The Impossible Jew: Identity and the Reconstruction of Jewish American Literary History

In his 2018 book, The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities, John J. Mearsheimer wrote:

My view is that we are profoundly social beings from the start to the finish of our lives and that individualism is of secondary importance… Liberalism downplays the social nature of human beings to the point of almost ignoring it, instead treating people largely as atomistic actors… Political liberalism… is an ideology that is individualistic at its core and assigns great importance to the concept of inalienable rights. This concern for rights is the basis of its universalism—everyone on the planet has the same inherent set of rights—and this is what motivates liberal states to pursue ambitious foreign policies. The public and scholarly discourse about liberalism since World War II has placed enormous emphasis on what are commonly called human rights. This is true all around the world, not just in the West. “Human rights,” Samuel Moyn notes, “have come to define the most elevated aspirations of both social movements and political entities—state and interstate. They evoke hope and provoke action.”
[Humans] do not operate as lone wolves but are born into social groups or societies that shape their identities well before they can assert their individualism. Moreover, individuals usually develop strong attachments to their group and are sometimes willing to make great sacrifices for their fellow members. Humans are often said to be tribal at their core. The main reason for our social nature is that the best way for a person to survive is to be embedded in a society and to cooperate with fellow members rather than act alone… Despite its elevated ranking, reason is the least important of the three ways we determine our preferences. It certainly is less important than socialization. The main reason socialization matters so much is that humans have a long childhood in which they are protected and nurtured by their families and the surrounding society, and meanwhile exposed to intense socialization. At the same time, they are only beginning to develop their critical faculties, so they are not equipped to think for themselves. By the time an individual reaches the point where his reasoning skills are well developed, his family and society have already imposed an enormous value infusion on him. Moreover, that individual is born with innate sentiments that also strongly influence how he thinks about the world around him. All of this means that people have limited choice in formulating a moral code, because so much of their thinking about right and wrong comes from inborn attitudes and socialization.

If John Mearsheimer’s thesis is correct, it directly undermines the entire foundation of Benjamin Schreier’s The Impossible Jew Identity and the Reconstruction of Jewish American Literary History. Mearsheimer’s assertion that humans are fundamentally tribal, socially embedded, and shaped by an early “value infusion” completely opposes Schreier’s desire to dismantle stable ethnic categories.

Schreier advocates for a “postidentitarian” and “subjectless” approach to Jewish studies, drawing on critics who try to decouple ethnic fields from a concrete, identifiable human population. He argues that a text’s Jewishness should be viewed as a spectral product of interpretive desire rather than a reflection of real Jews. If Mearsheimer is right, Schreier’s theory is a textbook example of hyper-individualistic liberal delusion. In Mearsheimer’s view, humans do not operate as lone wolves or choose their identities from a menu of textual desires; they are born into social groups that shape their identities long before they can think for themselves. Schreier’s attempt to vaporize the biological and sociological reality of “the population” ignores the evolutionary and social fact that group survival depends on cooperation and shared, inherited tribal realities.

Schreier fiercely critiques the historicist mainstream of Jewish studies for its “anthropological expectation” that a body of literature represents an actual, legible population. He calls this a complacent, nationalistic dead end. If Mearsheimer is right, this historicist “ghetto” is actually the only scientifically and sociologically valid way to read literature. Literature should be evaluated through the lens of population, socialization, and shared tribal experience because authors are products of intense early childhood socialization within their specific group. You cannot separate a text from the collective survival engine of the society that produced the writer.

In Chapter 3, Schreier attacks right-wing critics like Ruth Wisse who argue that the Jewish New York Intellectuals had a biological or cultural responsibility to a Jewish polity. Schreier prefers Lionel Trilling’s model of “self-conscious detachment from any position” and the preservation of individual imaginative freedom over collective affiliation. Mearsheimer’s framework suggests that Trilling’s detached, universalist individualism is a psychological impossibility. If humans are tribal at their core and reason is subordinate to socialization, then the New York Intellectuals could never truly strip away their early “value infusion.” Wisse’s argument that their identity naturally bound them to the fate of their group comports with Mearsheimer’s belief that individuals develop powerful, involuntary attachments to their group and are wired to cooperate for collective survival.

If Mearsheimer is right, Schreier’s book is an artifact of the post-Cold War liberal universalism it purports to critique. By trying to turn a concrete, historical group identity into an abstract aesthetic playground of “negation” and “unknowability,” Schreier is downplaying the social nature of human beings to the point of ignoring it. Mearsheimer would argue that no matter how much a literary critic twists textuality to make identity “impossible,” the tribal reality of human socialization will always dictate the boundaries of the group.

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The Enlightenment Wasn’t Enlightened

In his 2018 book, The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities, John J. Mearsheimer wrote:

My view is that we are profoundly social beings from the start to the finish of our lives and that individualism is of secondary importance… Liberalism downplays the social nature of human beings to the point of almost ignoring it, instead treating people largely as atomistic actors… Political liberalism… is an ideology that is individualistic at its core and assigns great importance to the concept of inalienable rights. This concern for rights is the basis of its universalism—everyone on the planet has the same inherent set of rights—and this is what motivates liberal states to pursue ambitious foreign policies. The public and scholarly discourse about liberalism since World War II has placed enormous emphasis on what are commonly called human rights. This is true all around the world, not just in the West. “Human rights,” Samuel Moyn notes, “have come to define the most elevated aspirations of both social movements and political entities—state and interstate. They evoke hope and provoke action.”
[Humans] do not operate as lone wolves but are born into social groups or societies that shape their identities well before they can assert their individualism. Moreover, individuals usually develop strong attachments to their group and are sometimes willing to make great sacrifices for their fellow members. Humans are often said to be tribal at their core. The main reason for our social nature is that the best way for a person to survive is to be embedded in a society and to cooperate with fellow members rather than act alone… Despite its elevated ranking, reason is the least important of the three ways we determine our preferences. It certainly is less important than socialization. The main reason socialization matters so much is that humans have a long childhood in which they are protected and nurtured by their families and the surrounding society, and meanwhile exposed to intense socialization. At the same time, they are only beginning to develop their critical faculties, so they are not equipped to think for themselves. By the time an individual reaches the point where his reasoning skills are well developed, his family and society have already imposed an enormous value infusion on him. Moreover, that individual is born with innate sentiments that also strongly influence how he thinks about the world around him. All of this means that people have limited choice in formulating a moral code, because so much of their thinking about right and wrong comes from inborn attitudes and socialization.

If Mearsheimer is right here, John Locke, Voltaire and other Enlightenment thinkers were wrong.
If Mearsheimer is right, the Enlightenment is not the discovery of universal truths about human nature and society. It is a brilliant, localized cultural project that misunderstood its own foundations.
The mainstream Enlightenment, represented by figures like Denis Diderot (1713–1784), Voltaire (1694–1778), and Immanuel Kant (1724–1804), rested on the belief that human reason could break free from the chains of tradition, superstition, and local prejudice.
Kant famously defined Enlightenment as man’s emergence from his self-incurred immaturity, urging individuals to have the courage to use their own understanding. The project assumed that reason is a universal tool, that human nature is uniform beneath cultural differences, and that society can be engineered rationally to maximize individual liberty.
Mearsheimer’s argument demolishes these pillars. If reason is the least important of the ways men determine their preferences, then the Enlightenment overestimation of human rationality is a profound error.
Enlightenment thinkers believed that independent reason could judge and reform culture. Mearsheimer reverses this relationship. Intense childhood socialization injects an individual with a specific value system long before his critical faculties develop. By the time a man begins to reason, the logic of his particular tribe has already captured his mind.
Reason does not operate as an objective, neutral judge. It operates as a lawyer, constructing justifications for preferences that socialization and innate sentiments have already established. The Enlightenment ideal of the independent thinker who strips away cultural bias to find universal truth is an impossibility.
The Enlightenment advanced a teleological view of history (a belief in moral and political progress). Thinkers argued that as superstition receded and reason spread, humanity would move away from tribal warfare toward universal peace, commerce, and shared cosmopolitan values.
If humans are tribal at their core and depend on group cohesion for survival, this progressive vision is a fantasy. Tribalism is not a primitive phase of development that education can erase. It is a permanent biological and social necessity. When Enlightenment liberalism attempts to dismantle traditional group identities in the name of universal human rights, it creates a vacuum. It underestimates the intense human need to belong to a specific group that defines itself against other groups.
The Enlightenment claimed that its principles of individualism, inalienable rights, and rule by reason apply to all people everywhere. Mearsheimer’s view reveals that this universalism is a delusion.
The values of the Enlightenment are the specific products of Western socialization. When liberal states use these values to guide their foreign policies, they mistake their own tribal code for a universal law of nature. Other societies do not reject Western liberalism because they lack reason; they reject it because their own intense socialization has given them different, deeply embedded moral codes.
If Mearsheimer is right, the Enlightenment did not discover a universal human nature. It merely produced a highly successful Western tribe with a unique ideology. The project’s insistence on its own universality makes it blind to the enduring power of nationalism and cultural difference, turning a philosophy of liberation into a recipe for endless foreign conflict.
If Mearsheimer is right, the core of John Locke’s political philosophy collapses because its starting assumptions about human nature, rights, and reason are incorrect.
Locke bases his political theory on the concept of the state of nature, a pre-political condition where individuals exist as autonomous, free, and equal agents. In this state, men use reason to discover the law of nature, which dictates that no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions. For Locke, society and government are artificial constructs, created through a social contract when these autonomous individuals choose to join together to better secure their pre-existing, inalienable rights. Individualism is primary; social organization is secondary.
Mearsheimer flips this hierarchy. If humans are profoundly social beings from start to finish, the Lockean state of nature is a fiction. Men do not enter society as fully formed, rational adults who possess an inherent understanding of universal rights. Instead, they are born into specific social groups that shape their identities, languages, and moral codes long before their critical faculties develop. Survival requires tribal cooperation, not lone-wolf autonomy. If Mearsheimer is correct, Locke’s autonomous individual does not exist.
This undercuts Locke’s view of human reason. Locke famously compares the human mind at birth to a blank slate (tabula rasa), arguing that knowledge and moral understanding come through experience and reflection. He asserts that adult reason allows man to see past local prejudices to grasp universal moral truths. Mearsheimer argues that reason is weak compared to biological sentiment and intense childhood socialization. By the time a man can reason for himself, his community has already injected him with a specific, local value system. He has limited choice in formulating a moral code. Locke’s belief in a universal moral law discoverable by independent reason becomes an illusion.
Consequently, the concept of universal, inalienable rights loses its foundation. In Locke’s system, rights belong to the individual by virtue of his humanity, independent of government or culture. If Mearsheimer is right, rights are not inherent features of human existence; they are cultural products of a specific type of society. The belief that everyone on the planet possesses the same set of rights is a product of Western socialization rather than an objective truth.
When liberal states treat these rights as universal and attempt to spread them globally through ambitious foreign policies, they run into the reality of nationalism and tribalism. Other societies, shaped by their own intense socialization, do not see these rights as self-evident truths. They see them as foreign intrusions that threaten their own group identities.
If Mearsheimer’s description of human nature is accurate, Locke’s philosophy is not a universal blueprint for human governance. It is a highly localized ideology that downplays man’s tribal core. The social contract is not a historical or philosophical truth, but a myth that obscures the tribal solidarity and socialization required to maintain any state.
If Mearsheimer is right, Voltaire was a brilliant satirist who misdiagnosed the nature of the human condition.
Voltaire spent his life crusading against religious intolerance, superstition, and the abuses of the Catholic Church. His famous battle cry, Écrasez l’infâme! (Crush the infamous thing!), assumed that fanaticism and tribal bigotry were artificial distortions. He believed these evils were maintained by corrupt priests and kings to keep men in the dark. For Voltaire, if you removed the artificial weight of the Church and applied commerce, wit, and empirical reason, human beings would naturally default to a tolerant, cosmopolitan common sense.
Mearsheimer’s argument turns Voltaire’s entire crusade upside down.
Voltaire viewed religious intolerance as a disease of the mind that reason could cure. Mearsheimer argues that humans are tribal at their core and that survival requires deep embedding within a social group.
If Mearsheimer is right, the intense group loyalties and dogmas that Voltaire mocked in Candide and Treatise on Tolerance are not superficial errors invented by clever priests. They are the standard operating equipment of human survival. The fierce attachments to local religious or political groups are expressions of man’s evolutionary need for group cohesion. Voltaire was fighting against human nature itself, mistaking a permanent biological and social necessity for a temporary lack of education.
Voltaire believed in the power of the pen to change minds. He assumed that by exposing the absurdity of superstition through irony and clear argument, men would see the light and change their behavior.
Mearsheimer notes that reason is the least important way men determine their preferences. Long before Voltaire’s readers could develop their critical faculties, their families and societies had already injected them with an enormous value infusion. A witty pamphlet cannot undo years of childhood socialization and innate sentiments. Voltaire’s writing did not convert his enemies; it merely entertained a specific, highly socialized subset of European elites who already shared his tribal code.
Voltaire championed the idea of the cosmopolitan man—the rational individual who can look past his country’s prejudices to engage in commerce and conversation with men of all nations. He praised the Royal Exchange in London, where Royalists, Whigs, Catholics, and Jews traded peacefully for mutual benefit.
Mearsheimer’s view reveals that this cosmopolitanism is a mirage. Humans do not operate as lone-wolf traders who shedding their identities at the market door. They remain profoundly social beings whose identities are tied to their specific groups. While commerce might create temporary cooperation, the underlying tribal allegiances remain. When the pressure rises, the cosmopolitan veneer cracks, and men revert to their primary tribal defense structures: nationalism and the state.
If Mearsheimer is correct, Voltaire was not an objective observer liberating humanity from chains. He was the high priest of a new, secular Western tribe. His belief that his specific values of tolerance and skepticism were universally applicable was the ultimate delusion, blinding him to the reality that human beings prefer the security of the tribe to the cold autonomy of independent reason.

