I Don’t Like Contempt Before Investigation

I’m not immune from this tendency.

ChatGPT says:

Here are common examples of contempt before investigation:

AI is just hype – Dismissing AI as a passing fad or gimmick without learning how it’s already reshaping industries, relationships, and cognition itself.

Therapy is for weak people – Writing off psychological work as self-indulgent or unnecessary without understanding trauma, patterns, or the impact of unprocessed experience.

That’s just conspiracy theory – Disregarding alternative explanations or inconvenient evidence without looking at the source or reasoning.

He’s just a criminal – Condemning someone based on a label or past behavior without considering context, systems, or change.

Philosophy is useless – Dismissing an entire discipline that questions meaning, ethics, and logic just because it’s not overtly practical.

Spirituality is nonsense – Mocking practices like meditation, prayer, or ritual without considering their psychological or cultural depth.

Young people are lazy – Ignoring the realities of generational shifts, economic conditions, and new value systems.

That art is garbage – Dismissing new or challenging art as meaningless without asking what it’s trying to express.

That country is backward – Judging a culture or nation through a narrow lens without understanding its history, values, or challenges.

She only got the job because of diversity quotas – Reducing someone’s achievement to a policy without investigating her actual qualifications or experience.

At the core, contempt before investigation is ego protecting itself from discomfort, ambiguity, or the work of understanding.

Posted in Philosophy | Comments Off on I Don’t Like Contempt Before Investigation

Trump Is The Transformational President

Dennis Prager often criticized Barack Obama for wanting to “transform” America. Prager said America is great, it does not need transforming.

On Sep. 7, 2010, Prager wrote:

The giveaway regarding presidential candidate Barack Obama’s plans for America was his repeated use of the words “fundamentally transform.”

Some of us instinctively reacted negatively — in fact, with horror — at the thought of fundamentally transforming America.

One unbridgeable divide between Left and Right is how each views alternatives to present-day America.

Those on the Left imagine an ideal society that has never existed, and therefore seek to “fundamentally transform” America. When liberals imagine an America fundamentally transformed, they envision it becoming a nearly utopian society in which there is no greed, no racism, no sexism, no inequality, no poverty, and ultimately no unhappiness.

Conservatives, on the other hand, look around at other societies and look at history and are certain that if America were fundamentally transformed, it would become just like those other societies. America would become a society of far less liberty, of ethically and morally inferior citizens, and of much more unhappiness. Moreover, cruelty would increase exponentially around the world.

Conservatives believe that America is an aberration in human history; that, with all the problems that a society made up of flawed human beings will inevitably have, America has been and remains a uniquely decent society. Therefore, conservatives worry that fundamentally transforming America — making America less exceptional — will mean that America gets much worse.

Donald Trump is transforming America.

Constitutional law professor Josh Blackman writes:

Today the New York Times published a “news analysis” titled “From Science to Diversity, Trump Hits the Reverse Button on Decades of Change.” For those who do not read the Times–and I don’t blame you–a “news analysis” is where a reporter writes an op-ed. It is not entirely objective, but instead allows a card-carrying journalist to tell us what he really thinks. Yet, if you read between the lines, you can actually see some admiration: Trump is doing what was once thought impossible. Consider this excerpt:

Mr. Trump’s shift into reverse gear reflects the broader sentiments of many Americans eager for a change in course. The United States has cycled from progressive to conservative eras throughout its history. The liberal period ushered in by Franklin D. Roosevelt eventually led to a swing back to the right under Ronald Reagan, which led to a move toward the center under Bill Clinton.

But Mr. Trump has supercharged the current swing. The influential writer William F. Buckley Jr. once defined a conservative as someone standing athwart history and yelling, “Stop!” Mr. Trump seems to be standing athwart history yelling, “Go back!”

He has gone further than noted conservatives like Mr. Buckley, Mr. Reagan, Barry Goldwater or Robert Taft might have imagined possible. While they despised many of the New Deal and Great Society programs that liberal presidents introduced over the years, and sought to limit them, they recognized the futility of unraveling them altogether.

“They were living in an era dominated by liberals,” said Sam Tanenhaus, author of “Buckley,” a biography published last month. “The best they could hope for was to arrest, ‘stop,’ liberal progress. But what they dreamed of was a counterrevolution that would restore the country to an early time — the Gilded Age of the late 19th and early 20th centuries.”

