The American Bar Association Pushes Anti-White Discrimination

Attorney Alison Somin writes:

Law schools are desperately changing hiring and admissions policies to increase diversity—not because of their own internal objectives, but because of pressure from accrediting agencies.

New research from Pacific Legal Foundation reveals how the American Bar Association (ABA) pressures public law schools to adopt race- and sex-based hiring and admissions preferences. Through its accreditation standards, the American Bar Association (ABA)— which oversees U.S. law school accreditation—wields enormous power to dictate how law schools operate regarding questions of race and sex, potentially in violation of Title VI and the Constitution. Since most states require bar exam candidates to have graduated from an ABA-accredited law school, losing accreditation would be catastrophic for a law school and its students.

The report, based on Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) requests sent to the 50 best public law schools (as ranked by U.S. News and World Report), confirms what legal insiders have speculated for years: Accreditors use their quasi-governmental authority to push institutions toward likely unconstitutional and unlawful practices. Among the 45 schools that responded to the survey, 20 received commentary from accreditors that explicitly highlighted their failure to meet the ABA’s diversity standards, such as having too few minority or female faculty and lacking diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) task forces.

Rather than pushing back against accreditors’ claims, many schools feel pressured into making changes to satisfy accreditors’ demands. For example, the ABA investigated George Mason University School of Law extensively starting in 2000 for supposed violations of its diversity standards and only gave up after the school shifted its admissions strategy to achieve the racial numbers the ABA wanted. In 2006, newly established Charleston School of Law failed to gain ABA accreditation over concern about insufficient racial diversity. The school ultimately gained accreditation after it agreed to appoint a director of diversity.

These diversity standards don’t just fall into ethically questionable territory—they’re often illegal.

In Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard (2023), the Supreme Court affirmed that race-based admissions in higher education violate the Constitution’s Equal Protection Clause. Moreover, laws in states like California and Florida prohibit public institutions from using racial preferences. Nonetheless, the ABA’s standards—especially Standard 206, which focuses on diversity and inclusion—appear to flout these laws. In fact, until recently, the ABA openly claimed that a law school couldn’t cite a state anti-discrimination law as a defense for failing to satisfy accreditation diversity requirements.

Policymakers have grown increasingly alarmed over the unlawful pressures of accreditation. Iowa legislator Henry Stone recently wrote in The Wall Street Journal about how accreditors effectively nullified his state’s rollback of DEI banmandates. And just this year, President Trump issued an executive order directing the Department of Education (ED) to “hold accountable” accreditors who violate federal law by requiring institutions to engage in unlawful discrimination.

Unfortunately, an executive order isn’t enough to bring about lasting change. Although the ABA recently agreed to temporarily suspend enforcement of its diversity standards, legislative reform would bar accreditors from pressuring institutions of higher education to violate civil rights laws.

A proposed amendment to the Higher Education Act (HEA) would do just that. The amendment would prevent the ED from recognizing any accreditor that imposes admissions or hiring requirements based on race or sex. It would preserve a school’s right to adopt its own lawful policies, regardless of whether they align with the political views of accrediting agencies.

Accreditation standards should help ensure that all students receive adequate preparation to embark on their legal careers rather than imposing arbitrary demographic requirements on schools. Every aspiring attorney, regardless of their race or sex, deserves an equal opportunity to pursue their dream. It’s time for law school accreditors to stop pressuring law schools into obtaining arbitrary demographic results and start embodying our nation’s principles of equality and opportunity.

Promoting equal opportunity doesn’t require mandating demographic quotas—it requires removing barriers so that all applicants can compete on a level and fair playing field.

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Elite Rule

Do elites rule America? Are American elites united? How close are American elites to division, thus undermining elite rule? “Elites rule through particular strategies and fail through typical issues. Elite solidarity is essential to elite rule; division among the elite is a typical cause of elite failure.” (Stephen Turner)

An attack on pluralism is an attack on elite rule, says Turner.

Grok says:

Pluralism, in a political or social context, refers to a system or society where multiple groups, interests, or ideologies coexist, compete, and share influence. It emphasizes diversity of perspectives and the distribution of power among various factions, rather than its concentration in a single group. Elite rule, often associated with elitism or oligarchy, describes a system where a small, privileged group holds disproportionate power or influence over society, whether through wealth, status, expertise, or institutional control.