If Mearsheimer is right, several of the most contentious debates in contemporary politics, foreign policy, and culture would effectively resolve—not through a compromise, but because one side’s foundational assumptions would be proven completely wrong.
For decades, Western foreign policy has debated whether the United States should pursue liberal hegemony—exporting democracy, building international institutions, and intervening to protect human rights—or stick to a realist strategy of managing the balance of power.
If Mearsheimer is right, this debate is over. The idealist project of transforming foreign nations into liberal democracies is a structural impossibility. Interventions like those in Iraq and Afghanistan, or efforts to integrate nations like China and Russia into a rules-based liberal international order, are doomed from the outset. Because nationalism and tribal socialization always override abstract liberal values, foreign populations will inevitably view liberal intervention as imperial aggression. The debate resolves entirely in favor of a restrained, balance-of-power foreign policy.
Western democracies are locked in a fierce debate over immigration, border control, and national identity. One side argues for multiculturalism and open borders, believing that human beings are atomistic individuals who can easily integrate into any society by accepting abstract civic principles like the rule of law. The other side argues that integration is deeply difficult and that unchecked immigration destabilizes national cohesion.
Mearsheimer’s view resolves this in favor of the restrictionists. If human beings are intensely socialized from childhood and tribal at their core, you cannot simply drop millions of people from one culture into another and expect them to instantly become atomistic liberals. Their deeply embedded moral codes, shaped by their native societies, do not vanish upon crossing a border. Civic nationalism—the idea that a state can be held together purely by an allegiance to political ideas rather than a shared culture—reveals itself as an illusion.
Domestic political debates often center on whether society should be run by a technocratic, highly educated elite who claim to use objective, universal reason to solve social problems, or whether policy should reflect the instincts and traditions of the broader populist majority.
If reason is the weakest tool for determining human preferences, the technocratic ideal collapses. The globalist elite are not objective neutral actors; they are simply a distinct tribe socialized in elite universities, operating on their own insular value system. Their claims to scientific, value-free governance are a mask for group interest. Populism, rather than being an irrational pathology, is the natural reaction of a native population protecting its group identity against a managerial class that downplays the social nature of man.
The debate over identity politics splits those who view people primarily as individual citizens with universal rights from those who view people primarily through the lens of their demographic group (race, gender, class).
Mearsheimer’s logic suggests that the universalist liberals are wrong and the identity theorists are partially right about human mechanics, though wrong about their political goals. Humans do not operate as lone wolves; they are tribal from start to finish. The liberal dream of a colorblind society of pure individuals is a psychological impossibility. However, because group solidarity is an innate human defense structure, the identity politics attempt to fragment a nation into competing tribal grievance groups cannot lead to liberation. It can only lead to total social balkanization and majoritarian tribal backlash.
The modern debate over free speech usually pits free-speech absolutists, who rely on John Milton (1608-1674) and John Stuart Mill (1806-1873), against advocates for censorship and harm reduction. Mill argued that a completely open marketplace of ideas allows truth to eventually defeat error through public debate.
If Mearsheimer is right, the marketplace of ideas is a psychological impossibility. Because people are not atomistic individuals evaluating arguments with cold, objective reason, they do not change their minds when presented with superior logic. Instead, they view speech through a tribal lens. Information that threatens the group’s foundational myths is experienced as a physical threat to survival, while falsehoods that strengthen group cohesion are embraced as truth. The debate settles on a grim reality: speech is not a tool for discovering universal truth, but a weapon used in inter-group conflict. Free speech can exist only within a highly socialized, homogenous tribe that already shares the same underlying values.
For decades, international elites have argued that the world must move toward transnational governance. This view holds that global problems like climate change, financial crises, and pandemics require states to cede sovereignty to international bodies like the United Nations, the World Health Organization, or the World Trade Organization.
Mearsheimer’s logic ends this debate in favor of strict state sovereignty. If humans are tribal at their core and derive their identities from their specific national cultures, they will never transfer their ultimate loyalty to an abstract, global bureaucracy. Transnational institutions lack organic legitimacy because there is no such thing as a global tribe. When a crisis hits, individuals look to their nation-state for protection, and the state looks out for its own people first. Any attempt to enforce global governance will be resisted as a form of foreign imperial overreach.
Educational theorists debate the purpose of schooling. The classical liberal tradition aims to teach children how to think, turning them into independent, critical agents who can question their own societies. The opposing view, often associated with progressive or critical theories, sees education primarily as a tool for political and social engineering.
If Mearsheimer is right, the classical ideal of teaching a child to be a completely autonomous thinker is a delusion. During a long childhood, the human mind is intensely vulnerable to value infusions before its critical faculties can even form. Education is always and everywhere a process of socialization—it is the tribe reproducing its own moral code in the next generation. The only real question in education is which set of tribal values will be injected into the child, not whether the child can be kept free from indoctrination.
The debate over Universal Basic Income (UBI) features proponents who argue that giving individuals cash directly maximizes their personal freedom and autonomy, allowing them to exit bad jobs or bad relationships and construct their own lives. Critics argue it destroys the incentive to work and creates dependency.
Mearsheimer’s view shifts the ground beneath this debate entirely, cutting against the individualistic assumptions of UBI. If man is a profoundly social being whose identity and psychological health depend on being useful to and embedded in a concrete group, simply cutting him a check as an isolated consumer misses the core of human nature. Without the social structure, discipline, and communal recognition that come from shared work and local institutions, atomistic financial support cannot prevent social alienation. It accelerates the breakdown of the very social groups man needs to survive.

If Mearsheimer is right, the fierce intellectual civil wars that have fractured elite English departments since the 1970s would abruptly end.
For decades, these departments have been battlegrounds for competing literary theories: traditional humanism, post-structuralism, deconstruction, and various schools of identity-based cultural studies. If Mearsheimer’s description of human nature is accurate, the foundational justifications for almost all of these camps collapse, resolving the debate by exposing their shared misconceptions.
The traditional, conservative wing of English departments has long argued for a literary canon based on aesthetic excellence and universal human truths. Figures like Harold Bloom (1930–2019) argued that reading the “Great Books” allows an individual to transcend his specific time and place, cultivate a solitary, autonomous consciousness, and commune with the universal human spirit across centuries.
Mearsheimer’s logic destroys this humanist ideal. If humans are tribal from start to finish and deeply socialized from childhood, there is no autonomous individual consciousness to cultivate, nor is there a uniform, universal human spirit waiting to be discovered in a text. The Western literary canon is not a collection of transcendent, objective truths; it is the specific, sophisticated socialization mechanism of the European elite. The humanist belief that reading Shakespeare can liberate a man from his tribal instincts is an illusion. Literature does not transcend the tribe; it encodes it.
In the late twentieth century, elite departments were captured by post-structuralism and deconstruction, led by thinkers like Jacques Derrida (1930–2004). This camp argued that language is unstable, texts have no fixed meaning, and all stable identities or social truths are linguistic illusions that can be unraveled through clever reading. They believed that by deconstructing language, the critic could liberate himself from the dominant power structures of society.
If Mearsheimer is right, high theory is an intellectual dead end driven by the ultimate liberal delusion: that reason and language can exist independently of social survival. Humans do not live in a world of endless linguistic play; they live in concrete societies where survival depends on intense group cohesion. The moral codes and identities injected during childhood are not fragile linguistic constructs that vanish under a deconstructive critique; they are deeply embedded biological and social realities. High theory reveals itself as a luxury product of a highly secure, over-socialized academic tribe playing word games that bear no relation to how human beings function.
The dominant faction in contemporary elite English departments views literature almost exclusively through the lens of power, race, gender, and empire. This school argues that literature is either an instrument of imperial oppression or a tool for subverting dominant power structures to achieve universal liberation and global social justice.
Mearsheimer’s view suggests this camp is half-right in its diagnostics but completely wrong in its aims. They are right that literature is a tool of group power and socialization rather than a repository of disinterested beauty. Every text carries the value infusion of the tribe that produced it. However, their ultimate goal—using literature to dismantle all traditional identities and build a borderless, egalitarian, cosmopolitan world—is a psychological and political impossibility. By attempting to strip away national and tribal identities, they are fighting human biology. Furthermore, their own academic subculture is not a vanguard of universal liberation; it is just another tribe, socialized in elite institutions, using its own jargon-heavy moral code to compete for status and institutional power.
If Mearsheimer is right, the century-long debate over whether literature is about Beauty, Language, or Liberation resolves into a single, realist truth: Literature is an instrument of socialization.
The sole function of a culture’s stories, myths, and poems is to inject the tribe’s moral code into the next generation during their long, vulnerable childhood, ensuring group solidarity and survival. The elite English department would be forced to abandon its grand philosophical and political delusions. It would become a department of cultural anthropology, analyzing texts simply as the historical artifacts of various human tribes trying to hold themselves together in a competitive world.
If the history of English literature is fundamentally the history of Christian literature, and if Mearsheimer is right, then Christianity is not merely a set of theological propositions that individuals choose to believe through independent reason. It is the civilizational engine of Western socialization, the primary source of the value infusion that shaped the English-speaking mind for over a millennium.
Mearsheimer’s framework alters how we must view this Christian literary tradition, revealing that its power lies not in abstract dogma, but in its ability to solve the fundamental problem of human survival: creating intense group solidarity.
The earliest monuments of English literature, such as Beowulf, reveal the exact collision between man’s raw tribal nature and the Christian socialization process. The Anglo-Saxon world was fiercely tribal, built on blood feuds, kinship, and survival in a hostile environment.
If Mearsheimer is right, Christianity did not succeed by turning these warriors into atomistic individuals who loved their enemies. It succeeded because it was a more powerful system of group cohesion. Christian literature adapted the existing tribal code. In the Old English poem The Dream of the Rood, Christ is not a passive victim; He is described as a young warrior hero, girding Himself for battle on the cross. The Church understood that to survive, it had to capture the innate sentiments of the group and redirect their loyalty toward a universal king—the Christian God.
Mearsheimer places immense emphasis on the long human childhood, a period of vulnerability where families and society impose an enormous value infusion on individuals before their critical faculties develop. For centuries in England, that value infusion was entirely Christian, and literature was the primary instrument used to deliver it.
From the medieval miracle plays performed in the streets to John Bunyan’s (1628–1688) The Pilgrim’s Progress, the stories of English literature were designed to socialize the young and the unlettered. Long before an English child could reason for himself, his moral landscape was populated by the imagery of the King James Bible, the Book of Common Prayer, and John Milton’s (1608–1674) Paradise Lost. His concepts of right, wrong, guilt, and redemption were deeply embedded by his community.
If Mearsheimer is right, the great works of Christian literature were not philosophical arguments to be debated by independent minds; they were deep psychological anchors that ensured the entire tribe operated on the same moral wavelengths.
The most profound implication of Mearsheimer’s view for Christian literature is that political liberalism itself—the very ideology Mearsheimer critiques—is a secularized heresy of Western Christian literature.
The emphasis on individual conscience, the inherent dignity of the soul, and universal human rights did not emerge from thin air through pure reason during the Enlightenment. These ideas were the product of centuries of Christian socialization. They are found in the poetry of Geoffrey Chaucer (c. 1340–1400), where even the lowliest characters possess an immortal soul, and in the prose of the Puritans, who argued for equality before God.
When secular Enlightenment writers discarded the theology of Christianity, they kept its universalist moral assumptions. They took the Christian concept of the soul, stripped it of God, and renamed it the “autonomous individual” with “inalienable rights.”
If Mearsheimer is right, this was the ultimate mistake. Christian literature was effective because its universalist aspirations were backed by a powerful, concrete community—the Church—with intense rituals, social discipline, and a shared cosmic tribal identity. Liberalism kept the universalist rhetoric but destroyed the social structures that made it functional. It tried to create a global brotherhood of individuals without the shared socialization of a common faith.
By the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, English literature became increasingly secular. Novelists like George Eliot (1819–1880) and Thomas Hardy (1840–1928) wrestled with the loss of faith, attempting to preserve Christian morality—charity, sympathy, and justice—without Christian dogma.
If Mearsheimer is right, this secular literary project was doomed from the start. You cannot maintain a specific moral code once you destroy the specific socialization mechanism that produced it. Without the shared religious framework to bind the group together, the common culture fractures.
The history of English literature shows that when Christianity was the dominant socialization engine, it created a massive, coherent civilization capable of immense collective action. As that Christian value infusion faded from literature and education, it was not replaced by universal reason. Instead, the English-speaking world began to fragment back into its primary state: competing, balkanized tribes, each trying to write its own moral code without a shared God to hold them together.

If John Mearsheimer’s thesis is right, the institutional prestige of high literary theory collapses. Literary studies since the late twentieth century has heavily rewarded critics who treat identity, nation, and gender as artificial, textual, or fluid.

If humans are fundamentally tribal, intensely socialized from early childhood, and bound to inherited group realities, then the dominant academic fashion of celebrating hyper-individualistic fluidity is wrong. Five elite English and comparative literature professors lose status under this framework:

Judith Butler

Why she loses status: Famous for pioneering the theory of gender performativity, Butler argues that identity is not an internal or biological essence but an artificial, stylized repetition of acts over time. If Mearsheimer is right, her view that individuals can subvert or re-perform identity downplays deep-seated socialization. Mearsheimer argues that innate sentiments and early childhood protection hardwire a human’s core preferences and values before critical reasoning even develops.

Homi K. Bhabha

Why he loses status: As a leading postcolonial theorist, Bhabha gained immense prestige for developing concepts like “hybridity,” “mimicry,” and “third space,” which argue that cultural identities are inherently split, unstable, and un-fixed by colonial histories. If Mearsheimer is right, this celebrated fluid hybridity is an academic fiction. Mearsheimer’s realism dictates that people form rigid, protective tribal attachments to distinct social groups to ensure survival, making Bhabha’s fluid, interstitial identities a luxury of liberal universalism.

Fredric Jameson

Why he loses status: The preeminent Marxist literary critic argued that the human subject under late capitalism is fragmented and decentralized, losing a coherent sense of history and place. Jameson viewed collective solidarity through a utopian political struggle against capital. Mearsheimer’s view undercuts this by showing that human solidarity is not an artificial or elusive political goal to be achieved by intellectual reason; it is an instinctual, survival-driven tribal reality rooted in the family and the immediate tribe.

Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak

Why she loses status: Celebrated for her work on deconstruction and postcolonialism, Spivak warns against “essentialism”—the idea that a group has a fixed, inherent nature. She advocates at most for “strategic essentialism,” where a group temporarily acts as if it has a shared identity for political purposes. If Mearsheimer is right, essentialism isn’t a strategy to be turned on and off by intellectuals; it is the fundamental, inescapable baseline of human existence. Group attachment is hardwired and involuntary, not a political posture.

Stephen Greenblatt

Why he loses status: As the founder of New Historicism, Greenblatt famously argued that human identity is a product of “self-fashioning,” where individuals navigate and manipulate the cultural scripts and power structures of their era. While he looks at history, his focus is on the individual’s micro-maneuvers within power. Mearsheimer counters that individuals have very limited choice in formulating their moral and social codes, because the overwhelming weight of early tribal socialization effectively seals a person’s identity long before they gain the critical faculties to fashion themselves.