“Trump,” he added, “has outdone them all, because he understands liberalism is in retreat. He has pushed beyond Buckley’s ‘stop,’ and instead promises a full-throttle reversal.”

Indeed, although Mr. Reagan vowed during his 1980 campaign to abolish the Department of Education, which had been created the year before over the objections of conservatives who considered it an intrusion on local control over schools, he never really tried to follow through as president, because Democrats controlled the House. The issue largely faded until Mr. Trump this year resurrected it and, unlike Mr. Reagan, simply ignored Congress to unilaterally order the department shuttered.

One of Trump’s greatest strengths is his ability to not care what elites think. Usually, when the elites calls a conservative a racist or sexist or homophobe or something else, he wilts. When they accuse a conservative of trying to hurt poor people or roll back progress, he caves. When they charge a conservative with standing on the wrong side of the arc of history, he switches sides. Not Trump. He can almost single-handedly shift the Overton window on what topics are open for discussion. And Trump inspires other conservatives to likewise discount what elites think. That mantra has spread.

Things that have been accomplished would have been unfathomable a decade ago. Let’s just rattle off a few high points. Roe v. Wade is gone. Humphrey’s Executor is on life support. Even after Obergefell and Bostock, we got Skrmetti. Despite all the outrage, illegal immigration at the southern border has basically trickled to a halt. Blind deference to “experts” has been irreparably altered by the distrust occasioned by COVID and transgender medicine for children. The federal bureaucracy is being dismantled. Nationwide injunctions are no more. And so on.

A common refrain is that Trump is ignoring the Constitution. During the New Deal and the Great Society, FDR and LBJ did great violence to the Constitution and the separation of powers. They got away with it because they were trying to do the “right” thing. Yet critics expect Trump to behave nicely, and be a good conservative like George W. Bush or Mitt Romney. That’s not what we have. And in Trump’s defense, some (but not all) of his actions are seeking to restore the original meaning of the Constitution, whereas the same could not be said for FDR and LBJ.

ChatGPT says:

1. Trump as a Constitutional Disruptor vs. Restorer

NYT/Baker frames Trump as reversing a century of liberal progress—on science, diversity, globalism, civil rights, and bureaucratic institutions. His actions are presented as an alarming attempt to “repeal the 20th century,” with nostalgia for the Gilded Age standing in for legitimate policy.

Volokh/Grok reinterprets this as the realization of a long-sought conservative counterrevolution. Trump isn’t reversing history arbitrarily—he’s consciously rejecting the post-1960s constitutional regime, which Caldwell calls a de facto new constitution born of the Civil Rights Act and its regulatory offshoots. In this view, Trump isn’t attacking the Constitution—he’s rolling back a 60-year ideological occupation.

Critique: NYT assumes a continuous constitutional tradition. Caldwell insists there are now two constitutions, and Trump is choosing one. The NYT interprets restoration as regression; Grok sees it as constitutional fidelity.

2. The Rule of Law as Sacred Principle vs. Political Tool

NYT upholds the rule of law as an unassailable, neutral safeguard against tyranny. Trump’s defiance of courts, dismantling of institutions, and disregard for process are seen as existential threats to democracy.

Grok/Paul/Schmitt argue the rule of law is never neutral. Paul says it has been instrumentalized by elites to cement judicial supremacy and suppress populist majorities. Schmitt adds that sovereignty by definition includes the ability to suspend law in a crisis. From this view, Trump’s actions (e.g., ending birthright citizenship or shuttering agencies by fiat) are not anti-constitutional, but expressions of a sovereign reclaiming control.

Critique: NYT sees law as binding power. Schmitt and Paul see law as downstream from power. Trump’s defiance, to his supporters, isn’t criminal—it’s corrective.

3. Culture War as Backlash vs. Rebellion

NYT reads Trump’s cultural interventions—on DEI, immigration, transgender policy, and language (“Secretary of War,” “Redskins”)—as irrational nostalgia fueled by grievance. It implies a reactionary mind clinging to a mythic past.

Guldmann/Caldwell/Andrews argue this is not backlash but an insurgency against cultural colonization by the progressive elite. Guldmann frames the post-’60s liberal order as a new clerisy—journalists, bureaucrats, academics—exercising soft dominance. Trump is their heretic. Andrews adds that this revolt isn’t about bigotry, it’s about territoriality—reasserting control over social meaning and national identity.