At first glance, the statement seems counterintuitive because pluralism and elite rule are often seen as opposing frameworks. Pluralism suggests a diffusion of power, while elite rule implies its concentration. However, the statement could be interpreted in a few ways, depending on the perspective

:Pluralism as a Facade for Elite Rule: One interpretation is that pluralism, in practice, can serve as a mechanism to sustain elite rule. In a pluralist system, elites may dominate key institutions (e.g., media, finance, politics) while allowing a veneer of diverse voices to create the illusion of shared power. An attack on pluralism—say, by consolidating power into a single ideology or authority—could disrupt this arrangement by exposing or challenging the elites’ ability to maintain control through managed diversity. In this sense, undermining pluralism might threaten the stability of elite rule by removing the framework that legitimizes their influence.

Pluralism as a Tool of Elite Competition: Another angle is that pluralism enables competition among elites, allowing different elite factions (e.g., corporate leaders, political parties, cultural influencers) to vie for influence within a structured system. An attack on pluralism, such as the rise of authoritarianism or a singular ideology, could suppress this competition, forcing elites to either consolidate into a narrower ruling group or lose influence altogether. Thus, pluralism could be seen as a necessary condition for elite rule in a fragmented, competitive form.

Elites—broadly defined as individuals or groups with disproportionate influence over political, economic, cultural, or social systems—undeniably shape America’s direction, though “rule” implies a level of centralized control that may oversimplify reality. America’s system is pluralistic, with checks and balances, but elites exert outsized influence through:

Political Elites: Elected officials, bureaucrats, and advisors (e.g., Congress, senior civil servants, think tank leaders) shape policy. For example, lobbying by corporate interests and political donations (e.g., Super PACs) amplify elite influence. In 2020, the top 100 donors (mostly wealthy individuals or corporations) contributed over $2 billion to political campaigns, per OpenSecrets.org.

Economic Elites: Corporate leaders, Wall Street executives, and billionaires (e.g., Jeff Bezos, Elon Musk) influence markets and policy through wealth and networks. The top 1% own over 32% of U.S. wealth (Federal Reserve, 2023), giving them leverage over economic priorities.

Cultural Elites: Media, academic, and entertainment figures shape narratives. For instance, major news outlets and tech platforms (e.g., Google, legacy media) gatekeep information, influencing public opinion.

However, “rule” doesn’t mean absolute control. The U.S. has democratic mechanisms—elections, free speech, judicial review—that limit elite dominance. Public movements (e.g., Tea Party, Occupy Wall Street, or recent populist surges) can challenge elite agendas. Yet, elites often adapt, co-opting or neutralizing dissent (e.g., corporate adoption of “woke” branding).

Are American Elites United?

American elites are not a monolith; they’re a loose coalition of competing factions with shared and divergent interests. Turner’s point about elite solidarity being essential to rule holds here: unity amplifies influence, but division is ever-present. Elites align on certain goals but fracture on others:Shared Interests: Most elites support maintaining the status quo of globalized capitalism, U.S. geopolitical dominance, and institutional stability. For example, both Democratic and Republican elites back corporate tax breaks or military spending (e.g., $886 billion defense budget in 2023). Tech, finance, and political elites often collaborate on policies like deregulation or trade agreements.

Divisions: Elites split along ideological, regional, and sectoral lines:Ideological Splits: Progressive elites (e.g., academic and media figures) push social justice and climate agendas, while conservative elites (e.g., energy sector leaders, religious influencers) prioritize deregulation and traditional values. These tensions fuel culture wars, like debates over education policy or ESG investing.

Sectoral Competition: Tech elites (e.g., Silicon Valley) clash with legacy industries (e.g., oil, manufacturing) over regulation and innovation. For instance, tech firms advocate net neutrality, while telecom giants resist it.

Political Polarization: Elite-backed political factions—progressive Democrats vs. MAGA Republicans—disagree on governance. The 2020 election saw elite donors split sharply: Wall Street leaned Biden, while some industrialists backed Trump.

