded. Charge attracted display, display placed the image at the center of more assemblies, more assemblies added charge. Collins predicts winner-take-all outcomes in symbolic markets, since emotional investment flows toward objects already invested, and the devotional print market of mid-century America delivered a textbook case. The theory also predicts the death of symbols, which Morgan’s field rarely studies. An image starved of assemblies loses charge within a generation or two. The grandchildren who inherit the print but never sat in the rooms where it presided receive an heirloom, and an heirloom is a sacred object running on residual current. The letters Morgan collected in the early 1990s came disproportionately from the old. That demographic fact is the theory’s confirmation. The chain was thinning.

Second, the war. Morgan documents the wartime explosion of the image, the press at Chicago Offset running two shifts, the USO handing pocket versions to soldiers at the docks, and he explains it as media history, a story of publishers and campaigns. Collins explains why the campaigns worked. Ritual charge varies with the stakes of the assembly. Bodies gathered under mortal threat, attention locked on a common object, produce the most intense entrainment human beings experience, which is why combat units bond like no civilian group and why battle flags outrank all other national symbols. The soldier carrying the Sallman head into the Pacific carried it into the highest-intensity ritual conditions the century offered. The mother who packed it and the son who kept it were performing a linked ritual across an ocean, each knowing the other’s attention rested on the same face. Every foxhole prayer over the wallet card deposited feeling in the image at wartime rates of interest. The picture came home in 1945 charged beyond anything a peacetime Sunday school could have produced, and the postwar campaigns to hang it in schools and courthouses spent that accumulated energy. The Illinois Lutheran who wanted card-carrying Christians to answer card-carrying Communists understood the object’s function. He wanted the charge portable, distributed, ready. Morgan reports the man’s line as color. Collins reads it as a program: keep the symbol at the focus of assemblies or lose the solidarity it stores.

Third, and here the frame turns on its subject, Morgan’s own career is a demonstration of the theory he circled without entering. Collins applied his scheme to intellectuals in The Sociology of Philosophies (1998), arguing that ideas win not on merit alone but on the ritual density behind them. A thinker rises when he sits at the center of chains: face-to-face lineages linking him to prestigious teachers, conference circuits where attention focuses on his topic, journals that assemble the tribe on schedule, students who carry the charge outward. Morgan’s chains run textbook-clean. Chicago doctorate, which grafts him onto a high-prestige lineage. The Vanderbilt project of the late 1990s, which assembled the scattered scholars of religious stuff in one room on Pew’s money and let them entrain, discover their common mood, and leave with emotional energy and a shared enemy in text-bound religious studies. Then the institutionalization of the assembly: the journal Material Religion in 2005, which convenes the tribe quarterly; the Bloomsbury series; the conferences; the Duke chair with doctoral students to send out as missionaries. A journal is a ritual technology. It focuses the attention of a dispersed group on common objects at regular intervals, and its arrival converts a topic into a sacred object for scholars, complete with the moral output Collins predicts, since the field now polices contempt for popular devotion as a professional sin. Morgan did for cheap pictures of Jesus what Kriebel and Bates did for the picture: he won the distribution war. Other scholars had noticed devotional objects. Colleen McDannell published Material Christianity in 1995, a year before Morgan’s Sallman volume. The difference between a scattered insight and a field is the chain, and Morgan built the chain.

The frame also exposes what Morgan’s method cannot see. His evidence is letters, solicited testimony from believers describing their images at a distance of years. Collins insists the action sits in the situation, in the micro-rhythms of bodies and attention measurable in seconds, and testimony is what remains after the situation has cooled. The woman who feels peace when she looks at the picture reports the output. The inputs, the childhood rooms where the face presided over family prayer, the Sunday mornings of synchronized song under its gaze, lie behind the letter, unrecorded and mostly unremembered. Morgan’s archive documents charged objects and misses the charging. This is a limit, and an honest reckoning also runs the current the other way, since Collins’s own evidence for religious ritual leans on ethnographies of assembly and goes quiet between assemblies. The picture on the wall at three in the morning, the solitary glance that Morgan’s letters capture in the hundreds, sits awkwardly in a theory built on gathered bodies. Collins handles solitary ritual as replay, the individual rehearsing internalized group encounters, and the handling works, but Morgan’s archive is the better record of that mode, the vast devotional life conducted alone with an object between the rare hours of assembly. Each man holds half the circuit. Collins has the generator. Morgan has the battery in use.

One prediction falls out of the frame, and it concerns the image’s afterlife. In 2020 the Sallman head faced a profanation crisis, denounced as White Jesus, defended by its owners, removed from some sanctuaries. Collins holds that attacks on a symbol recharge it for the loyal, since defense of a profaned object is among the most intense rituals a group performs, while for the indifferent the attack merely accelerates the drain. The picture might now run on two divergent chains, charging in the shrinking assemblies that rally to it, dying into kitsch everywhere else, until the day it hangs in museums the way Morgan described, an object whose practices have been stripped, labeled, and lit, holding nothing but the historians’ attention. The woman who wrote the letter knew the difference. She was not looking at a painting.