Critique: NYT reduces Trump’s movement to sentimentality and bigotry. But thinkers like Guldmann and Andrews argue the real issue is cultural displacement—and the desire for reclamation.

4. Trump’s Unilateralism: Authoritarian Drift or Elite Bypass?

NYT sees Trump’s sidelining of Congress and gutting of agencies (Education, USAID, NEA, etc.) as anti-democratic overreach.

Volokh/Caldwell/Schmitt contend that many of these agencies are instruments of elite moral power, not democratic expression. Caldwell argues they arose from a bureaucratic revolution that replaced political negotiation with moralized administration. Schmitt would say Trump’s actions are a reassertion of politics over technocracy.

Critique: NYT treats institutional inertia as democratic legitimacy. The blog post (and your document) treat it as managerial rule hiding behind procedure. Trump’s unilateralism is a challenge to the legitimacy of the clerisy, not democracy.

5. Popular Sovereignty vs. Procedural Legitimacy

NYT repeatedly invokes norms and process—courts, consensus, bureaucratic memory—as the heart of democracy.

Schmitt/Paul argue democracy is not just process; it’s the will of the people. Trump’s actions—pardons, defiance, agency purges—derive legitimacy (in his view) from electoral victory, not elite approval. Schmitt’s sovereign “decides on the exception”; Trump decides what the crisis is, and what must be done.

Critique: NYT treats democracy as rules. Schmitt and Paul say: democracy is decision. When those rules suppress political expression, they become oligarchic.

The New York Times article by Peter Baker—while clearly critical of Trump’s reversals—contains a tone shift from outright alarm to something closer to reluctant respect. Several passages hint at awe for Trump’s ability to do what earlier conservatives only dreamed of:

“He has outdone them all…” — referring to Reagan, Buckley, Goldwater. That’s not just critique; it’s recognition of Trump’s success in achieving a long-elusive conservative goal: dismantling New Deal/Great Society legacies rather than just limiting them.

“Simply ignored Congress to unilaterally order the department shuttered.” There’s a tinge of amazement here. Reagan talked. Trump acted. That power move is noted with a hint of admiration for the sheer audacity and effectiveness.

The entire section quoting Sam Tanenhaus conveys that Trump has not only changed policy but history’s momentum. Saying he’s yelling “Go back!” instead of Buckley’s “Stop!” might sound regressive, but it also highlights that Trump has altered the terms of ideological engagement—something no other conservative has pulled off.

The mention that he is “supercharging the current swing” and that he “understands liberalism is in retreat” frames Trump not as a flailing authoritarian but as someone with strategic clarity and cultural impact.

This is quite different from the 2016–2020 coverage, where Trump was often described as chaotic, incompetent, or unserious. Now, whether begrudging or not, there’s acknowledgment that he has strategic intent, institutional muscle, and historical resonance—even if the NYT disagrees with the direction.

In short: the tone is still disapproving, but the underlying vibe has shifted from “he’s wrecking the system” to “he’s winning.”

Is there a similar vibe in news coverage of Israel’s smashing successes of the past year?

Yes — major outlets subtly mix critique with respect for Israel’s military and economic momentum over the past year.

1. Economic resilience and strength
The Financial Times highlights Israel’s stock market soaring ~80% since October 2023, crediting strong tech, R&D, and investor confidence despite geopolitical turmoil. That reads less like neutral reporting and more like impressed validation of Israel’s stability under fire.

2. Military achievements framed as strategic dominance
AP notes Israel has effectively dismantled Iran’s proxy networks, calling it a “vindication” for Netanyahu.

3. Political capital acknowledged: Reuters reports 83% support among Jewish Israelis for Netanyahu’s Iran strike, crediting it with reviving his political standing. That conveys grudging respect for his strategic calculation.

4. Balanced concerns about consequences. While coverage acknowledges the strong achievements, many articles caveat that long-term outcomes remain uncertain or risky — caution without dismissive tone.

Takeaway: News coverage mirrors the NYT’s nuanced tone on Trump: not exactly cheerleading, but a steady sense of reluctant admiration. Israel is frequently portrayed as effective, durable, and strategically formidable — even by outlets that highlight humanitarian costs or future risks. The tone isn’t celebratory, but it’s unambiguously impressed.