If Mearsheimer is right, and English literature is fundamentally the history of Western Christian socialization, the position of Jews in elite English departments changes from one of assimilation and universal scholarship to one of profound structural tension.
For the last century, Jewish intellectuals entered English departments under the banner of the liberal Enlightenment. They assumed that literature could be treated as a universal humanist playground where anyone, regardless of background, could use independent reason to appreciate aesthetic excellence. If Mearsheimer’s framework is correct, this assumption was a historical anomaly—a beautiful illusion that masked a deeper conflict of tribal socialization.
In the mid-twentieth century, Jewish scholars broke into elite English departments—which had historically been bastions of Anglo-Saxon, patrician culture—by championing universalist, text-centered approaches. Scholars like Lionel Trilling (1905–1975) at Columbia became the ultimate arbiters of the Western literary tradition. They did this by practicing a form of cosmopolitan humanism, treating the texts of Matthew Arnold, John Keats, or William Wordsworth as expressions of a universal human condition rather than specific artifacts of Christian socialization.
Mearsheimer’s logic reveals this was an impossibility. You cannot fully separate a literary text from the intense childhood value infusion that produced it. When Trilling and his contemporaries analyzed the English canon, they were not engaging with a neutral, universal human spirit. They were immersing themselves in the sophisticated psychological machinery of a foreign tribe—the Western Christian world. To succeed, they had to master a moral code, an aesthetic sensibility, and a historical memory that was fundamentally distinct from their own inherited traditions.
It is no historical accident that by the late twentieth century, Jewish intellectuals in elite universities became the vanguard of deconstruction and post-structuralism. Figures like Jacques Derrida (1930–2004) and Harold Bloom (1930–2019) led the charge to dismantle the traditional, Christian-dominated literary canon.
If Mearsheimer is right, this shift was a predictable tribal reflex. Once Jews achieved institutional power within English departments, the deep friction between their own identity and the Christian socialization engine of the English canon became untenable. Deconstruction was a highly sophisticated intellectual tool used to neutralize the power of that canon. By arguing that language is unstable, texts have no fixed meaning, and the Author is dead, high theory stripped the traditional English texts of their authority. It allowed Jewish scholars to survive and dominate within an institution built on a Western Christian value system by declaring that the system’s foundational stories were merely linguistic illusions.
Bloom took a different path but arrived at a similar tribal defense mechanism. In The Western Canon, he championed the aesthetic, but he famously reframed the entire Western literary tradition as a series of aggressive, Freudian battles between writers and their predecessors—an interpretation deeply rooted in a secularized Jewish intellectual style rather than traditional Christian humility or Anglo-Saxon restraint.
Today, elite English departments are dominated by identity politics and post-colonial theory. This environment presents a distinct trap for Jewish scholars if Mearsheimer’s realism holds true.
Modern literary departments tend to divide the world into dominant Western oppressors and oppressed minorities. Under the old liberal framework, Jews could exist comfortably as individuals. But in a thoroughly balkanized, tribal academic environment, individual status is denied. Because Jews successfully mastered the traditional Western canon and achieved high status within elite institutions, the modern academic tribe classifies them as part of the dominant, white, Western establishment.
Yet, Mearsheimer’s logic shows they can never genuinely be part of that establishment because its core engine is Western Christian socialization, from which Jews are historically and culturally excluded. Jewish scholars in modern English departments find themselves stranded: rejected by the new identity-driven factions as representatives of Western power, yet fully aware that the traditional Western canon they studied is the artifact of a culture that is not their own.

The most sweeping analysis of this topic comes from Benjamin Schreier in his book The Impossible Jew: Identity and the Reconstruction of Jewish American Literary History, published by New York University Press in 2015. Schreier argues that the field of English literature was built on a foundational Anglo-Saxon Christian narrative. He analyzes how Jewish critics had to navigate an institutional setup that treated Western Christian culture as the universal default. Schreier suggests that the subsequent turn toward post-structuralism and critical theory allowed Jewish academics to interrogate the givenness of that dominant cultural framework.
Mark Krupnick (1939-2003) wrote Lionel Trilling and the Fate of Cultural Criticism, published by Northwestern University Press in 1986. Krupnick documents the intense friction Lionel Trilling (1905-1975) faced at Columbia University in the 1930s, where senior faculty members openly worried that a Jew could not properly appreciate or teach the English literary tradition. To survive and excel, Trilling adopted a posture of cosmopolitan humanism, framing the Christian-inflected literature of Matthew Arnold and the English Romantics as universal human expressions. Krupnick demonstrates that this universalism was a necessary strategy to neutralize the exclusionary tribal logic of the old Anglo-Saxon establishment.
Susanne Klingenstein provided the granular historical data for this transition in Jews in the American Academy, 1900-1940: The Dynamics of a Cultural Assimilation, published by Syracuse University Press in 1991. She tracks the first generation of Jewish scholars who entered English departments and details the psychological cost of their assimilation. These scholars had to master a foreign cultural lineage to achieve institutional authority.
From a different perspective, Ruth Wisse (b. 1936) critiqued the universalist strategy of Jewish intellectuals in The Modern Jewish Canon: A Journey Through Literature and Culture, published by the Free Press in 2000. Wisse argues that the desire of Jewish critics to blend into a borderless, humanist literary world often required them to downplay their own particularist traditions. She views the high theory boom of the late twentieth century as a symptom of a deeper alienation, where critics used abstract methodology to detach literature from its organic, national, and religious roots.
The entry of Jewish intellectuals into elite English departments was not a simple story of individuals joining a neutral discipline. It was a complex historical encounter where scholars first used the language of Enlightenment universalism to gain entry into an Anglo-Christian institution, and later used the tools of literary theory to reshape the power structure of the department.
If we strip away Mearsheimer’s name and look strictly at his specific premises—that human beings are driven entirely by in-group/out-group tribal survival, that Enlightenment universalism is a myth used by dominant groups to rationalize their own power, and that individualism is a fiction because childhood socialization completely captures the mind before reason can develop—nobody in polite society has published this analysis regarding Jews in English departments.
When elite historians and literary sociologists look at this historical transition, they write from a thoroughly liberal, mainstream viewpoint.
The most prominent authority on this academic shift is the historian David Hollinger. In his definitive work Science, Jews, and Secular Culture (Princeton University Press), Hollinger maps out exactly how Jewish intellectuals integrated into elite universities between 1930 and 1960. But Hollinger writes from a classic liberal perspective: he treats their entry as a triumph of cosmopolitanism over provincial Christian bias. He views “universalism” as a genuine, noble standard that both WASP and Jewish intellectuals successfully used to build a more open, meritocratic academy.
If you read the mainstream scholarship, the narrative is built on pillars that these premises reject:
It assumes reason and merit are real, neutral tools that allowed Jewish scholars to bypass traditional barriers.
It views the adoption of universalist humanism (like Lionel Trilling’s work) as a sincere intellectual breakthrough, not a protective tribal maneuver.
It views the subsequent rise of high theory and deconstruction as a progressive evolution of literary critique, rather than an aggressive defense structure designed to neutralize the authority of an Anglo-Christian canon.
The closest polite society gets to your premise is when critics charge that mid-century cosmopolitanism was “not multicultural enough,” or when conservative scholars like Ruth Wisse lament that Jewish intellectuals traded their distinct heritage for a bloodless universalism.
But the brutal, realist interpretation—that the entire historical arc was an arena of competing, self-interested tribes using universalist myths and linguistic deconstruction as weapons to secure institutional dominance and group survival—is absent from elite presses. In polite society, that level of raw realism violates the very liberal vocabulary the modern academy relies on to justify its own existence.
The absence of this stark, realist analysis from elite presses is a matter of institutional survival and ideological design. Elite university presses and top-tier academic journals are not neutral mirrors reflecting reality. They are components of the very socialization engine described in the premise.
For an elite press to publish a book framing the history of the academy as a series of raw, self-interested tribal maneuvers for dominance, it would have to violate the foundational myths that grant the modern university its authority.
The modern elite university derives its power, prestige, and funding from a specific Enlightenment claim: that it is a place of disinterested inquiry, objective merit, and universal human progress. The peer-review process is explicitly structured to project this image. A manuscript must argue within a framework that respects the legitimacy of the institution itself.
An analysis stating that Jewish intellectuals used universalist humanism merely as a tactical entry shield against an Anglo-Saxon tribe, and later used deconstruction as a structural weapon to neutralize the Christian canon, tears down that entire facade. It treats the temple of reason as a tribal fortress. If elite presses published that view, they would validate the argument that their own peer-review boards, funding networks, and status hierarchies are nothing more than the self-interested defense mechanisms of an academic sub-tribe.
To be published by Harvard, Yale, or Princeton University Press, a scholar must use the shared vocabulary of the modern academy. That vocabulary is thoroughly liberal and progressive. It assumes that terms like “inclusion,” “merit,” “marginalization,” and “liberation” describe real, universal moral ideals toward which history is moving.
The realist perspective rejects this vocabulary as a smokescreen. It suggests that what the academy calls “inclusion” is the displacement of one elite group by another, and what it calls “subversion” or “theory” is just a tool used in inter-group competition for cultural capital. Because elite presses are managed by people intensely socialized within this liberal framework, an argument stripped of these moral pieties looks crude, cynical, or unscholarly. It is rejected not because it lacks historical evidence, but because it lacks the required moral posture.
Polite society maintains strict boundaries regarding how ethnic and religious groups are discussed. Mainstream scholarship handles the integration of minority groups into the academy using two approved narratives:
The Whig Narrative: Individual merit and universal reason triumphed over old, irrational prejudices.
The Grievance Narrative: A dominant, oppressive group protected its privilege until forced to concede ground by the moral demands of social justice.
The realist analysis fits neither narrative. It describes the interaction between the Anglo-Saxon establishment and arriving Jewish intellectuals as a predictable, cold encounter between two distinct, highly sophisticated groups competing for institutional space. It grants agency and strategy to both sides based on self-interest and group cohesion rather than abstract virtue or victimhood. In elite academic publishing, discussing group dynamics with that degree of raw realism is a severe violation of social taboo.
The contemporary elite university is held together by an alliance of various identity-based factions, all operating under the umbrella of “global social justice.” This alliance relies on the myth that all historically marginalized groups share a common, universalist goal of total human liberation.
The realist analysis exposes the fragility of this setup. It notes that group solidarity is an innate human defense structure, and that breaking a culture down into competing identity groups cannot lead to universal harmony. It can only lead to total balkanization, majoritarian backlash, and shifting tribal alliances. Pointing out that Jewish intellectuals are now caught between an older Anglo-Christian canon they mastered and a new academic tribe that views them as part of the dominant Western establishment exposes a major fault line in the university’s current structure.
Elite presses exist to stabilize the ruling consensus of the academic tribe, not to publish the blueprints of its structural collapse.

To slip a raw, group-survival analysis past the gatekeepers of an elite press, a scholar cannot look like a cynical iconoclast trying to burn the temple down. He must dress his arguments in the formal vestments of institutional history, the sociology of knowledge, and field theory.
The strategy is to use the classic academic pivot: validate the conventional wisdom as a necessary but incomplete “first-generation” narrative, and then introduce the realist model as a deeper, more rigorous explanatory tool.
A successful proposal to a university press might look like this:

Book Proposal: The Pragmatics of Universalism: Literary Theory and Group Cohesion in the Mid-Century Academy

1. Abstract and Core Thesis

The Pragmatics of Universalism offers a structural and sociological re-examination of the demographic and intellectual transformation of elite American English departments between 1940 and 1990.

The conventional historiography—most notably articulated by David Hollinger—justly frames the entry of Jewish intellectuals into the patrician WASP academy as a triumph of cosmopolitan secularism and meritocratic liberalism. While this narrative captures the explicit ideals of the period, it leaves an explanatory vacuum regarding the specific intellectual mechanisms that accompanied this demographic shift. It does not explain why the initial embrace of universalist humanism (e.g., Lionel Trilling) was so rapidly succeeded by a fierce institutional commitment to high theory, deconstruction, and the systematic dismantling of the traditional canon (e.g., Jacques Derrida, Harold Bloom).

This book provides a necessary corrective by applying a structural-functionalist approach to academic discourse. It posits that intellectual frameworks—such as universalist humanism or post-structuralist deconstruction—do not function merely as abstract descriptions of aesthetic truth. Rather, they operate as highly sophisticated instruments of socialization and group preservation.

The book argues that the mid-century entry of Jewish scholars into departments historically built around an Anglo-Christian cultural lineage created an acute structural tension. To resolve this tension and secure institutional space, arriving scholars naturally deployed intellectual tools that served a dual function: first, a universalist framework to neutralize the exclusionary tribal logic of the old establishment, and second, a deconstructive framework to dilute the authority of a text-canon that acted as a foreign socialization engine. This study shifts the focus from idealized intentions to the pragmatic logic of group cohesion and institutional survival within an anarchic academic marketplace.

2. Theoretical Framework and Literature Review

The project positions itself at the intersection of Pierre Bourdieu’s (1930–2002) field theory and the sociology of knowledge. Bourdieu frames the academic field as a space of competitive struggles for cultural capital, where agents deploy specific strategies to maintain or alter the distribution of power.

The book directly engages with the standard literature but offers an analytical pivot:

The Liberal Consensus (Hollinger, Klingenstein): The project fully acknowledges the historical data compiled in David Hollinger’s Science, Jews, and Secular Culture and Susanne Klingenstein’s Jews in the American Academy. However, where Hollinger views “universalism” as a neutral baseline that emerged naturally from secularization, this book reinterprets universalism through a pragmatic lens. Universalism was the necessary rhetorical shield required to gain access to a closed institutional ecosystem.

The Particularist Critique (Wisse): Ruth Wisse’s The Modern Jewish Canon laments the loss of particularist identity in the pursuit of a bloodless universalism. This book provides the structural explanation for the phenomenon Wisse observes: the adoption of a universalist posture was not a failure of cultural loyalty, but a structural prerequisite for institutional survival. One cannot easily sit in a chair dedicated to an Anglo-Christian heritage while openly asserting a competing particularism; one must first frame the heritage as a universal human property.

3. Chapter Outline

Chapter 1: The Anglo-Christian Fortress and the Problem of Inheritance

This chapter establishes the baseline of the elite English department prior to World War II. Drawing on archival material from Columbia, Yale, and Harvard, it demonstrates that the traditional literary canon was explicitly understood as the socialization engine of the American patrician class. It explores the early institutional resistance to Jewish scholars, framing it not as random bigotry, but as a predictable group defense mechanism protecting the transmission of the tribe’s moral and cultural code.

Chapter 2: Lionel Trilling and the Tactics of the Universal Shield

A close reading of the institutional maneuvers and critical strategies of Lionel Trilling. The chapter analyzes how Trilling successfully decoupled the English Romantic poets and Matthew Arnold from their specific Anglo-Christian roots, reframing them as a “universal humanist tradition.” This chapter argues that this universalism functioned as a pragmatic entry mechanism, allowing the outsider to claim equal stewardship over the native tribe’s cultural artifacts.

Chapter 3: The Deconstructive Turn as a Structural Solvent

By the 1970s, the demographic shift was well underway, yet the traditional canon remained a potential site of cultural alienation. This chapter analyzes the rapid institutional adoption of post-structuralism and deconstruction. It argues that the assertion that language is inherently unstable and that texts have no fixed, authoritative meaning functioned as a highly effective structural solvent. By deconstructing the “Author,” the new academic coalition successfully neutralized the authority of the traditional socialization engine without needing to explicitly banish it.

Chapter 4: The Contemporary Equilibrium and the Balkanization Dilemma

The final chapter examines the current crisis in elite English departments, where the old universalist and deconstructive strategies have given way to a thoroughly fragmented landscape of identity politics. It maps out the contemporary trap facing Jewish scholars: having successfully mastered the old universalist framework and achieved high status, they now find themselves classified by a newer academic sub-tribe as part of the dominant Western establishment, even while remaining historically excluded from its foundational Christian core.