Despite these divisions, elites often close ranks when their collective power is threatened. For example, during the 2008 financial crisis, political and economic elites unified to pass TARP bailouts ($700 billion), prioritizing systemic stability over ideological differences.How Close Are American Elites to Division Undermining Elite Rule?Turner’s argument that “division among the elite is a typical cause of elite failure” is key. Elite rule falters when internal fractures prevent coordinated action or alienate the public, eroding legitimacy. American elites are moderately divided but not yet at a breaking point. Here’s an assessment:Current Divisions:Populism vs. Establishment: The rise of populist figures (e.g., Trump, Sanders) reflects elite-public disconnect. Elites are criticized as out-of-touch, fueling distrust. A 2023 Pew Research poll showed only 20% of Americans trust the federal government, a historic low.

Cultural Polarization: Elite-driven culture wars (e.g., over DEI, free speech) deepen public and intra-elite divides. Some elites (e.g., tech moguls like Musk) break ranks, criticizing “woke” orthodoxy, while others double down.

Economic Tensions: Wealth inequality strains elite cohesion. For example, tech billionaires face scrutiny from both progressive elites (taxation debates) and conservative ones (antitrust concerns).

Stabilizing Factors:Institutional Resilience: Elites leverage institutions (e.g., courts, Federal Reserve) to maintain influence, even amid division. For instance, the Supreme Court’s 2022 rulings on abortion and gun rights aligned with conservative elite priorities, despite liberal elite opposition.

Economic Interdependence: Globalized markets bind elites. Tech, finance, and political leaders share stakes in economic stability, discouraging radical ruptures.
Media Control: While fractured, elites still dominate narrative-setting through media and tech platforms, limiting the impact of dissent.

Risk of Undermining Rule: Elite division is a risk but not imminent collapse. Historical examples of elite failure (e.g., French Revolution, Roman Republic’s fall) required deeper fractures and mass mobilization. America’s elites face public discontent, but no unified revolutionary force exists. If divisions grow—say, if populist movements gain elite defectors or economic crises erode public tolerance—elite rule could weaken. For now, elites manage tensions through compromise or suppression (e.g., censoring online dissent, as seen in debates over platform moderation).

Strategies and Failures (Per Turner)Turner notes elites rule through strategies like coalition-building, narrative control, and institutional capture, but fail when divisions expose weaknesses. American elites excel at:Coalition-Building: Cross-sector alliances (e.g., tech-political partnerships) sustain influence.
Narrative Control: Media and academia shape public perception, though trust is eroding.

Institutional Capture: Elites dominate key institutions (e.g., Ivy League, Wall Street), ensuring influence.

Failures emerge when:Divisions Amplify: Ideological splits (e.g., progressive vs. populist elites) weaken coordinated action.
Public Distrust Grows: Overreach (e.g., perceived censorship) fuels backlash.
External Shocks: Crises (e.g., economic collapse, geopolitical failure) could exploit divisions.

Conclusion

Elites significantly influence America but don’t “rule” in an absolute sense due to democratic constraints. They’re united on core interests (economic stability, global dominance) but divided ideologically and sectorally. These divisions create vulnerabilities, as Turner suggests, but aren’t yet severe enough to undermine elite influence broadly. Growing public distrust and populist pressures could widen cracks, especially if economic or social crises intensify. For now, elite adaptability and institutional control maintain their grip, but the system is not invulnerable.

ChatGPT says:

Yes, elites rule America—political, corporate, financial, academic, media, and cultural elites dominate the key institutions. They shape policy, public discourse, and major decisions, often insulated from democratic pressures. But elite rule isn’t monolithic or unchallenged.

American elites are not fully united. There are factions—liberal vs. conservative, globalist vs. nationalist, tech vs. legacy industries, Ivy-connected vs. populist outsiders. They often agree on preserving the system that benefits them but disagree on how to run it or what threats matter most.

Elite cohesion is under strain. Trumpism, campus revolts, billionaire infighting, culture war battles, and media fragmentation all show cracks. The 2008 crash and COVID responses exposed and deepened divides. The risk isn’t total elite collapse, but increasing elite incoherence—mixed messaging, contradictory policies, and growing loss of legitimacy.

Turner’s point holds: pluralism—competing elite spheres (media, academia, business, etc.)—helps stabilize elite rule by offering controlled dissent and options. Attacks on pluralism (from within or below) threaten the entire elite ecosystem. If enough factions see no path to protect their status through cooperation, you get gridlock, infighting, and potentially rupture.