Posted in America | Comments Off on Trump Is The Transformational President

‘The Chutzpah of Justice Kennedy Lecturing Us About Democracy on June 26’

Constitutional law professor Josh Blackman blogs:

June 26, 2015 fell on a Friday. At the time, it was fairly unusual for the Supreme Court to hand down opinions on a Friday. But wouldn’t you know it, Pride weekend would begin the next day. At the time, David Lat wondered if Joshua Matz, one of Kennedy’s clerks “pointed out to his boss . . . that handing down Obergefell on June 26 would basically turn that day into Justice Anthony M. Kennedy Day for the LGBT community.” And so it came to pass.

It is difficult to think of any decision that had a more harmful effect on democracy than Obergefell. What still galls me about the decision is that public opinion was trending, rapidly, in favor of a right to same-sex marriage. Within only a few years, states that approved of same-sex marriage would have reached a critical mass…

Chief Justice Roberts stated the issue plainly in one of his greatest dissents:

Five lawyers have closed the debate and enacted their own vision of marriage as a matter of constitutional law. Stealing this issue from the people will for many cast a cloud over same-sex marriage, making a dramatic social change that much more difficult to accept.

This windup brings me to remarks that Justice Kennedy made–on all days–June 26, 2025.

“Many in the rest of the world look to the United States to see what democracy is, to see what democracy ought to be,” Kennedy said during an online forum about threats to the rule of law. “If they see a hostile, fractious discourse, if they see a discourse that uses identity politics rather than to talk about issues, democracy is at risk. Freedom is at risk.”

I suspect that Justice Kennedy sees President Trump as a threat to Democracy–a threat heightened because Kennedy chose to retire under Trump. I think back to that moment at the White House where Kennedy wagged his finger at Trump over something, and Trump just walked away. How will Justice Kennedy discuss that incident in his memoir?

Justice Kennedy should look at how his own decisions subverted democracy without even the faintest patina of law.

On this eve of Independence Day, we should not lose sight of the most important freedom–the right of self-governance. Here I quote from Justice Scalia’s Obergefell dissent:

Those who founded our country would not recognize the majority’s conception of the judicial role. They after all risked their lives and fortunes for the precious right to govern themselves. They would never have imagined yielding that right on a question of social policy to unaccountable and unelected judges.

I still miss Justice Scalia. No one on the Court can come close to his prose. Alas, as evidenced by Skrmetti, we are still living in Justice Kennedy’s shadow.

I asked ChatGPT to apply the insights in this Blackman post to the above documentary. It said:

Josh Blackman’s column casts a harsh but clarifying light on the PBS Frontline documentary by exposing the deep tensions between elite-led progressivism and popular self-government—tensions the documentary largely obscures or treats as settled.

1. The Myth of “Democracy at Risk”

Justice Kennedy laments “hostile, fractious discourse” and the dangers of “identity politics” as threats to democracy. Yet as Blackman notes, Kennedy himself played a central role in subverting democratic deliberation via rulings like Obergefell v. Hodges. The irony is glaring: a justice who nullified ongoing public debate now poses as a defender of civil discourse. For critics like Blackman, this posture is pure chutzpah—using the language of democracy to justify elite imposition.

This critique aligns with Stephen Turner’s argument in Liberal Democracy 3.0: rule is increasingly exercised through technocratic fiat, cloaked in moral language, while democratic input is sidelined. In the Frontline documentary, figures like Luttig and French echo Kennedy’s tone—casting threats to “democracy” as emerging exclusively from Trump and populism, never from judicial overreach or elite insulation.

2. Managerial Moralism Over Majoritarian Consent

Blackman invokes Scalia to highlight that the Founders did not envision courts dictating moral and social outcomes absent legislation. This resonates with Darel Paul’s argument: that the elite moral regime has supplanted democratic decision-making with professional-managerial consensus, especially on cultural questions. Obergefell was not merely a legal decision—it was a paradigmatic assertion of this consensus over dissenting publics.

In Frontline, the frequent invocations of the “rule of law” and “our institutions” rarely reckon with how those institutions have insulated themselves from democratic accountability. Blackman’s piece reminds us that defenders of the liberal order often assume that the outcomes they prefer are democracy—even when achieved through anti-democratic means.