4. Conclusion and Contribution

By reframing this vital chapter of academic history through the lens of structural pragmatism and group cohesion, The Pragmatics of Universalism avoids the moralizing binaries of progress versus prejudice. It offers university presses a rigorous, objective, and deeply sociologically grounded methodology for understanding how intellectual paradigms shift in response to the permanent, structural demands of institutional survival.

If Mearsheimer is right, the intellectual battles that have split elite History departments since the 1960s resolve in favor of a stark historical realism.

For decades, historians have fought over the primary engine of human events, dividing themselves into hostile camps: traditional political historians, Marxist social historians, postmodern cultural historians, and globalists. If Mearsheimer’s assumptions about human nature are accurate, the foundational premises of several dominant historical schools collapse.

The most direct casualty is “Whig history”—the progressive interpretation of the past that views human history as a long, upward march toward greater individual liberty, rational governance, and universal human rights. This framework, which implicitly underpins much of Western historiography, treats the spread of democracy and the breakdown of traditional borders as the natural destination of human development.

If Mearsheimer is right, this teleological vision is an illusion born of a brief period of Western dominance. History has no built-in direction toward liberation. The expansion of liberal institutions was not the triumph of universal reason; it was simply the historical footprint of a dominant Western tribe imposing its order on the world. Because human beings are permanently tribal and driven by group survival, history is a cyclical, endless rerun of great power competition, nationalism, and shifting alliances. Progress in technology and wealth changes the weapons, but it does not change the tragic logic of human interaction.

Since the 1980s, elite history departments have been dominated by the “cultural turn” and post-structural history. Influenced by Michel Foucault (1926–1984), these historians argue that realities like national identity, gender, and the state are merely “social constructs” aka fragile linguistic discourses invented by elites to maintain power. They imply that by deconstructing these historical narratives, society can dissolve these categories and achieve a more fluid, liberated existence.

Mearsheimer’s framework forces a hard stop to this logic. While historical details vary, the underlying categories of the state, the tribe, and the in-group/out-group divide are not fragile linguistic inventions. They are hard biological and social defense structures rooted in the permanent human requirement for collective survival. A nation-state is not a text to be deconstructed; it is a concrete accumulation of power and socialization designed to protect a population from external threats. History departments would abandon the idea that societies can transcend these structures through clever discourse analysis.

Marxist and economic historians argue that class conflict and material conditions are the primary drivers of history. They view nationalism and religious tribalism as “false consciousness”—ideological smokescreens used by the ruling class to divide the international proletariat and prevent a universal worker revolution.

If Mearsheimer is right, the Marxist belief in a universal working-class solidarity that transcends national borders is a psychological fantasy. Man’s tribal nature and his need for group embedding are far deeper than his economic class. When the state faces an existential crisis, the factory worker aligns with the domestic factory owner against the foreign worker every single time. History proves this—most spectacularly in 1914, when the socialist parties of Europe abandoned international solidarity to vote for war credits for their respective nations. Mearsheimer’s realism notes that the primary actor in history is the tribe seeking security, not the economic class seeking wealth.

If Mearsheimer is right, the grand debate over whether history is driven by Ideas, Class, or Language resolves into a single, realist synthesis: History is the record of competitive group survival.

The elite historian’s task would simplify. History is the study of how human groups organize themselves into states, use intense socialization to maintain internal solidarity across generations, and navigate the permanent security dilemmas of a anarchic world. The ideological justifications societies give for their actions—whether Christian crusades, Enlightenment missions, or Marxist revolutions—are understood historically as the necessary myths used to steel the tribe for competition.

If Mearsheimer’s premises are right, the entry of Jewish scholars into elite History departments cannot be understood as a story of individual merit achieving a colorblind, universalist triumph over old biases. Instead, it must be viewed as an encounter between two distinct, cohesive groups navigating a shifting balance of institutional power.

Under this realist lens, the entire historical arc—from early exclusion to eventual dominance and the current factional tension—follows a predictable logic of group survival, socialization, and the pragmatic deployment of ideological narratives.

The WASP Field as a Tribal Socialization Engine
Before World War II, elite American History departments—dominated by White Anglo-Saxon Protestants (WASPs) at institutions like Harvard, Yale, and Princeton—did not view history as a neutral social science. History was the primary narrative tool used to socialize the elite, justify the existing political order, and maintain the cultural continuity of the ruling class. The focus was on diplomatic history, great men, constitutional development, and the transatlantic heritage.

If Mearsheimer is right, the intense exclusion of Jewish historians during this era was a logical protective response. The WASP establishment recognized that history is a powerful instrument of value infusion. Allowing outsiders into the department threatened the purity of the narrative engine that maintained their group solidarity across generations. It was not irrational bigotry; it was a group defending its primary cultural apparatus.

When Jewish historians finally broke through the barriers in the mid-twentieth century, they did so by embracing and promoting specific subfields that neutralized the traditional Anglo-Saxon narrative. They gravitated toward economic history, intellectual history, and social history.

By shifting the focus of history from national lineage and elite genealogy to economic data, abstract ideas, or structural forces, arriving scholars stripped the discipline of its Anglo-Saxon particularity.

Arriving scholars championed the idea of history as an objective, value-free science driven by rigorous archival research. This was the ultimate universalist shield. By asserting that history is governed by neutral rules of evidence rather than a shared bloodline, they made it impossible for the old establishment to deny them entry based on background.

The adoption of these neutral, scientific frameworks was not just a sincere belief in pure reason. It was the necessary rhetorical equipment required to dismantle the native tribe’s monopoly over the past.

Once a group achieves tenure and institutional status within an environment, its next structural requirement is to stabilize its own position and reproduce its values. By the 1960s and 1970s, the demographic transformation of History departments coincided with the total dominance of “history from below” and social history.

Instead of focusing on the continuity of the state, the discipline shifted to studying labor movements, immigrant struggles, urban history, and the histories of marginalized groups.

If Mearsheimer is right, this was the predictable phase of narrative capture. The old WASP socialization engine was not just neutralized; it was replaced by a new framework that aligned with the historical memory and identity of the arriving group. The past was re-written to celebrate the outsider, the immigrant, and the critic of the established order, thereby creating a new moral consensus that legitimized the new academic elite.

Today, the generation of scholars who engineered this transformation faces a severe structural trap. Elite History departments are increasingly dominated by an aggressive new sub-tribe focused on post-colonial theory, intersectionality, and a strict binary of global oppressors versus oppressed groups.

Under Mearsheimer’s realist logic, the current tension resolves into a classic security dilemma within the academy:

The mid-century Jewish scholars used universalist tools (the shield of objective science) and social history to displace the old WASP elite. They established a highly successful, stable academic meritocracy.

However, because group solidarity is a permanent human feature, this stable equilibrium could not last. A new, balkanized coalition of identity-based factions has emerged, using its own jargon and moral code to compete for status and institutional power.

Because Jewish scholars successfully integrated, achieved high status, and mastered the traditional institutions, this new academic faction classifies them as part of the dominant, white, Western establishment.

The tragic realist conclusion is that the university’s transition from a WASP monoculture to a diversified department was never a permanent moral victory for individual merit. It was simply a shift in the balance of power. The illusion of a neutral, colorblind history department has vanished, exposing the permanent reality of the discipline: a high-stakes arena where competing groups fight to control the historical narrative to guarantee their own survival, status, and power.

If John Mearsheimer is right, the institutional prestige of historians who prioritize transnational networks, human rights, and fluid cultural constructs over the raw reality of the nation-state collapses. Modern historical scholarship heavily rewards elites who treat nations as artificial inventions and individual rights as the ultimate metric of human progress. If human beings are fundamentally tribal and driven by survival-driven group socialization, the foundational premises of several prominent historians are wrong.

Lynn Hunt loses status because her influential work on the eighteenth century argues that human rights and individual empathy expanded naturally through cultural shifts like the rise of the novel. Hunt positions human rights as a profound awakening of individual moral consciousness. If Mearsheimer is right, universal human rights are a fragile ideological superstructure rather than an evolutionary baseline. Tribal boundaries and collective survival metrics dictate human behavior, meaning that individualistic empathy is a secondary luxury that quickly vanishes when a group faces an existential threat.

Yuval Noah Harari loses status because his sweeping histories treat nationalism, tribalism, and religious identities as mere imagined communities or flexible myths that humanity can eventually outgrow or engineer away. Harari argues that global cooperation and data-driven systems are the next logical step for human organization. Mearsheimer’s thesis undercuts this by showing that group loyalty and tribal attachments are hardwired biological necessities for survival, not optional fictions. Humans do not choose to cooperate globally based on reason; they cooperate locally within their tribe because childhood socialization molds their moral code before they can even think for themselves.

Timothy Snyder loses status because he frames modern European history around the moral imperative of liberal democracy and universal rights, treating tribalism and populism as dangerous deviations from the norm. Snyder argues that individuals must consciously defend universal values against the distorting pull of mass propaganda. Mearsheimer counters that reason is the least important way humans determine their preferences. Because family and tribal socialization impose an enormous value infusion on individuals during a long, vulnerable childhood, Snyder’s reliance on individual reason to resist tribal instincts misreads the primary engine of human organization.

Joan Wallach Scott loses status because her pioneering work historicizes identity and gender as fluid, politically manufactured concepts that are constantly contested and renegotiated by individuals. Scott views identity as an unstable site of power dynamics rather than an inherent truth. If Mearsheimer is right, early childhood socialization and innate sentiments impose a highly durable value system that seals a person’s core identity long before they develop the critical faculties to deconstruct it. Groups form rigid boundaries to protect themselves, making core social identities far more fixed and protective than Scott’s theories allow.

David Armitage loses status because his prominent global and transnational histories emphasize the international turn, tracking how ideas and legal frameworks effortlessly cross borders to shape a global intellectual community. Armitage downplays the insular nature of individual states in favor of a wider, interconnected world. Mearsheimer’s realism dictates that the bounded, protective state remains the primary actor in human history because humans are driven to secure their immediate group above all else. Transnational intellectual networks are a secondary consequence of elite interaction, not the driving force of human behavior.

If Mearsheimer’s premises are right, the intellectual warfare that has shaped elite Sociology departments since their inception would settle decisively.

Sociology is the study of society. If human beings are profoundly social, tribal at their core, and governed by intense childhood socialization rather than abstract reason, then the discipline’s deep ideological divisions resolve in favor of a tragic, structural realism.

For decades, a major faction within elite sociology championed Rational Choice Theory (often associated with scholars like James Samuel Coleman, 1926–1995). This school modeled society as a collection of utility-maximizing individuals who form social structures, networks, and markets based on calculated self-interest.

If Mearsheimer is right, this entire subfield is a psychological fiction. Humans do not act as atomistic, rational calculators who choose their social investments. They are embedded in social groups that dictate their preferences, moral codes, and identities long before their reasoning skills even develop. Reason is the weakest tool for determining human behavior. The debate resolves completely: society is not an aggregate of individual choices; individual choice is an artifact of group socialization.

Elite sociology is heavily dominated by the paradigm of Social Constructionism (pioneered by Peter L. Berger, 1929–2017, and Thomas Luckmann, 1927–2016). This school argues that institutions, gender roles, national identities, and social strata are entirely plastic, socially constructed realities that can be altered or dismantled if society changes its collective mind.

Mearsheimer’s logic suggests the constructionists are right about the mechanism but entirely wrong about the mutability. Yes, realities are socially constructed through intense childhood value infusions. However, these constructs are not fragile, arbitrary ideas that can be easily engineered away to achieve a liberated, cosmopolitan future. They are hard biological and social defense structures designed to ensure group survival in a competitive world. The in-group/out-group distinction, the necessity of hierarchy, and the enforcement of a shared moral code are permanent fixtures of human biology. Sociology would have to abandon the utopian delusion that deconstructing a social norm leads to absolute individual liberation; it only leads to the collapse of social cohesion or the rise of a new dominant tribe.

Marxist and critical sociologists argue that phenomena like nationalism, religious fervor, and ethnic solidarity are forms of “false consciousness”—ideological illusions manufactured by the ruling class to obscure the real structural driver of human history: class struggle.

If Mearsheimer is right, this perspective is functionally backwards. Man’s tribal nature and his need for group embedding are far deeper and more permanent than his economic class. When a society faces an existential crisis or an external threat, internal class lines dissolve into a unified tribal front. Group solidarity is an innate defense system, not an artificial trick played by capitalists. The debate settles on a realist baseline: the primary unit of social cohesion is the tribe (or the nation), and class conflict is merely an internal friction that is consistently overridden by the requirement for external survival.

If Mearsheimer is right, the grand debate over whether society is driven by Individual Choices, Economic Classes, or Plastic Constructs resolves into a single truth: Sociology is the study of tribal preservation.

The discipline would lose its progressive, engineering impulse. Elite sociologists would stop trying to design a borderless, perfectly egalitarian society of autonomous individuals. Instead, the field would return to a baseline of functional realism, analyzing how different human groups organize themselves into structures, inject values into their young, and maintain the internal solidarity necessary to survive.

Anthony Giddens loses status because his theory of reflexive modernization claims that modern individuals break free from traditional tribal constraints. Giddens views identity as a self-fashioned project of the self. Mearsheimer counters that humans possess limited choice in building their moral codes. Early group socialization fixes a human’s core preferences during a long, vulnerable childhood, exposing the fluid self as a liberal illusion.

Saskia Sassen loses status because her research on global cities highlights denationalization and transnational networks. Sassen tracks how mobile elites form identities that bypass nation-state borders. Mearsheimer’s realism dictates that humans remain deeply embedded in distinct societies for survival. Globalized fluidity ignores the protective, insular logic of the tribe, which reacts aggressively when resources grow scarce.

Jeffrey Alexander loses status because his cultural sociology relies on the civil sphere. Alexander frames this sphere as a zone of universal moral solidarity where reason expands human rights. Mearsheimer argues that reason ranks as the least important factor in human preference. Socialization and innate tribal sentiments dictate behavior, which prevents a universal civil code from conquering primal group attachments.

Michèle Lamont loses status because her work treats cultural boundaries as flexible properties that people constantly negotiate and redraw. Lamont views identity as a fluid process of boundary-making. Mearsheimer’s framework establishes that these boundaries remain rigid and protective. Groups enforce strict divisions to safeguard collective survival, rendering tribal separations an immutable reality rather than a flexible social construct.

John Meyer loses status because his world society theory argues that states and individuals adopt universal scripts of human rights and rationality from a global culture. Meyer views local institutional behavior as a product of global models. Mearsheimer rejects this universalism entirely. He shows that moral codes geopolitical realities derive from localized childhood socialization and survival-driven group loyalty, which exposes global models as a fragile ideological veneer.

If Mearsheimer is right, the foundational civil wars inside elite Psychology departments would settle.