Bottom line: elite rule still holds, but fragmentation is growing. The system runs on elite consensus, and that consensus is fraying. If polarization continues unchecked, it could push American elite rule into a real legitimacy crisis.

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I Will Always Love You

A tsunami is coming. Just once I’d like to be blindsided by something *pleasant*.
As the waters rise, I stand firm—not because I can stop them, but because dignity still matters.
The sovereign is he who decides the state of exception. The sea has spoken.
If this is my last tweet, please remember: I was mostly right and occasionally funny.
Tsunami’s coming. I’m not running. I was born for drama.
Tsunami incoming. I refuse to go viral posthumously for a bad tweet.
The tsunami can’t cancel me—I was already shadowbanned by God.
Tsunami en route. Finally, a deadline I respect.
As the sea roars, I whisper: “Still better than another DEI seminar.”
This tsunami better be kosher.
If you find my phone, clear my browser history, then say Kaddish.
God flooded the world once for corruption. This one’s probably for cringe.
I always wanted to make a splash. Just not like this.

The sea rises, but Hashem runs the world. If this is the end, it was always in His hands.
Even a tsunami can’t cancel my Shabbos plans. Let’s see it part the waters like Moshe.
Teshuvah, tefillah, and tzedakah avert the evil decree. But just in case—backing up my Torah files.
If the sea takes me, may it be with my tzitzit flying and Shema on my lips.
Hashem drowned Mitzrayim. Maybe this one’s for my enemies too.

I spent my life trying to deny death. Now it’s knocking, and I want to podcast through the flood.
Even now, I reach for heroism — not to survive, but to matter.
This tsunami isn’t death — it’s my latest symbolic defeat. And damn it, I want it to go viral.
I mocked the sacred. I dissected culture. But now I pray — because even the anthropologist kneels before the wave.

What would the great thinkers say at a time like this?

Stephen Turner (sociology of expertise):
So the tsunami’s coming — remind me, who certified this wave as legitimate? Where’s the credentialed authority on wall-of-water epistemology?

Ronny Guldmann (prophetic outsider tone):
A civilization that replaces sacred awe with bureaucratic narcissism deserves to drown. This wave is the judgment. I receive it with open arms and an ironic smirk.

Helen Andrews (reactionary realism, moral disillusionment):
You spend your life trying to live with grace in decline. Then the tsunami comes, and you realize — decline was the grace. This is just the ending we refused to plan for.

Darel E. Paul (elite critique):
I always knew coastal cosmopolitanism would end with a pink-haired influencer livestreaming her death in 4K. The elites brought the flood, and they’ll monetize the wreckage.

Clinton Rossiter (constitutional romanticism):
There are no clauses for this. No Federalist fallback. Only the hope that some American, somewhere, still believes in ordered liberty as the waters take him.

Carl Schmitt (state of exception maestro):
The wave is not chaos. It is decision. Every civilization has its flood. What matters now is not law, but the one who stands and says, “Here. No further.”

Richard Spencer (Alt-Right aestheticist):
The tsunami is sublime — a beautiful force beyond liberal containment. Let it wash away the vulgar. Every civilization ends, but not every end is this cinematic.

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Liberals Applauded When Civil Rights Reoriented The Basis Of American Life

Gemini:

Sam Tanenhaus, in his recent biography, Buckley: The Life and the Revolution That Changed America, delves into how civil rights played a pivotal role in shaping and reorienting the basis of American life, especially within the conservative movement led by William F. Buckley Jr. Tanenhaus’s work, including his meticulous research and access to previously unknown archives, reveals that while Buckley Jr. presented himself as an elite intellectual, he also actively participated in and mobilized the “White backlash” vote against the Civil Rights Movement. This, according to Tanenhaus, involved secretly funding segregationist newspapers and White Citizen’s Councils in the South through his family. Tanenhaus highlights that Buckley’s public and private stances on civil rights demonstrate a foundational contradiction that continues to impact American politics today. The Civil Rights Movement, as described by Tanenhaus, was a movement of “deconsolidation”, aiming to dismantle the social and legal segregation prevalent in the country at the time, particularly in the South. This, he argues, forced a re-examination and eventual reorientation of the very fabric of American life and society, revealing a “ghost in the machine” of the conservative movement that continues to haunt American politics.