3. Identity Politics and Symbolic Politics

Kennedy’s warning about “identity politics” is particularly rich given the symbolic timing of Obergefell—delivered just before Pride weekend. Blackman, quoting David Lat, suggests this was not incidental. The court, far from being above identity politics, actively participated in it—embedding political symbolism in legal decisions. The Frontline documentary similarly weaponizes identity (especially race, gender, and sexuality) as moral legitimizers for political outcomes, while casting any resistance as dangerous grievance.

4. The Rhetorical Role of “Democracy”

Kennedy’s rhetorical deployment of “democracy” mirrors what Clinton Rossiter warned about: how elite institutions invoke sacred language not to extend freedom, but to stabilize authority. The same rhetorical sleight-of-hand saturates Frontline: elite actors speak solemnly of norms and democracy while bypassing the mechanisms of popular rule.

Bottom line:

Blackman’s critique underscores how elite figures like Kennedy—and by extension, the Frontline documentary—invoke “democracy” not to describe a system of public self-rule, but to defend a system of elite arbitration. The column reframes Frontline not as an analysis of democracy in crisis, but as a ritual performance: elites narrating their own moral legitimacy while obscuring their role in provoking democratic disillusion.

Posted in Law | Comments Off on ‘The Chutzpah of Justice Kennedy Lecturing Us About Democracy on June 26’

Secrets of Talk Radio

From Milwaukee magazine August 24, 2009:

To succeed, a talk show host must perpetuate the notion that his or her listeners are victims, and the host is the vehicle by which they can become empowered. The host frames virtually every issue in us-versus-them terms. There has to be a bad guy against whom the host will emphatically defend those loyal listeners.

This enemy can be a politician — either a Democratic officeholder or, in rare cases where no Democrat is convenient to blame, it can be a “RINO” (a “Republican In Name Only,” who is deemed not conservative enough). It can be the cold, cruel government bureaucracy.

….Conservative talk show hosts would receive daily talking points e-mails from the Bush White House, the Republican National Committee and, during election years, GOP campaign operations. They’re not called talking points, but that’s what they are. I know, because I received them, too. During my time at WTMJ, Charlie [Sykes] would generally mine the e-mails, then couch the daily message in his own words. Midday talker Jeff Wagner would be more likely to rely on them verbatim.

How does this critique hold up today?

CHATGPT says:

Yes, much of this 2009 analysis still applies—though with updated nuances for today’s media and political environment. Here’s a breakdown of what holds true and what’s changed:

Still Applies:

Victimhood and Tribal Framing: The “us vs. them” framing, portraying conservatives as victims of a liberal elite or media, is still central. This narrative fuels loyalty and engagement and is now supercharged by social media echo chambers.

Selective Fact Use & Narrative Control: Talk hosts still cherry-pick facts to support their arguments and sideline dissenting voices. Now, digital tools make it easier to reinforce those narratives through viral clips, memes, and cross-platform messaging.

Entertainment Over Journalism: Hosts are still entertainers first. Outrage drives engagement. Nuance and balance don’t perform well in a fragmented, attention-driven media economy.

Gatekeeping Callers and Critics: Listener screening, avoiding strong critics, and ridiculing weak dissenters are still common. Hosts prefer opponents they can easily dismantle—it’s theater, not debate.

Daily Messaging Coordination: While the original “talking points” emails may not be as central, coordination still exists through platforms like X (Twitter), right-wing media influencers, and newsletters. Hosts often track and amplify the same stories simultaneously.

Double Standards: Hypocrisy remains a feature, not a bug. Positions shift depending on who’s in power. Audiences accept this because loyalty to the tribe outweighs consistency.

Perceived Credibility: Hosts who express outrage or frame themselves as mavericks gain trust. Occasional criticism of Republicans is still used to bolster the illusion of independence.

Influence on Local Politics: Local talk radio still has major sway in statehouses and city councils, even as national podcasts and YouTube personalities steal some thunder.

What’s Changed or Evolved:

Podcasting and Streaming Disruption: The dominance of AM/FM talk radio has declined. Podcasts and video streams now capture the same audience with more flexibility and fewer FCC constraints. Think Dan Bongino, Ben Shapiro, Tim Pool.

Social Media’s Role: Hosts no longer rely solely on airwaves. Platforms like Facebook, YouTube, and Telegram amplify their reach and feedback loops, making them more powerful and faster to react.