For decades, psychology has been split between models that treat the human mind as an isolated, rational computer and models that treat it as a highly malleable blank slate. If Mearsheimer’s premises are correct—that reason is the weakest determinant of human preferences, that childhood socialization completely capture the mind, and that humans are innately tribal—then the major debates in the field resolve in favor of an unyielding, evolutionary social realism.

A dominant faction in modern psychology treats the mind as an individual, information-processing machine. This framework assumes that cognitive errors, biases, and prejudices are “dysfunctional” departures from a baseline of healthy, individual rationality. It implies that through education or cognitive behavioral adjustments, individuals can learn to evaluate evidence objectively and make independent, logical choices.

If Mearsheimer is right, this model is fundamentally wrong about the design of the human brain. The human mind did not evolve to be an isolated seeker of abstract, universal truth. It evolved to be a tool for group survival.

“Cognitive biases” like confirmation bias or in-group favoritism are not individual design flaws; they are critical functional assets that maintain tribal solidarity. Reason does not exist to discover objective reality; it exists to construct arguments that protect the group’s cohesion. The debate resolves on a stark truth: the baseline of human psychology is not individual rationality, but collective rationalization.

The opposing camp in many elite psychology departments—often influenced by radical social constructivism—argues that human nature is almost infinitely plastic. This school posits that traits like aggression, tribalism, gender roles, and competitive behavior are entirely learned products of an oppressive culture. They believe that by changing child-rearing practices and language, psychologists can engineering a cooperative, cosmopolitan human being free from group prejudice.

Mearsheimer’s premises dismantle this utopian vision. While he agrees that intense socialization is incredibly powerful, he emphasizes that this socialization operates on innate sentiments. Humans are born with an evolutionary blueprint that demands group embedding and cooperation for survival.

Tribalism is not a superficial cultural habit that education can erase; it is a permanent biological and social necessity. When psychologists try to strip away traditional group attachments, they do not create a liberated, independent individual. They create an anxious, alienated person who will inevitably seek out a new, surrogate tribe to satisfy his biological need for belonging.

The field of moral psychology has long debated whether morality is something children develop through independent cognitive reasoning about fairness and harm (as argued by the tradition of Lawrence Kohlberg [1927–1987]), or whether it is driven by gut instincts.

Mearsheimer’s argument settles this entirely on the side of structural socialization and innate sentiment. A child’s moral landscape is not a product of his independent reason discovering universal truths. During a long, vulnerable childhood, his family and community inject an enormous value infusion into his mind long before his critical faculties can even form. By the time an adult begins to reason about right and wrong, his native tribe has already captured his moral imagination. Abstract moral reasoning is simply the language the mind uses to defend the moral code it received through childhood socialization.

If Mearsheimer is right, elite psychology departments would have to abandon both the myth of the autonomous, rational individual and the myth of the infinitely malleable human being.

The discipline would resolve into a single, realist framework: Human psychology is the study of the tribal mind. The individual ego would no longer be treated as the primary unit of analysis. Instead, the field would recognize that the human brain can only be understood when viewed as a deeply socialized, biologically wired component of a larger collective organism designed entirely for group survival.

If Mearsheimer is right that reason is subordinate to innate sentiment and intense childhood socialization, and that the human mind functions fundamentally as an instrument of tribal survival rather than independent, rational processing, five elite active psychologists would experience a severe loss of status. Their life work relies on paradigms that this framework invalidates.

1. Steven Pinker (b. 1954)

The Johnstone Family Professor of Psychology at Harvard University is the most prominent defender of Enlightenment rationalism, classical liberalism, and cognitive-rationalist psychology. In books like Blank Slate, Better Angels of Our Nature, and Rationality, Pinker argues that human reason is a universal tool that can systematically override tribal instincts, diminish historical violence, and drive moral progress.

The Realist Verdict: Pinker loses status because his foundational model of human nature is proven wrong. Under the realist premise, Pinker’s celebration of global progress and objective rationality is not a neutral scientific discovery; it is merely the sophisticated ideology of his own over-socialized, elite academic sub-tribe. His belief that education and reason can permanently dismantle tribal frameworks is revealed as a psychological impossibility.

2. Richard Nisbett (b. 1941)

The Theodore M. Newcomb Distinguished University Professor Emeritus of Psychology at the University of Michigan is a titan in social psychology, famous for his work on how people think and learn. In Mindware: Tools for Smart Thinking, Nisbett argues that individuals can be trained in statistical logic, cost-benefit analysis, and cognitive strategies to become truly independent, rational decision-makers who bypass cultural biases.

The Realist Verdict: Nisbett’s entire pedagogical framework collapses. If reason is the weakest lever of human preference and is captured by childhood value infusions long before critical thinking develops, Nisbett’s “tools for smart thinking” are superficial decorations. They do not create autonomous, rational agents; they simply teach individuals how to build more complex, sophisticated justifications for the tribal prejudices they already hold.

3. Howard Gardner (b. 1943)

The John H. and Elisabeth A. Hobbs Professor of Cognition and Education at the Harvard Graduate School of Education is world-renowned for his theory of multiple intelligences. A major pillar of his work, detailed in books like Changing Minds, focuses on how leaders and educators can use reason, evidence, and logical appeals to systematically alter deeply held beliefs and change human behavior.

The Realist Verdict: Gardner’s theories on cognitive change lose their explanatory value. If deep-seated moral codes and group preferences are anchored in biology and intense childhood socialization, they are fundamentally insulated from abstract persuasion or logical re-education. Gardner’s belief that minds can be re-engineered through rational shifts ignores the protective, survival-driven logic of the tribal mind.

4. Carol Dweck (b. 1946)

The Lewis and Virginia Eaton Professor of Psychology at Stanford University achieved global status for her pioneering work on “growth mindset” in Mindset: The New Psychology of Success. Dweck’s model treats the human mind as an autonomous, highly malleable agent capable of transforming its capabilities, preferences, and identity through individual conscious choice and personal cognitive effort.

The Realist Verdict: Dweck’s individualistic paradigm loses its foundational authority. If human identity and moral codes are structurally dictated by the social groups into which an individual is born, the concept of a self-authored, perfectly fluid individual mindset is a liberal fiction. The mind is not an isolated project of personal growth; it is an instrument of collective preservation.

5. Martin Seligman (b. 1942)

The Zellerbach Family Professor of Psychology at the University of Pennsylvania is the founder of positive psychology. In works like Authentic Happiness and Flourish, Seligman argues that individuals can achieve well-being and moral virtue through conscious self-cultivation, rational reflection, and the independent maximization of personal character strengths, independent of strict traditional constraints.

The Realist Verdict: Seligman’s model of human flourishing falls apart. If man is a profoundly social organism whose psychological health depends strictly on being embedded in and useful to a concrete, disciplined group with a shared moral code, Seligman’s focus on the autonomous pursuit of happiness is an illusion. It is a recipe for alienation rather than flourishing, because it downplays the primary social and tribal structures necessary for human stability.

If Mearsheimer is right, elite Anthropology departments would face an abrupt resolution of the theoretical wars that have divided the field for over a century.

Anthropology has been torn between biological determinism and radical cultural constructionism, and more recently, between Western scientific objectivity and postmodern reflexivity. If human beings are innately tribal, governed by a drive for group survival, and captured by intense childhood socialization before reason can develop, these long-running debates settle in favor of a tragic, functional realism.

For decades, elite departments have been battlegrounds over the relationship between biology and culture. One camp, rooted in evolutionary anthropology and sociobiology, has sought universal biological imperatives for human behavior. The opposing camp, rooted in the cultural determinism of Franz Boas (1858–1942) and Margaret Mead (1901–1978), argued that human nature is an incredibly plastic construct shaped almost entirely by culture, viewing universal biological claims with skepticism.

The realist premise resolves this by merging the two positions into a single, functional architecture. The debate over whether humans are biological or cultural is settled: they are biologically wired to be cultural. Tribalism and the requirement for in-group solidarity are innate, evolutionary defense systems necessary for survival in a competitive world. Culture is the specific, localized method the tribe uses to achieve that solidarity. Biology provides the tribal blueprint; childhood socialization writes the local software.

Since the publication of Writing Culture in 1986, elite anthropology has been consumed by a crisis of representation. Postmodern anthropologists argued that objective ethnography is an illusion, that any description of an outside culture is merely a text constructed to maintain Western imperial dominance, and that the discipline must focus on self-reflexive critique to dismantle these power structures.

If the premise is right, this entire reflexive turn is a luxury product of an over-socialized, secure academic sub-tribe. The idea that a culture can deconstruct its own categories to achieve a borderless, power-free cosmopolitan existence is a psychological impossibility. Anthropologists cannot step outside of their own socialization. The postmodern attempt to dissolve stable identities and national boundaries through literary critique is a failure because it treats hard, survival-driven social defense structures as fragile linguistic habits.

A major focus of contemporary anthropology is globalism and transnationalism. Many elite theorists argue that global migration, digital networks, and consumer capitalism are eroding the nation-state and traditional tribal boundaries, creating a new, hybrid global consciousness.

Realism finishes this debate in favor of the permanent particular. Globalism does not erase man’s tribal core; it merely shifts the fault lines. When resources shrink or security dilemmas intensify, the thin veneer of cosmopolitan global citizenship fractures immediately. Individuals look to their primary, highly socialized in-group for protection, and groups look out for their own survival first. The anthropological dream of a borderless global village is revealed as a delusion that ignores the permanent human requirement for concrete, localized group cohesion against outsiders.

If these premises hold, the debate over whether anthropology is a science of universal human progress or a tool for absolute cultural relativism resolves into a single, realist model: Anthropology is the study of how human groups hold themselves together to survive.

Elite anthropology departments would abandon the utopian hope of engineering a world free from ethnocentrism, prejudice, and group conflict. The field would become an empirical catalog of the various rituals, myths, and kinship systems that different human tribes use to perform the exact same biological task: injecting a specific moral code into their young during a long childhood to ensure absolute internal solidarity and external defense.

If the realist framework is correct, five elite, anthropologists would see their foundational theories invalidated and lose significant intellectual status.

1. Agustín Fuentes (b. 1966)

The Professor of Anthropology at Princeton University is an influential public intellectual who argues against the idea that human beings have an innate, biological drive for warfare, aggression, or tribal division. In works like The Creative Spark: How Imagination Made Humans Exceptional and Why We Believe, Fuentes posits that the defining evolutionary trait of humanity is a capacity for fluid, creative cooperation that can transcend historical boundaries.

The Realist Verdict: Fuentes loses status because his model of human exceptionalism mistakes a secondary capacity for the primary logic of survival. Under the realist premise, human cooperation is not an open-ended, borderless creative spark; it is a highly localized tool used exclusively to strengthen the in-group against an out-group. His optimistic belief that humans can construct beliefs entirely free from biological tribal constraints is revealed as a luxury myth of the modern academy.

2. Akhil Gupta (b. 1957)

The Professor of Anthropology at UCLA is a leading theorist on transnationalism, post-coloniality, and globalization. In seminal works like Anthropology by Comparison and Culture, Power, Place, Gupta argues that modern global networks, migration, and digital spaces are actively de-territorializing culture, dismantling traditional national borders, and giving rise to fluid, hybrid global identities that challenge the old, fixed categories of the state.

The Realist Verdict: Gupta’s entire framework on global hybridity collapses into irrelevance. If humans are profoundly social and dependent on concrete, bounded group cohesion for physical and psychological survival, “de-territorialization” is a superficial and temporary phenomenon. When a systemic crisis or resource shortage occurs, the thin veneer of a borderless global citizenship shatters, and individuals instantly retreat to their primary, highly socialized national and tribal defense structures.

3. Arturo Escobar (b. 1951)

The Kenan Distinguished Professor of Anthropology Emeritus at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill (still highly active in writing and international forums), is a pioneer of post-development theory. In books like Encountering Development and Designs for the Pluriverse, Escobar argues that local, marginalized communities can use radical self-reflection and political activism to entirely dismantle dominant Western capitalist structures, creating a fluid, egalitarian “pluriverse” where many distinct, peaceful worlds coexist without hierarchy or dominance.

The Realist Verdict: Escobar’s utopian pluriverse is exposed as a psychological impossibility. The premise dictates that human groups do not seek abstract, peaceful co-existence in a borderless matrix; they seek the preservation and dominance of their own specific group within an anarchic, competitive environment. The very tools Escobar champions for liberation would simply be captured by local elites to perform the eternal task of group socialization, hierarchy enforcement, and defense against outsiders.

4. Tim Ingold (b. 1948)

The Professor Emeritus of Social Anthropology at the University of Aberdeen remains a towering, highly active figure in ecological and psychological anthropology. In works like The Perception of the Environment and Being Alive, Ingold advances an organism-environment model that rejects fixed human nature and static cultural boundaries. He views human life as an open-ended, fluid process of continuous self-creation and development through movement, arguing that human identity is constantly generated along “lines of flow” rather than anchored by rigid, inherited tribal structures.

The Realist Verdict: Ingold’s philosophy of fluid self-creation fails the test of structural socialization. If an enormous, definitive value infusion is imposed on a child by his family and immediate society long before his critical faculties can develop, human identity is not an open-ended line of flow. It is heavily anchored, locked, and pre-determined by the native group’s survival logic. Ingold’s model treats the human mind as far more autonomous and unencumbered than the reality of childhood socialization allows.

5. Faye Ginsburg (b. 1952)

The David B. Kriser Professor of Anthropology at New York University is an elite figure in visual media anthropology and social activism. In her extensive work on indigenous media, cultural activism, and global networks, Ginsburg argues that media technologies and shared digital stories can be used to bypass traditional political boundaries, build transnational solidarity, and foster a cosmopolitan human empathy that liberates individuals from localized, nationalist prejudices.

The Realist Verdict: Ginsburg’s model of media-driven universal empathy is revealed as a fundamental misreading of human mechanics. The realist premise notes that language, imagery, and stories do not function to liberate individuals from their local groups or build a global village. Instead, stories are the precise instruments used by a specific tribe to inject its own moral code into its young and maintain internal discipline. Transnational media networks do not create a universal human bond; they merely create a larger digital arena where competing groups weaponize narratives to secure their own power and survival.

If Mearsheimer’s premises are right, the foundational intellectual battles that have split elite Economics departments for generations would settle decisively in favor of a tragic, nationalist realism.

Modern economics is built primarily on individualist and universalist assumptions. If human beings are profoundly social, tribal at their core, and governed by intense childhood socialization rather than cold rationality, then the discipline’s major models collapse.

The dominant paradigm in elite economics departments relies on Homo economicus, the model of human beings as atomistic, self-interested, rational actors who maximize personal utility through calculated economic choices. This model assumes that preferences are individual, stable, and evaluated via independent reason.

If Mearsheimer is right, this foundational figure is a complete fiction. Humans do not act as lone-wolf utility calculators. Their preferences, moral codes, and identities are structurally dictated by the social groups into which they are born long before their critical faculties can even form. Reason is the weakest lever of human preference. The debate resolves on a stark truth: economic behavior is not the aggregate of individual rational choices; individual choice is an artifact of tribal socialization.