Grok:

Sam Tanenhaus’s Buckley: The Life and the Revolution That Changed America serves as a mirror image to Christopher Caldwell’s The Age of Entitlement: America Since the Sixties, particularly in their treatments of the Civil Rights Movement and its impact on American conservatism. Caldwell’s The Age of Entitlement argues that the Civil Rights Movement, while aimed at justice, created a new constitutional framework that prioritized race, gender, and sexuality, leading to a sense of alienation among many Americans and fueling a conservative backlash. He sees the movement as a source of division, replacing older constitutional norms with a system that bred resentment and paved the way for figures like Trump. Caldwell frames this as a top-down imposition of reforms that disrupted social stability, emphasizing the costs of these changes over their moral imperatives.

In contrast, Tanenhaus’s biography of William F. Buckley Jr. examines the Civil Rights Movement through the lens of Buckley’s personal and political evolution, portraying it as a force of “deconsolidation” that dismantled segregationist structures, particularly in the South. Tanenhaus highlights Buckley’s early opposition to civil rights, including his 1957 National Review editorial “Why the South Must Prevail”, where he defended white supremacy on cultural grounds, arguing that the “advanced race” should maintain control. Tanenhaus reveals Buckley’s covert support for segregationist causes, such as funding White Citizens’ Councils, which reflects a strategic alignment with the “White backlash” vote. Yet, Tanenhaus also notes Buckley’s later regret for these stances, acknowledging the federal government’s role in enforcing anti-discrimination laws. This shift underscores a tension within Buckley’s conservatism—a “ghost in the machine”—that mirrors the broader conservative movement’s struggle with civil rights.

The “mirror image” lies in their contrasting perspectives: Caldwell critiques the Civil Rights Movement as a disruptive force that birthed a new, divisive order, while Tanenhaus sees it as a necessary upheaval that exposed contradictions in Buckley’s conservatism, forcing a reorientation of American society. Caldwell focuses on the movement’s unintended consequences for national cohesion, while Tanenhaus emphasizes its role in revealing the moral and intellectual inconsistencies within the conservative movement, particularly Buckley’s initial resistance and eventual partial reconciliation. Both narratives address the movement’s profound impact, but Caldwell’s is a broader societal critique, while Tanenhaus’s is grounded in Buckley’s personal and ideological journey, with civil rights as a pivotal influence.

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What’s the payoff people get from denying the obvious importance of AI?

I love AI. It has profoundly enhanced the quality of my life. I get to explore immediately whatever I am interested in, whether its cosmic ideas or embarrassing feelings. I get to do more work with more accuracy. I create more jokes and more posts and go deeper than I could on my own.

Denying the obvious importance of AI can give people a few short-term psychological and social payoffs:

Preservation of Control: Admitting AI’s growing power can make people feel irrelevant or out of control. Denial helps preserve a sense of superiority or agency.

Status Quo Bias: If you’re invested in traditional systems (academia, law, medicine, etc.), downplaying AI protects your position and justifies avoiding adaptation.

Moral Superiority (this is most AI deniers I know): Some see AI as unethical, soulless, or dangerous. Denial becomes a way to stake out moral high ground—”we’re the humans, we matter more.”

Avoiding Uncertainty: AI’s rise brings massive unknowns. Denying it makes life simpler and less mentally taxing. No need to re-skill, rethink systems, or question institutions.

Group Identity: In some circles, skepticism or cynicism toward AI is a social signal—like loyalty to a tribe. Denial keeps you in good standing with peers who share that view.

But long-term? That payoff turns into irrelevance, missed opportunity, and being blindsided by change you could’ve shaped.

Denying AI’s importance often stems from fear, self-interest, or cognitive bias. Some people gain a sense of control by dismissing transformative tech—admitting its impact can feel like surrendering to an uncertain future. Others, like those in industries AI might disrupt, protect their status quo by downplaying it. There’s also a psychological payoff: skepticism signals intellectual rigor or contrarianism, which can feel rewarding in a world of hype. Plus, some just cling to outdated mental models, unable to process AI’s exponential growth.

People dig in hard because AI challenges deeply held beliefs about work, creativity, and even what it means to be human. It can feel like a personal attack when someone’s worldview is tied to rejecting or embracing it.

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