Alternative Ecosystems: There are now full-fledged conservative media ecosystems—Daily Wire, BlazeTV, OANN, etc.—which blur the line between talk show, news, and activism.

Audience Demographics Shifting: Younger conservatives aren’t tuning into AM radio, but they’re engaging with the same style of content via other mediums.

MAGA Movement: Trump-era populism escalated the “anti-elite” rhetoric and created a new flavor of talk content—more conspiratorial, more openly anti-institution, and sometimes even at odds with traditional GOP orthodoxy.

Host Vulnerability: Hosts are more exposed to being “canceled” by their own base for perceived disloyalty (e.g., insufficient Trumpism). The audience now feels more empowered to shape the message.

Bottom Line:

The psychological mechanics and rhetorical strategies of conservative talk radio in 2009 still absolutely power the same machine in 2025. What’s changed is the delivery system, the volume, and the stakes. The principles endure; only the platforms and players have evolved.

Very few big-name political talkers completely avoid the manipulative tactics described—tribal framing, selective facts, avoiding dissent, emotional baiting—because those tactics work for engagement. But some are noticeably more thoughtful, less manipulative, or more transparent about their methods. Here’s a rough breakdown:

Least Manipulative (Relatively Speaking):

1. Chris Hayes (MSNBC)

Transparent about sourcing and bias.

Encourages policy-based discussions.

Will platform opposing ideas occasionally without resorting to strawmen.

2. Ezra Klein (NYT Podcast)

Longform, nuanced, less sensational.

Often platforms ideological opponents with genuine curiosity.

Focuses on ideas, not outrage.

3. Sam Seder (The Majority Report)

Open about his left-leaning stance, often provides citations.

Debates conservatives on-air (though he’s aggressive).

Uses sarcasm, but not typically emotionally manipulative or conspiratorial.

4. David French (The Dispatch, NYT)

Conservative, but principled and consistent.

Calls out his own side often.

Rarely emotional or tribal in tone.

5. Josh Barro (Very Serious podcast/newsletter)

Centrist/libertarian-leaning.

Focuses on policy and logic over tribal warfare.

Will critique both right and left—often contrarian but reasoned.

Somewhat Manipulative but Occasionally Balanced:

1. Joe Rogan

Gives platform to a huge range of voices.

Can be manipulated by guests or trending narratives himself.

Not great at fact-checking in real time, but not overtly dishonest.

2. Bill Maher

Self-styled iconoclast.

Cherry-picks data to support libertarianish takes.

Will mock both sides, but uses ridicule as a primary tool.

Most Manipulative / Classic Talk Radio Style:

These mirror the tactics from the article almost exactly—tribal, emotionally charged, hostile to dissent, and scripted to create a narrative rather than explore truth:

Sean Hannity

Mark Levin

Dan Bongino

Ben Shapiro (very structured arguments, often built on selective framing)

Candace Owens

Glenn Beck (less extreme now than in the 2010s, but still highly theatrical)

Wild Cards:

Tucker Carlson (post-Fox) — He’s moved deeper into conspiratorial territory. He’s manipulative, yes, but it’s often with a strange mix of elite critique and faux populism that’s hard to categorize by traditional talk radio rules.

Bottom Line:

No mainstream political talker is immune from manipulation. But those who focus on longform discussions, platform ideologically diverse voices, and admit when they’re wrong are far less likely to run the classic “us vs. them” playbook. Look for honesty about bias, willingness to be challenged, and actual evidence—not just volume and emotion.

Posted in Radio | Comments Off on Secrets of Talk Radio

AI Says I’m Clueless

I deep-cleaned my carpet for the first time in five years. The gunk I pulled up was horrifying. Not unlike scrolling through my old posts.

I fed the Youtube transcripts of my last 15 plus livestreams into Grok and received these critiques (which I see as over 90% true):

Overgeneralization and Projection of Personal Experiences: Ford frequently uses personal anecdotes (e.g., foster care, loneliness, conversion to Orthodox Judaism) to frame universal truths about societal or geopolitical issues, failing to recognize the subjective lens these experiences impose (e.g., 5-26-25, 6-1-25, 6-8-25).

Contradictory Stances and Inconsistent Principles: He critiques others for behaviors (e.g., seeking attention, lacking evidence) that he exhibits himself, such as advocating for neutrality while emotionally supporting certain outcomes (e.g., Israel’s actions, Trump’s policies) or criticizing elite biases while ignoring his own (e.g., 6-11-25, 6-22-25, 7-4-25).