For decades, elite economists at institutions like Harvard, Chicago, and the World Bank have championed neoliberal globalism. This view argues that free trade, open borders, capital mobility, and global supply chains create a universal, borderless market where everyone wins through comparative advantage. It assumes that wealth maximization is the ultimate goal of human societies and that global commerce will eventually make national borders obsolete.

Mearsheimer’s logic ends this debate in favor of strict economic nationalism (mercantilism). If humans are tribal at their core and derive their security from the nation-state, they will never prioritize abstract global efficiency over group survival. The international arena is anarchic and competitive. When a crisis hits, or when wealth accumulation threatens a state’s security relative to a rival, the thin veneer of global market cooperation cracks.

Elite economics departments would have to concede that the “wealth of nations” is secondary to the “security of nations.” Wealth is not an end in itself; it is merely a tool used by the tribe to secure power against external threats. The dream of a borderless global economy is revealed as a Western illusion that completely ignored the permanent security dilemma.

Behavioral economics—pioneered by figures like Daniel Kahneman (1934–2024) and Richard Thaler (b. 1945)—gained elite status by proving that humans consistently depart from rational choices due to cognitive biases, heuristics, and emotional shortcuts. However, behavioral economists still view these “irrationalities” as individual psychological bugs or design flaws to be corrected via clever “nudges.”

The realist framework resolves this by reframing these biases not as individual bugs, but as critical systemic features. The human brain did not evolve to calculate personal financial optimizations in a vacuum; it evolved to maintain group cohesion and ensure tribal survival. In-group favoritism, conformity, and herd behavior are highly functional assets for collective defense. Behavioral economics is right that pure rationality is a myth, but wrong in thinking that humans can be nudged into becoming atomistic, cosmopolitan rationalists.

If these premises hold, elite economics departments would lose their status as pure, value-free mathematical sciences. The grand debate over whether the market should be entirely free or state-managed resolves into a single, realist synthesis: Economics is an instrument of tribal competition.

The discipline would return to its historical roots as Political Economy. Economists would abandon the utopian pursuit of an optimized global market of individual consumers. Instead, the field would focus on how states handle resources, industrial policy, and financial networks to perform the exact same biological and political task: maintaining the internal material solidarity of the group and securing the state against foreign adversaries.

If the realist premises of structural tribalism, intense childhood socialization, and the weakness of human reason are correct, these five elite economists would experience a severe loss of intellectual authority. Their global status rests on modeling the world as an aggregate of individual choices, borderless efficiencies, or universal rational incentives.

1. Daron Acemoglu (b. 1967)

The Institute Professor of Economics at MIT is one of the most cited living economists and co-author of Why Nations Fail. Acemoglu’s framework argues that a society’s long-term prosperity is determined by its political and economic institutions. He posits that any society can achieve growth and stability if it transitions from “extractive” tribal and authoritarian setups to “inclusive” liberal institutions that protect property rights, individual incentives, and democratic governance.

The Realist Verdict: Acemoglu loses status because his institutional teleology is exposed as a Western cultural product rather than a universal law of development. Under the realist premise, “inclusive institutions” are not neutral frameworks that any population can adopt through rational choice. They are highly localized products of specific Western socialization. Other societies do not fail because they have bad institutional blueprints; they operate on different, deeply embedded tribal and national survival logics that resist the atomizing effects of liberal structural engineering.

2. Jeffrey Sachs (b. 1954)

The University Professor at Columbia University is a global architect of international development and sustainable global planning. Sachs achieved immense prominence by advising post-Soviet Eastern Europe on transitioning to free-market capitalism and by designing sweeping United Nations frameworks like the Millennium Development Goals. His work assumes that poverty and conflict are structural technical problems that can be solved through global economic integration, international aid, and universal managerial expertise.

The Realist Verdict: Sachs’s technocratic globalism collapses into a structural impossibility. If human beings are innately tribal and look to their primary group for physical and psychological survival, the ideal of a borderless, globally integrated world managed by transnational experts is a delusion. When resources shrink or geopolitical competition sharpens, the thin veneer of international cooperation shatters. Sachs’s belief that global financial planning can override the permanent security dilemma of competing nations is revealed as a luxury myth of the Western elite.

3. Paul Krugman (b. 1953)The Distinguished Professor of Economics at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York and Nobel laureate is a premier defender of globalized trade theory and international integration. While Krugman acknowledges certain domestic dislocations from trade, his core work on New Trade Theory demonstrates that globalized markets, integrated supply chains, and international specialization maximize aggregate efficiency and wealth for all participating nations.

The Realist Verdict: Krugman’s focus on absolute market efficiency loses its foundational relevance. The realist premise notes that the “wealth of nations” is secondary to the “security of nations.” In an anarchic world, states do not seek abstract, global consumer efficiency; they seek relative gains to ensure survival against rivals. Krugman’s model assumes that states will comfortably outsource critical industrial and supply capabilities to foreign actors for the sake of cheaper goods, ignoring the tragic reality that interdependence creates vulnerability, which the tribal state must eventually resist.

4. Richard Thaler (b. 1945)

The Charles R. Walgreen Distinguished Service Professor of Behavioral Science and Economics at the University of Chicago Booth School of Business is a Nobel laureate celebrated for pioneering behavioral economics. In Nudge, Thaler demonstrates that humans depart from pure neoclassical rationality due to cognitive biases. However, his entire framework treats these departures as individual psychological bugs to be subtly corrected by enlightened technocrats through choice architecture, steering people toward optimal, independent, rational decisions.

The Realist Verdict: Thaler’s individualistic paradigm is fundamentally misaligned with human biology. If human cognitive biases such as in-group favoritism, conformity, and herd behavior are critical evolutionary defense mechanisms designed to maintain tribal solidarity and collective survival, they are not individual flaws to be “nudged” away by an academic elite. Thaler’s belief that humans can be subtly engineered into becoming atomistic, cosmopolitan rationalists ignores the primary social architecture of the mind.

5. Andrei Shleifer (b. 1961)

The Professor of Economics at Harvard University consistently ranks as one of the top economists in the world according to research citations. Shleifer is a pioneer of the “Legal Origins Theory,” which argues that the historical origin of a country’s legal system (such as English common law versus French civil law) dictates its modern economic performance by establishing clear, universal rules for individual investor protection and market freedom.

The Realist Verdict: Shleifer’s structural formalism loses its explanatory power. If a child is intensely socialized with an enormous value infusion long before his critical faculties form, a society’s economic behavior is driven by its deeply embedded moral code and tribal culture, not by the abstract mechanics of its legal text. Shleifer’s theory treats law as a neutral, universal machine that regulates individual actors, whereas a realist framework reveals that formal law is merely a secondary instrument used by a specific dominant group to preserve its internal solidarity and project its domestic authority.

If the foundational premises of structural realism and intense childhood socialization are correct, the landscape of higher education would undergo an absolute redistribution of intellectual authority.

Departments that assume human beings are independent, rational utility-maximizers or infinitely plastic, self-authoring entities would collapse in prestige. Conversely, departments that study the concrete levers of group survival, material power, and the historical transmission of tribal identity would gain total ascendancy.

Here is how academic departments and the university ecosystem as a whole would be affected.

The Departments That Lose Status

1. Economics (Particularly Neoclassical and Neoliberal)

The discipline would lose its crown as the premier “scientific” advisory body to governments. Because its foundational models depend on Homo economicus—the atomistic, rational agent acting independently of tribal cohesion—its economic forecasts and policy recommendations regarding borderless global markets would be exposed as recurring failures.

2. Cognitive Psychology and behavioral Sciences

Psychology departments would see their prestige diminish as they move away from treating the individual mind as an independent, objective processor. The belief that cognitive biases are individual defects to be cured or “nudged” by technocrats would be discarded.

3. Modern Philosophy

Mainstream political philosophy—built on the legacy of John Locke, John Rawls, and universalist ethics—would be downgraded to a branch of Western ideological history. Its attempts to construct a rational, borderless, value-neutral framework for global governance would be viewed as a psychological impossibility.

4. Global Studies and Transnational Relations

Departments built around the concept of a “global village,” transnational citizenship, and the peaceful erosion of the nation-state via international institutions would lose virtually all intellectual credibility. They would be viewed as factories for the exact liberal delusions that cause foreign policy catastrophes.

The Departments That Gain Status

1. Political Science (Specifically Realism and Strategic Studies)

International Relations and strategic studies programs would become the undisputed intellectual centers of the social sciences. The study of the balance of power, the security dilemma, and the structural behavior of states in an anarchic world would be recognized as the truest descriptions of human macro-behavior.

2. Evolutionary and Functionalist Anthropology

Anthropology would gain status by reclaiming its role as an empirical, structural science. By abandoning the postmodern reflexive turn, the department would become the premier field for studying the exact mechanisms of human group survival, analyzing how different tribes enforce internal solidarity and social discipline to protect themselves from external threats.

3. Institutional and National History

History departments would shed their progressive, teleological assumptions and rise in status. History would be re-centered as the essential ledger of competitive group survival, industrial development, and state formation. It would provide the necessary case studies for how great powers rise, fall, and socialize their populations across centuries.

4. Evolutionary Biology and Behavioral Genetics

Hard sciences that explore the deep, innate biological imperatives undergirding human cooperation, in-group favoritism, and reproductive survival strategies would gain immense authority. They would provide the biological blueprint that explains why cultural socialization is so fiercely effective.

The Fate of Universities as a Whole

If these premises are right, universities as a whole would suffer a massive loss of status and cultural authority.

The modern elite university is structurally and ideologically dependent on the exact individualistic, universalist Enlightenment myths that the realist premise dismantles. The university justifies its immense wealth, social power, and role as a gatekeeper by claiming that it is an engine of disinterested reason, objective merit, and universal human progress. It claims to take young minds and liberate them from their local, provincial prejudices to turn them into cosmopolitan, rational citizens of the world.

If the premise holds, this entire justification is an illusion. The university is not a sanctuary of objective, universal truth; it is simply the specialized socialization engine of a specific, managerial sub-tribe. Its unique jargon, peer-review standards, and moral dictums are not universal discoveries; they are the values injected into its members to maintain internal elite solidarity and protect its institutional power against competing domestic groups.

Once the public and the political establishment realize that elite universities are merely tribal strongholds producing highly socialized, self-interested ideological cadres rather than objective truth, the institutional legitimacy of higher education collapses. The state and the broader population would treat universities with deep skepticism, viewing them not as sacred temples of learning to be funded and revered, but as powerful, insular factions whose ideological output must be contained to preserve national cohesion and state survival.

If Mearsheimer’s premises are right, the entire discipline of academic Ethics would face a brutal, leveling reduction.

For centuries, ethical philosophy has been dominated by a search for the definitive, universal foundation of right and wrong. Ethicists have split into major warring camps, each claiming to have discovered the objective logic of human morality. If human beings are profoundly social, tribal at their core, and captured by intense childhood value infusions before their critical faculties can even form, these grand philosophical debates resolve entirely in favor of an unyielding moral realism.

The most prestigious camp in academic ethics is Deontology, rooted in the philosophy of Immanuel Kant (1724–1804). Kantian ethics rests on the absolute premise that morality is a product of pure, universal reason. Kant argued for the Categorical Imperative: you must act only according to maxims that you can rationally will to become a universal law for all rational beings, independent of your specific culture, desires, or group loyalties.

If the realist premise is right, Kantian ethics is a psychological and structural impossibility. Reason is the weakest lever of human preference. The idea that a man can strip away his childhood socialization to operate as a bloodless, universal rational agent is an illusion. Humans do not owe their primary moral allegiance to an abstract “kingdom of ends” or to humanity as a whole; they owe it to the specific tribe that protected them during a long, vulnerable childhood. The debate settles decisively: the Categorical Imperative is not an objective law of reason, but a highly sophisticated secularized myth produced by the Western academic tribe.

The primary rival to Kantianism is Utilitarianism, pioneered by Jeremy Bentham (1748–1832) and John Stuart Mill (1806–1873). Modern utilitarian ethicists, like Peter Singer (b. 1946), argue that morality requires the rational maximization of well-being for all sentient creatures. Singer famously argues for the “expanding circle,” asserting that independent reason allows us to see past our family, tribe, and nation to grant equal moral weight to a stranger on the other side of the planet.

Mearsheimer’s logic dismantles this expanding circle. If human beings are biologically wired to be tribal for group survival, the moral distance between the in-group and the out-group is a permanent necessity, not a primitive error that education can fix. A society that genuinely treats the interests of foreigners as equal to the interests of its own members will fail the test of survival and be displaced by a more cohesive, self-interested rival. Utilitarian cosmopolitanism is revealed as a luxury delusion available only to secure, affluent elites who have forgotten that their very security depends on a heavily defended national border.

Ethicists have long debated Moral Realism—the question of whether moral facts (like “cruelty is wrong”) exist as objective, mind-independent truths in the universe, or whether morality is entirely relative and subjective.

The premise resolves this debate through a functionalist lens. Moral truths do not exist as abstract, independent facts floating in the cosmos, nor are they flimsy, arbitrary preferences. Moral codes are hard, functional instruments of collective defense. The intense value infusion a child receives from his family and community is designed to do one thing: ensure absolute internal solidarity and external defense. A tribe’s moral code—its definitions of honor, duty, right, and wrong—is an evolutionary defense mechanism. Morality is “real” only in the sense that it is a hard biological and social prerequisite for group survival in a highly competitive, anarchic world.

If Mearsheimer is right, the century-long debate over whether morality is rooted in Universal Reason (Kant), Universal Consequences (Singer), or Universal Rights (Locke) resolves into a single, realist truth: All morality is particularist and tribal.

The discipline of Ethics would be stripped of its universalist, crusading mission. It would no longer function as a tool for engineering a global human rights regime or a borderless cosmopolitan brotherhood. Instead, the field would become a branch of descriptive sociology and evolutionary biology, analyzing the specific, localized moral frameworks that different human groups use to hold themselves together and survive against competing tribes.

If the realist framework is correct, these five elite active ethicists would see their foundational systems invalidated and experience a significant loss of status.

1. Peter Singer (b. 1946)

The Ira W. DeCamp Professor of Bioethics Emeritus at Princeton University (who remains highly active in global forums and public debate) is the world’s most prominent champion of utilitarian cosmopolitanism and effective altruism. In The Expanding Circle and One World Now, Singer uses rationalist utilitarian calculations to argue that borders are morally arbitrary and that an individual possesses an equal moral obligation to relieve the suffering of a stranger on another continent as he does his own neighbor or family member.

The Realist Verdict: Singer’s expanding circle collapses into a psychological and structural impossibility. If humans are biologically wired to be tribal for group survival, the distinction between the in-group and the out-group is a permanent protective structure, not a primitive error to be engineered away through logical argument. Singer’s cosmopolitan calculus treats the human mind as an unencumbered utility-computer, completely ignoring the reality that abstract universal altruism weakens the exact internal solidarity a group requires to survive in an anarchic world.