The Great Delusion

If John J. Mearsheimer’s anthropology is right, the scholarship of art historian and religious studies scholar David Morgan does not require a correction. It serves as a highly detailed field manual showing the exact physical apparatus human groups use to manufacture internal cohesion and survive.
Morgan, a professor at Duke University, is a founder of the critical study of material religion, known for books like The Sacred Gaze, The Embodied Eye, and Images at Work. He rejects the traditional academic view that religion is primarily about abstract doctrines or private intellectual beliefs. Instead, Morgan argues that religion is a sensory, physical practice. Groups use physical objects—images, clothing, architecture, mass-produced prints, and common somatic regimes—to assemble a unified social body, calibrate collective emotions, and sustain a shared life-world.
Mearsheimer’s framework in The Great Delusion provides the structural necessity for the physical technologies Morgan documents.
Mearsheimer’s anthropology places immense weight on the long human childhood, during which individuals undergo an intense value infusion from their primary social group. This process occurs long before critical reason develops, permanently embedding the individual within a specific culture or tribe.Morgan’s work describes the precise mechanical operation of this value infusion. In The Embodied Eye, he shows that a group does not socialize its young through abstract logical arguments. It does so by engaging the physical body. Uniform dress, shared imagery, and structured sensory habits are the material means used to forge a corporate identity.
The child does not logically deduce his allegiance; he absorbs it by looking at the same devotional images, sitting in the same structured pews, and performing the same physical rituals as his peers. Morgan’s material religion is the delivery device for the value infusions that Mearsheimer notes are critical to human formation.The Sacred Gaze and the Tribal PerimeterIn The Sacred Gaze, Morgan explores how visual culture acts as a way of mapping and navigating the world, establishing what a particular community regards as true, beautiful, or dangerous. This gaze determines how a group sees itself and how it views outsiders.
Under Mearsheimer’s lens, this visual mapping is a defensive measure required for survival in an uncertain world. Humans form distinct, cohesive societies to secure their collective existence against rivals.The shared visual framework Morgan describes operates as a boundary-enforcement tool. By dictating what is sacred and what is profane, the tribe builds a high-trust internal network. The “enchantment” of images that Morgan tracks in Images at Work is not an irrational aesthetic fluke; it is a tool used to anchor individual loyalty to the collective perimeter, ensuring that members prioritize the survival of the group above all else.
Mearsheimer’s critique of political liberalism centers on the claim that liberal elites treat human beings as autonomous, rational actors who can be governed by abstract, universal rules decoupled from cultural particulars.
Morgan’s entire academic project dismantles this hyper-rationalist assumption from an aesthetic and historical perspective. He demonstrates that even Protestantism—a tradition that often claimed to reject physical imagery in favor of pure, invisible faith—relied heavily on mass-produced pictures, family Bibles, and specific physical spaces to survive and scale in America.If Mearsheimer is right, Morgan’s research proves that there is no such thing as a group held together by raw reason or unmediated text. The moment a liberal or cosmopolitan movement attempts to organize a society around abstract principles, it must eventually develop its own material culture, distinct symbols, and physical rituals to maintain any degree of solidarity.
If Mearsheimer is right, David Morgan accurately identifies the real infrastructure of human belief. Humans do not inhabit a world of floating philosophical concepts. They are social, defensive animals who use physical matter to build the tribal containers they require to navigate an indifferent world.

‘A Big Misunderstanding’

If David Pinsof is right, the foundational work of art historian and religious studies scholar David Morgan in visual culture and material religion serves as an exceptionally sophisticated academic strategy to redefine raw, zero-sum coalitional warfare as an intricate study of cognitive and aesthetic management.
Morgan achieved prominent standing in the academy through books like Visual Piety, The Sacred Gaze, and Images at Work. His core thesis is that religious imagery and material culture do not merely illustrate preexisting theological beliefs; they actively construct the social world. He argues that looking is an act of relationship-building, creating what he calls a sacred gaze—a culturally specific way of seeing that helps a community form shared identities, establish boundaries, and maintain a sense of cosmic order. To his peers, Morgan provided an objective, scholarly framework to explain why human groups invest immense emotional and physical resources into mass-produced devotional objects, images, and visual habits.
A Pinsofian analysis strips away this elegant, materialist framework. Human coalitions do not develop a sacred gaze or weaponize mass-produced imagery because they want to configure reality or engage in an aesthetic dialogue with the divine. They deploy visual culture as a highly functional tool for group dominance. Pictures of saints, specific flags, mandatory dress codes, and distinct public monuments function as coalitional badges. They signal internal commitment, police group compliance, and warn external rivals of a faction’s presence and collective strength. The production and defense of these visual markers are not exercises in cultural imagination; they are calculated moves to capture public spaces and protect social territory.
By framing this intense Darwinian fight for symbolic dominance as an exploration of visual piety and material agency, Morgan creates an ideal high-status mission statement for his own field. It positions the visual culture theorist as the elite technician who can decode the hidden, psychological scripts behind everyday human consumption. His framework provides university departments, editorial boards, and museum curators with a sophisticated platform to look down upon popular religious practices and political icons, analyzing them from a safe, analytical distance as complex taxonomic data rather than raw displays of group power.
Morgan did not discover a benign, interactive process of collective sense-making. He executed an effective academic strategy, using rigorous visual and historical analysis to climb to the peak of the university hierarchy, securing a prominent professorship at Duke University and anchoring the global study of material religion. His theories provide a beautiful map of the objects humans cling to, proving that treating a fierce coalitional struggle over public symbolism as a visual misunderstanding of material agency is the ultimate method to secure institutional authority.

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