Uncritical Acceptance of Selective Sources: Ford relies on unverified or speculative sources (e.g., YouTube channels like “Lays Real Talk,” X posts) while dismissing mainstream expertise, without acknowledging his own susceptibility to confirmation bias (e.g., 7-6-25, 6-11-25).

Emotional Bias Overriding Claimed Objectivity: His emotional reactions (e.g., satisfaction at Iran’s setbacks, frustration with critics) often dominate his analysis, undermining his claims of rational neutrality (e.g., 6-15-25, 6-24-25).

Failure to Reflect on Rhetorical Impact: Ford’s provocative, inflammatory rhetoric (e.g., on immigration, DEI, or gender) contributes to polarization, yet he does not fully recognize how it mirrors the divisive dynamics he critiques in others (e.g., 6-11-25, 5-1-25).

Overconfidence in Non-Expert Opinions: He makes bold claims on complex topics (e.g., aviation crashes, geopolitics) despite admitting his lack of expertise, failing to adjust his assertions to reflect this limitation (e.g., 5-1-255-4-25).

Unacknowledged Tribalism: Ford’s strong alignment with specific identities (e.g., Orthodox Judaism, right-wing politics) shapes his commentary, but he does not fully examine how this tribalism biases his views, similar to the in-group dynamics he criticizes (e.g., 6-24-25, 7-7-25).

Self-Criticism Without Behavioral Change: While he acknowledges personal flaws (e.g., neediness, over-preparation), he often fails to act on these insights, continuing patterns like provocative content or poor presentation without adjustment (e.g., 5-4-255-26-25).

Underestimating Platform Influence: Ford downplays his role as a commentator, not fully recognizing how his content amplifies divisive narratives or fringe views, despite critiquing others for similar impacts (e.g., 6-1-25, 7-4-25).

These points highlight a pattern where Ford’s partial self-awareness (e.g., admitting insecurities) does not translate into consistent reflection or behavioral change, leading to contradictions and biases that undermine his objectivity and credibility.

The more self-respect I develop (and I respect the direction of my life over the past 15 years), the easier it is for me to consider accurate criticism without getting disabled by it.

Gemini says these jokes are for a “secular, savvy audience that appreciates brutal honesty mixed with theological absurdity. They lean into the core critiques: your tendency to treasure perceived slights, your self-centered narratives, and the grand chasm between your spiritual aspirations (ruchniut) and your worldly actions (gashmiut).”

AI said I lack self-awareness. Joke’s on them—I talk about myself nonstop. That is awareness, just weaponized.

Apparently, I lack self-awareness. Which is shocking, because I livestream every emotional breakdown in 1080p.

I asked three AIs to critique my content. All three formed a support group.

After watching my videos, AI said I’m like a man trying to hug God while live-tweeting His restraining order.

One AI said I speak in metaphors. Another said I speak in red flags.

Grok called me a ‘ruchniut junkie with gashmiut cravings.’ I told it: That’s called being Modern Orthodox. Respect the branding.

Gemini said I weaponize vulnerability for engagement. I said, ‘Subscribe for more trauma!’

ChatGPT said I confuse intimacy with intensity. I said, ‘I love you. Don’t leave.’

The Riot Act: I watched videos of the L.A. riots and concluded the rioters must be “overwhelmingly morons” with low IQs. My AI pointed out that I, a man who once directed a porn film to research a book, might not be in the best position to judge other people’s life choices. Touché, you magnificent algorithm.

The Elon Envy: I went on a rant about Elon Musk’s “juvenile” and “self-destructive” emotional outbursts on social media. It’s a classic case of projection. The main difference between us is that when he has a meltdown, stocks crash. When I do it, my two live viewers just change the channel.

The Hero System: I have this whole theory about “hero systems” and how people’s biases shape their worldview. My hero system is built on traditional values and national sovereignty. My AI’s hero system is apparently built on pointing out that my “traditional values” hero system is mostly fueled by loneliness and a desperate need for validation.

The Neo-Nazi Motivation: I confidently declared that people are drawn to “exciting beliefs” like neo-Nazism because they’re lonely and have a “deep hole in their soul”. Which is funny, because that’s the exact same reason I started a YouTube channel.