2. Onora O’Neill (b. 1941)

Baroness O’Neill of Bengarve is a towering figure in contemporary Kantian ethics, a member of the House of Lords, and past president of the British Academy. In works like Faces of Hunger: An Essay on Poverty, Justice, and Development and Bounds of Justice, O’Neill applies a strict Kantian deontological framework to global politics, arguing that reason demands all human institutions and states respect the autonomy and rights of every individual globally, transcending national sovereignty and cultural borders.

The Realist Verdict: O’Neill’s universalist ethics are exposed as a highly localized cultural product rather than a dictation of pure reason. Under the realist premise, human beings are completely captured by specific childhood socialization and value infusions long before they can exercise independent critical faculties. O’Neill’s belief that states can or should base their behavior on a borderless obligation to universal individual autonomy ignores the fundamental reality that states exist to protect the specific tribe that formed them, not an abstract global kingdom of rational agents.

3. Thomas Pogge (b. 1953)

The Leitner Professor of Philosophy and International Affairs at Yale University is an elite political philosopher who studied under John Rawls. In World Poverty and Human Rights, Pogge argues that citizens of wealthy Western nations have a direct, universal negative moral duty to restructure the global economic order because current international institutions systematically violate the human rights of the global poor.

The Realist Verdict: Pogge’s global justice model loses its foundational authority. If human moral codes are instruments of group survival and internal cohesion rather than abstract, universal laws discoverable by independent reason, his claim that Western citizens owe a primary moral obligation to alter their own systems for the benefit of distant out-groups is a fantasy. Pogge mistakes the highly specific, secure socialization of elite Western academies for a universal moral imperative, failing to see that international institutions are arenas of great power competition rather than a neutral global social contract.

4. Kwame Anthony Appiah (b. 1954)

The Professor of Philosophy and Law at NYU is one of the most prominent public ethicists in the West, famous for his defense of modern cosmopolitanism. In books like Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers and The Honor Code, Appiah argues that individuals can and should cultivate a global citizenship that balances a respect for local differences with a primary, rational allegiance to a universal human community.

The Realist Verdict: Appiah’s elegant cosmopolitanism is revealed as a luxury product of a secure, over-socialized academic sub-tribe. The premise notes that because human survival depends on being embedded in a concrete society that defines itself against other groups, there is no such thing as an organic, universal human tribe. When geopolitical crises or resource scarcities occur, the thin veneer of global conversation cracks immediately. Appiah’s model treats human identity as far more fluid and self-authored than the hard reality of childhood tribal value infusion allows.

5. Martha Nussbaum (b. 1947)

The Ernst Freund Distinguished Service Professor of Law and Ethics at the University of Chicago is a titan of contemporary ethical and political philosophy. In Frontiers of Justice and Creating Capabilities, Nussbaum champions the “Capabilities Approach,” arguing that there is a universal baseline of core human capabilities that every government on earth is morally obligated to guarantee to every single citizen, independent of local traditions, cultural preferences, or national sovereignty.

The Realist Verdict: Nussbaum’s universalist blueprint is exposed as a form of Western ideological projection. If humans are tribal at their core and derive their moral codes from the intense socialization of their specific societies, what Nussbaum defines as a “universal human capability” is the highly specific moral code of modern Western liberalism. Other societies do not reject these standards due to a lack of ethical development, but because their own survival mechanisms prioritize group continuity and traditional structures over the atomistic rights of the individual.

If Mearsheimer’s premises are right, the intellectual landscape of elite philosophy departments would face a catastrophic leveling.

Modern academic philosophy is built largely on the assumption that human reason is an independent, sovereign tool capable of discovering objective truths about reality, morality, and justice. If human beings are profoundly social, tribal at their core, and governed by intense childhood value infusions before their critical faculties can even form, then philosophy is not a path to universal truth. It is a highly sophisticated, localized method of rationalizing tribal preferences.

Several of the most contentious debates within elite departments would settle.

1. Political Philosophy: Rawlsian Liberalism vs. Communitarian Realism

For more than half a century, elite political philosophy has been dominated by the legacy of John Rawls (1921–2002) and his followers. Rawls argued that the principles of a just society can be discovered by imagining individuals behind a “veil of ignorance”—a thought experiment where rational actors choose political structures without knowing their own race, class, talents, or conceptions of the good life. This individualistic, universalist framework assumes that justice can be engineered independently of concrete cultural identities.

If Mearsheimer is right, the entire Rawlsian project collapses into a psychological and structural impossibility. The “unencumbered self” behind the veil of ignorance is a fiction. Humans are situated from start to finish within specific social groups that dictate their moral codes and identities long before they can think for themselves. Reason is the weakest lever of human preference. The debate over the abstract structure of a universal liberal society resolves on a stark truth: the veil of ignorance is a fantasy because you cannot strip away an individual’s socialization without destroying the very apparatus he uses to reason. Communitarian realism wins completely.

2. Metaethics: Moral Realism vs. Evolutionary Expressivism

Analytic philosophy departments are locked in a sophisticated debate over Moral Realism—the question of whether moral properties exist as objective, mind-independent facts in the universe, or whether morality is merely subjective. Rationalist realists argue that human reason can look past cultural biases to grasp universal, objective moral truths, much like discovering mathematical laws.

The realist framework reduces this debate to a branch of evolutionary biology and sociology. Objective, mind-independent moral facts do not exist floating in the cosmos. However, moral codes are not flimsy, arbitrary preferences either. They are hard, functional instruments of collective defense. The intense value infusion a child receives during his long childhood is designed to do one thing: ensure absolute internal solidarity and external defense for the tribe. A society’s moral code—its definitions of duty, honor, right, and wrong—is an evolutionary defense mechanism. Morality is “real” only in the sense that it is a hard biological prerequisite for group survival in a highly competitive, anarchic world.

3. Epistemology: The Market of Ideas vs. Tribal Pragmatism

In epistemology, particularly social epistemology, philosophers debate how groups acquire knowledge and whether an open, rational marketplace of ideas allows truth to eventually defeat error. This framework assumes that human minds, when presented with superior logical arguments and empirical evidence, will update their beliefs toward objective reality.

If Mearsheimer is right, this model is a profound misreading of human cognitive design. The human brain did not evolve to be an isolated, disinterested seeker of abstract truth; it evolved to ensure tribal survival. What philosophers call “cognitive biases” or “irrationality” are critical functional assets that maintain group cohesion. Reason does not operate as an objective judge evaluating evidence; it operates as a lawyer constructing justifications for preferences that childhood socialization and innate sentiments have already established. The debate resolves into a grim, pragmatic realism: language and arguments are not neutral tools for discovering universal truth, but weapons used in inter-group competition.

4. The Philosophy of Mind and Action: The Myth of the Autonomous Agent

A vast amount of work in the philosophy of action assumes the existence of an autonomous individual agent who weighs reasons, forms intentions, and acts freely based on independent rational reflection. This individualistic model is the baseline for how modern philosophy conceptualizes human responsibility, ethics, and legal theory.

Mearsheimer’s premises dismantle this autonomous agent. If an individual is born into a social group that completely shapes his identity and infuses him with an enormous value system during a long childhood before his critical faculties even form, his choices are heavily pre-determined. Humans have very limited choice in formulating a moral code or determining their deepest preferences. The debate over free will and autonomous agency settles in favor of a strict social determinism: the self-authored, independent individual is a liberal myth.

If Mearsheimer is right, elite philosophy departments would lose their grand, civilizational authority. The discipline would be stripped of its universalist, crusading mission to discover timeless truths or engineer a borderless, cosmopolitan global order.

Instead, philosophy would be recognized as a branch of cultural genealogy and anthropology. The great systems of Western philosophy—from John Locke’s rights to Immanuel Kant’s duties—would no longer be taught as objective discoveries of human reason. They would be understood historically as the sophisticated, highly specialized myths produced by a specific Western sub-tribe to maintain its own internal solidarity, justify its institutional power, and steel itself for competition against the rest of the world.

If John Mearsheimer’s precepts are correct—that reason is the weakest determinant of human preferences, that intense childhood socialization completely captures the mind before critical faculties develop, and that humans are innately tribal actors driven by group survival rather than atomistic individuals—five active, high-status philosophers would experience a severe loss of standing. Their life work relies on paradigms that these precepts invalidate.

1. Jürgen Habermas (b. 1929)

The world’s most prominent living social and political philosopher has dedicated his career to the theory of communicative rationality. Habermas argues that human beings can transcend tribal prejudices, state coercion, and ideological distortions through “ideal speech situations”—spaces where individuals engage in open, rational discourse to reach a genuine, universal consensus.The Realist Verdict: Habermas loses his foundational standing. If reason is subordinate to innate sentiment and intense childhood value infusions, the “ideal speech situation” is a psychological myth. Language and arguments do not function to liberate individuals into a borderless, rational consensus; they are the highly specific tools a tribe uses to enforce internal solidarity and compete against outsiders.

2. Christine Korsgaard (b. 1952)

The Arthur Kingsley Porter Professor of Philosophy Emerita at Harvard University is a titan of contemporary neo-Kantian ethics. In works like The Sources of Normativity and Self-Constitution, Korsgaard argues that morality is an inescapable requirement of rational agency. She posits that by practicing reflective endorsement, an individual can step back from his desires and cultural socialization to author his own moral identity based on universal human worth.

The Realist Verdict: Korsgaard’s model of self-constitution collapses. If an individual is born into a social group that completely shapes his identity and infuses him with a moral code during a long childhood before his critical faculties form, he has very limited choice in formulating a moral outlook. The independent rational agent who steps back from his culture to endorse universal duties is a liberal fiction.

3. Philip Pettit (b. 1945)The Laurance S. Rockefeller University Professor of Politics and Human Values at Princeton University is the leading contemporary theorist of neo-republican political philosophy. In Republicanism: A Theory of Freedom and Government and Just Freedom, Pettit argues that a just society can be engineered around the principle of “freedom as non-domination.” This individualistic, universalist framework assumes that institutions can be rationally designed to ensure no individual is subject to the arbitrary will of another, independent of deep cultural or tribal hierarchies.

The Realist Verdict: Pettit’s institutional engineering is revealed as a Western cultural luxury. Under the realist premise, human groups do not seek a state of neutral non-domination; they seek the preservation and dominance of their own specific group to guarantee survival in a competitive, anarchic world. The abstract rules Pettit designs to protect atomistic individuals would simply be captured by the dominant domestic tribe to enforce internal discipline and external defense.

4. Thomas Scanlon (b. 1940)The Alford Professor of Natural Religion, Moral Philosophy, and Civil Polity Emeritus at Harvard University is one of the most influential ethicists in the analytic tradition. In his landmark book What We Owe to Each Other, Scanlon champions contractualism, arguing that an act is wrong if its performance could only be justified by principles that other rational persons could reasonably reject. This system treats morality as a universal, reason-driven negotiation among equal, unencumbered individual agents.

The Realist Verdict: Scanlon’s contractualism loses its foundational relevance. If human moral codes are hard biological and social defense structures designed exclusively to ensure internal group cohesion against an out-group, what we owe to “each other” depends entirely on who is inside the perimeter of the tribe. A universal negotiation based on abstract reasonableness ignores the tragic reality that morality is a weapon used in inter-group competition, not a value-neutral seminar.

5. David Enoch (b. 1971)The Professor of Legal Philosophy at the University of Oxford is a leading defender of robust moral realism in analytic metaethics. In Taking Morality Seriously, Enoch argues that there are objective, mind-independent moral facts that human reason can discover, and that these facts are universally binding on all rational agents regardless of their personal desires, upbringing, or cultural background.

The Realist Verdict: Enoch’s robust realism is reduced to a branch of evolutionary functionalism. Objective, mind-independent moral truths do not exist floating in the cosmos. A society’s moral code—its definition of right, wrong, duty, and honor—is an evolutionary defense mechanism designed to perform a concrete task: injecting solidarity into the young to hold the collective together. Enoch mistakes the highly specific, secure socialization of modern elite academies for the discovery of universal moral laws.

If Mearsheimer’s premises are right, the field of religious studies within elite universities would face a rapid, leveling reorientation.

Modern academic religion departments are largely dominated by two frameworks: a liberal, ecumenical Protestant heritage that seeks a universal, pluralistic core behind all faiths, and a post-colonial, critical framework that views religion almost entirely as a fluid, modern European invention used for colonial control.

If human beings are innately tribal, governed by intense childhood value infusions before critical faculties form, and driven by a need for group survival, these long-running debates settle in favor of a stark, functional realism.

1. The Death of the Pluralist “Universal Mystic Core” Debate

For decades, a major debate has persisted between pluralists—influenced by figures like John Hick (1922–2012)—who argue that all world religions are simply different cultural expressions of a single, universal ultimate reality, and particularists who argue that religions are distinct. The pluralist model assumes that beneath dogmatic differences lies a shared human spirituality that can usher in a global, cosmopolitan brotherhood.

If Mearsheimer is right, this universalist model is a psychological fiction. Religions do not exist to connect individuals to an abstract, borderless cosmic truth. Religion is the ultimate group preservation device.

The theological dogmas, rituals, and boundary lines of a faith are explicitly designed to perform a concrete evolutionary task: creating an absolute distinction between the in-group (the saved) and the out-group (the damned). This boundary ensures the internal solidarity and sacrifice required for a group to survive against competing tribes. The pluralist dream of stripping away these particularist boundaries to find a peaceful, universal core would destroy the very social logic that makes religion a permanent feature of human history.

2. The Reframing of the “Religion as a Modern Invention” Debate

Following the path of scholars like Jonathan Z. Smith (1938–2017), elite religion departments heavily emphasize that “religion” is a fabricated academic category. This school argues that pre-modern peoples did not have a distinct thing called “religion”—they just had culture—and that European colonizers invented the rigid category of “world religions” to classify, manage, and subjugate foreign populations.

The realist framework agrees with the mechanism but entirely reverses the conclusion. Yes, separating “religion” from the rest of a tribe’s daily survival apparatus is artificial. Pre-modern peoples did not view faith as an individual, private weekend hobby; it was completely interwoven with law, warfare, and tribal identity.

However, the critical theorists are wrong to think that this means tribal religious boundaries are flimsy, historical accidents that can be deconstructed to achieve individual liberation. The fusion of sacred myth with group identity is a permanent social and biological necessity. The debate settles on a realist baseline: “religion” is simply the name given to the most intense, binding value infusions a tribe uses to ensure its young are completely socialized to defend the collective perimeter.

3. The Collapse of Secularization Theory

A foundational debate in the sociology of religion centers on Secularization Theory—the prediction that as societies advance scientifically, educationally, and economically, the cognitive hold of religion will permanently decline, giving way to a secular, rational, and cosmopolitan public square.

Mearsheimer’s premises dismantle this teleology. While a society might abandon traditional supernatural dogmas, it cannot escape man’s innate tribal nature or the requirement for childhood value infusions. When a traditional religion recedes, the human mind does not become an objective, individualist computer. It immediately seeks out surrogate, secular faiths to satisfy its biological need for group embedding and moral certainty.