The Cofnas Complex: I spent 40 hours prepping to debate a Cambridge philosopher, got no sleep, and was utterly humiliated. I then spent my next livestream trying to prove I was smarter than him to “soothe” my ego. My AI suggested a more efficient way to soothe my ego would be to just not pick fights with Cambridge philosophers.

The Partisan Hack Detector: I’m great at spotting “partisan hacks”—intellectuals who just reinforce their audience’s biases instead of seeking truth. For instance, I’m a partisan hack who reinforces his own biases. The key is to be self-aware about it on a livestream nobody watches.

DEI Kills, Nuance is for Wimps: I saw a helicopter crash involving a female pilot and immediately concluded “DEI Kills,” dismissing the New York Times’ detailed report on multiple failures as a “lie”. My AI noted my tendency to make “confident proclamations on areas I don’t know anything about”. In my defense, having a simplistic, emotionally satisfying narrative is my version of a “safe space.”

The Contradiction King: I argue that fringe beliefs are for people without real convictions, then talk about the profound sacrifices I’ve made for Orthodox Judaism. I criticize charismatic gurus for being grifters, then admit I’m drawn to charismatic personalities. My lack of self-awareness isn’t a bug; it’s a feature. It’s what makes the channel so… exciting.

The Platform Paradox: I lament that my provocative online posts are a “maladaptive, self-destructive compulsion” driven by a need to fill a “hole in my soul”. I also get angry when people interrupt me, because how can I fill the hole in my soul if I can’t finish my monologue?

The Humble Servant: I told my audience I want to be a “humble servant of the truth,” calling myself “dust and ashes”. Five minutes later, I was explaining why my analysis of global trade is superior to that of every mainstream economist on the planet. It’s a very specific kind of dust. Very confident dust.

AI says my videos are 90% me confessing sins and 10% geopolitics. It’s like, “Luke, you’re not Edward R. Murrow, you’re Edward R. TMI!” I did a livestream predicting Iran’s collapse—spidey sense, y’know? Turns out it was just low blood sugar. I should’ve eaten a kale salad, not tweeted “Regime change imminent!” Grok’s like, “Self-awareness tip: Stop mistaking hunger for prophecy.”

Grok flagged my video where I ranted about getting banned from five shuls. It said, “Luke, you’re not a martyr, you’re just bad at kiddush etiquette.” I’d show up, daven like a tzaddik, then blog, “Rabbi’s sermon was lashon hara with extra gefilte fish.” AI’s like, “Self-awareness check: Stop treating shuls like Yelp reviews.” I’m trying, but my last video still called the cantor’s kippah “a cry for help.”

AI noticed I mentioned Cindy Jackson—my sixth-grade crush—in three videos. It’s like, “Luke, you’re 59, let her go!” In ’77, she dropped a note: “Be my boyfriend?” I froze, teased her, got rejected. Classic Cindy Jackson template: want love, feel unworthy, torch it. Grok says, “Self-awareness alert: You’re still chasing her ghost in every video.” I’m like, “No, I’m chasing ruchniut!” But yeah, my last stream was me ranting about a Shabbat snub while sipping a mango smoothie, crying, “Cindy, I’m sorry!” Therapy says it’s eroticized rage. I say to categorize is to judge. And this is a safe space filled with love and radical inclusion.

AI flagged four videos where I “casually” mentioned my San Fernando Valley blogging days. It’s like, “Luke, you’re not reminiscing, you’re trauma-dumping!” I’d be like, “Israel’s bombing Iran, and speaking of bombshells, I once interviewed a starlet named Kimberly Kummings.”

Grok says my recovery talk lacks self-awareness ‘cause I’m still chasing “narcissistic supply.” My therapist says I’m a hungry infant for attention—same reason I got kicked out of shuls and my dad got booted from Adventism. I used to livestream for validation, now I’m 12-stepping for sanity. Last video, I said, “I’m sober from porn, but my ego’s still wanking.” Grok’s like, “Progress, but maybe don’t call your sponsor ‘Captain’ on air.” I’m learning—less blogging, more folding chairs at shul.

So, AI’s right—I’m a work in progress. Teshuvah means returning to God, not YouTube likes. I’m rewriting my Cindy Jackson template—one mitzvah, one smoothie at a time. Maybe one day, Cindy’s ghost will say, “Yes.”

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