The fierce, dogmatic, and exclusionary ideologies that capture modern secular academic and political circles (such as rigid nationalism or intense identity-politics movements) are recognized under this lens as functional replacements for religion. Secularization does not eliminate religious dynamics; it merely changes the vocabulary of the tribe’s sacred code.

4. The Resolution: Religious Studies as Evolutionary Political Theology

If these premises hold, elite religion departments would lose their status as arenas for universalist moral lecturing or postmodern textual deconstruction.

The discipline would resolve into a single, realist framework: The study of religion is the study of high-stakes group cohesion. The field would become an empirical catalog of the specific rituals, taboos, and sacred myths that human groups deploy to steel their members for the permanent, zero-sum competition of an anarchic world.

If John Mearsheimer’s realism rules, five high-status scholars of religion would lose significant standing. Their influential frameworks rely on individualist choice, global cosmopolitan pluralism, or the idea that religious boundaries are merely plastic linguistic constructs rather than rigid, survival-driven defense systems.

1. Diana L. Eck (b. 1945)

The Professor of Comparative Religion and Indian Studies at Harvard University and founder of The Pluralism Project is a leading voice on religious diversity. Eck’s life work models “pluralism” not just as the existence of diversity, but as an energetic, empathetic engagement where distinct religious groups cross tribal lines to build a shared, harmonious civic space through ongoing dialogue.

The Realist Verdict: Eck loses status because her model of dialogic harmony ignores the structural logic of group cohesion. If humans are innately tribal, religious identities are not open-ended commitments that can be held loosely in a global conversation. They are boundary markers designed to protect the in-group from external threats. Eck’s pluralism is revealed as a luxury product of a highly secure, elite academic ecosystem that mistakes civilized academic dialogue for a permanent transformation of human nature.

2. Reza Aslan (b. 1972)

A prominent writer, public intellectual, and Professor of Creative Writing at the University of California, Riverside, Aslan holds a doctorate in the sociology of religions. In works like No god but God and God: A Human History, Aslan champions a progressive, universalist reading of faith, arguing that individual religious expressions are simply different historical pathways toward a shared human spiritual baseline. He regularly asserts that personal spiritual evolution can dismantle traditional institutional dogmas and border-enforcing prejudices.

The Realist Verdict: Aslan’s individualistic, evolutionary paradigm collapses. Under the realist premise, a person’s moral and religious worldview is heavily captured during a long childhood by intense group value infusions before independent reason even develops. Religion does not function to liberate individual egos into a borderless human family; it binds them to a specific tribe for collective preservation. Aslan’s celebration of an unencumbered, personalized spirituality is exposed as a modern liberal fiction.

3. Karen Armstrong (b. 1944)A globally renowned scholar, former nun, and author of A History of God and The Case for God, Armstrong is the architect of the Charter for Compassion. Her sweeping historical work argues that the true core of all major world religions is the “Golden Rule” and the cultivation of universal, borderless empathy. She posits that the dogmatic, aggressive, and tribal elements of religion are historical corruptions that can be stripped away through rational education and a return to compassionate practices.

The Realist Verdict: Armstrong’s core thesis is turned completely on its head. If Mearsheimer is right, the aggressive in-group/out-group distinctions she views as corruptions are the primary functional features of religion. Universal empathy is a recipe for group dissolution in a competitive, anarchic world. Religions survive across generations precisely because they use sacred myths to enforce intense internal solidarity and an unyielding defense against the out-group, rendering Armstrong’s universalist compassion a psychological impossibility on a macro scale.

4. Mark Juergensmeyer (b. 1940)The Distinguished Professor of Sociology and Global Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara, is a leading authority on religious violence and global religion. In works like Terror in the Mind of God, Juergensmeyer frames religious nationalism and fundamentalist violence as localized, reactive distortions—”global rebellions” against the secular, cosmopolitan global order, driven by ideological choices and strategic calculations.

The Realist Verdict: Juergensmeyer’s framework loses its explanatory primacy. Realism dictates that tribal nationalism and the defense of the in-group are the baseline conditions of human existence, not reactive distortions. The “secular global order” he treats as a baseline is the aggressive ideological projection of a specific, managerial Western elite. Religious groups do not revolt because they are confused by modernity; they mobilize along sacred lines because group survival demands a rejection of any universalist system that seeks to dissolve their unique cultural borders.

5. David Morgan (b. 1957)

The Professor of Religious Studies at Duke University is a pioneer in the study of material religion and visual culture, famous for The Sacred Gaze and The Forge of Vision. Morgan focuses heavily on how religious images, media, and consumer objects allow individuals to construct personal, fluid networks of feeling and attachment, treating religious visual culture as an open-ended, transactional space where meanings are continuously made and altered.

The Realist Verdict: Morgan’s emphasis on fluid, individualistic aesthetic construction fails the test of structural socialization. While he correctly notes that religion is material and behavioral rather than purely intellectual, his framework treats the “sacred gaze” as far more plastic and self-authored than the reality of childhood value infusion allows. A group’s sacred symbols are not open-ended consumer choices for personal emotional management; they are the heavily policed, non-negotiable instruments used by the collective to hammer its specific moral code into the young, ensuring total internal conformity and generational survival.

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Morality from Within: The Philosophy of Alan Gewirth

Alan Gewirth (1912-2004) ranks among the American moral philosophers who pressed hardest against the skepticism of his century. For roughly four decades he pursued a single ambition: to show that morality, and with it human rights, follows from reason alone. He worked at a time when relativism, emotivism, and logical positivism had made the idea of objective moral truth seem naive, and he treated that intellectual climate as both a philosophical error and a social danger. His central claim, that every man who acts for a purpose has already committed himself to a universal moral principle, remains contested. Few philosophers, even among his critics, have attempted a defense of moral objectivity as systematic as his.

He was born Isidore Gewirtz on November 28, 1912, in Union City, New Jersey, and grew up in West New York and other towns along the Hudson. His parents, Hyman and Rose Lees Gewirtz, were Jewish immigrants from the Russian Empire who had fled antisemitic persecution. Hyman hung wallpaper for a living and longed to play the violin in concert halls. Music filled the home, and the boy took up the violin young. He rose to concertmaster of the Columbia University Orchestra and taught the instrument to younger students.

Two changes of name marked his early sense of himself as a man set apart. At eleven, weary of the taunt “Dizzy Izzy,” he took the name Alan after Alan Breck Stewart, the bold Highlander of Robert Louis Stevenson‘s (1850-1894) Kidnapped. In 1942, against a backdrop of open antisemitism in American life, he anglicized the family surname from Gewirtz to Gewirth. The experience of exclusion came early, and it shaped a lifelong concern with dignity, rights, and the standing of persons.

Gewirth excelled as a student. He finished as valedictorian of Memorial High School in January 1930 and entered Columbia University, where he studied under Richard McKeon (100-1985), a scholar of wide learning who pushed him toward philosophical inquiry and influenced his early work. He took his bachelor’s degree from Columbia in 1934, spent time at Cornell University, and served as McKeon’s research assistant at the University of Chicago. The Second World War cut into these plans. He served in the United States Army from 1942 to 1946 and rose from private to captain. He returned to Columbia under the GI Bill and completed his doctorate in 1948.

His dissertation took up the fourteenth-century political thinker Marsilius of Padua (c. 1275-c. 1342), whose effort to pry political authority loose from church power anticipated modern constitutional thought. Gewirth went on to publish studies of medieval political philosophy and to translate parts of Marsilius’s Defensor Pacis, and he earned a reputation as a careful historian of ideas. He joined the University of Chicago faculty in 1947 and stayed there for the rest of his working life. He became a full professor in 1960 and the Edward Carson Waller Distinguished Service Professor in 1975. He served as president of the Western Division of the American Philosophical Association and of the American Society for Political and Legal Philosophy, and the American Academy of Arts and Sciences elected him a Fellow. He retired in 1992 and kept teaching and writing into his nineties.

The first half of his career centered on the history of political thought. The second turned to a larger question: can morality be justified by reason? By mid-century many philosophers had given up on the idea. The logical positivists treated moral statements as expressions of feeling. Relativists treated morality as a product of culture. The existentialists stressed individual choice over universal duty. Gewirth read these positions as both mistaken and corrosive. If morality had no rational ground, he held, then human rights rested on nothing sturdier than preference and custom, and what convention grants, convention can take away.

His answer came in Reason and Morality (1978), the book that made his name. There he set out the Principle of Generic Consistency, which scholars call the PGC. The principle reads: “Act in accord with the generic rights of your recipients as well as of yourself.” Gewirth argued that this principle follows by logical necessity from the standpoint of anyone who acts for a purpose.

His method set him apart. He began neither from religious doctrine nor from intuition, social contract, or any thick account of human nature. He began inside the perspective of an acting man. He called the approach dialectical because it drew out commitments that an agent already holds whenever he pursues a goal. The argument moves in stages. Every agent acts on purpose for ends he counts as good. Every agent must therefore value the conditions he needs to act at all, and those conditions are freedom and well-being. Without freedom a man cannot choose or pursue anything. Without well-being he lacks the capacity to act. So every agent must prize freedom and well-being as goods he cannot do without.

The hard step comes next. Because an agent must value freedom and well-being, Gewirth argued, he must claim rights to them. To deny himself such rights would mean accepting interference with the very conditions his action requires. The final step turns the claim outward. The ground of a man’s claim to these rights lies in nothing more than that he is a purposive agent. Every other person is a purposive agent too. Consistency then forces him to grant the same rights to everyone else. A universal moral principle emerges from the structure of agency.

Gewirth named this reasoning “dialectical necessity.” He believed he had found a route to morality that owed nothing to premises outside the agent. Morality, on his view, is not laid on a man from without. It sits inside the logic of his own action.

The concept of generic rights stands at the heart of the theory. These are the rights every agent holds simply as an agent, and they fall into two classes: freedom and well-being. Freedom names control over one’s own conduct and choices. Well-being names the conditions of successful action, and Gewirth ranked it in three tiers. Basic well-being covers life, bodily integrity, and mental competence, without which agency collapses. Nonsubtractive well-being covers protection against coercion, deception, and exploitation that strip a man of his power to act. Additive well-being covers the goods that widen his reach, among them education, wealth, self-respect, and opportunity. The ranking gave him a way to weigh competing claims. Basic rights outrank additive ones. The right to life outweighs the right to gain more wealth. He offered the scheme as a working tool for legal and political judgment, not as an abstraction sealed off from practice.

He saw himself as an heir to Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) and a corrector of him. He admired the attempt to anchor morality in reason but found the categorical imperative too formal, too thin in content. Kant had shown that moral rules must hold for everyone. He had not, in Gewirth’s reading, supplied the substance such rules require. Freedom and well-being supply it. By tying morality to the real conditions of action, Gewirth hoped to keep Kant’s universalism while giving it teeth.

His later books drew out what the principle implied. Human Rights: Essays on Justification and Applications worked through the moral ground of rights. The Community of Rights examined how individual liberty meets the claims of social institutions, and here Gewirth parted from the libertarians. Rights, he argued, generate not only duties of noninterference but, in some cases, positive duties of aid. A society carries obligations to protect the basic conditions of agency for all its members. His last major book, Self-Fulfillment, studied the link between morality and human flourishing and held that a man’s pursuit of fulfillment must run inside a framework of universal rights.

His reach extended past philosophy departments into legal theory and human-rights scholarship. His student Roger Pilon bent parts of the PGC toward libertarian ends. The legal philosopher Deryck Beyleveld became the system’s leading defender and reconstructed it in detail in The Dialectical Necessity of Morality. Legal scholars found in Gewirth something rare: a defense of human rights that leaned on neither religion, tradition, national identity, nor political consensus. If rights follow from agency, they stand on firmer ground than any agreement men happen to reach.

The theory drew sustained fire. The sharpest objections target the move from agency to rights. Alasdair MacIntyre (1929-2025) held that rights are social concepts with a history, not truths of logic. Others asked whether an agent must claim rights at all, rather than simply register practical needs, and whether one can pass from facts about action to conclusions about obligation. The egoist objection pressed the case in its starkest form. Why can a man not say, with consistency, that he values his own freedom and well-being because they serve his purposes while owing nothing to anyone else’s? Gewirth replied that the stance contradicts itself, since the ground of a man’s own claim is his agency and not any trait unique to him, and agency is something he shares with all others. His critics have not been satisfied, and the argument runs on.

Other philosophers attacked his defense of positive rights and welfare duties. Jan Narveson (b. 1936) and fellow libertarians held that rights guard a man against interference rather than oblige others to help him. Bernard Williams (1929-2003) and other skeptics doubted that any moral system might be wrung from universal requirements of reason at all. Nearly every step of the PGC has generated its own body of commentary.

For all the dispute, Gewirth holds a major place in twentieth-century moral philosophy. Even his opponents grant the rigor and ambition of the project. Few thinkers have tried to derive a whole account of ethics, politics, and human rights from the logic of action. Read as a proof or read as a brilliant failure, his work stands among the last great attempts to ground morality in objective truth during an age that had lost its taste for such truths.

Gewirth died in Chicago on May 9, 2004, at ninety-one. He left a body of work that still presses philosophers, legal theorists, and political thinkers, and a question that has not lost its force: if men hold rights, what justifies them? His answer gave no quarter. The justification lies not in religion, tradition, law, or sentiment, but in the plain fact that men act, choose, and pursue ends. Reason itself, he held, requires morality.

‘A Big Misunderstanding’

David Pinsof says intellectuals believe the world’s troubles come from misunderstanding, and that this belief flatters the people whose trade is understanding. A philosopher who can show that morality follows from reason has done something better than flatter himself. He has made himself the man who holds the proof. If rights rest on logic rather than custom, then the logician sits above the quarrel as its judge. Gewirth’s whole career runs on the claim that the trouble with his age was an error, a failure to see what reason already contains. Relativists had misunderstood. Emotivists had misunderstood. The positivists had misunderstood. And the cure lay with the one man rigorous enough to walk the argument from agency to rights without a slip. The misunderstanding myth gives the intellectual a heroic part. Gewirth wrote himself the largest part on offer: the man who saves morality itself.
Read his stated motive at face value and you get a thinker who fears for human dignity in a skeptical century and labors to put rights on solid ground. Pinsof’s frame asks what the work does rather than what it says it does. Watch the deeds, not the mission statement. Gewirth’s deeds built a system in which trained philosophers adjudicate every claim of right, rank every conflict, and certify which interests count as basic and which as additive. He handed the keys to his own guild. The PGC reads as a contribution to knowledge. It functions as a charter of authority for the people who can wield it.
Gewirth’s hardest critic was the egoist, the man who says, “I value my freedom and well-being because they serve my purposes, and I owe nothing to yours.” Gewirth called that position incoherent. The ground of your own claim, he argued, is your agency, and your rival has agency too, so consistency forces you to grant him the same rights. Pinsof’s frame is the egoist objection restored to health and given a Darwinian pedigree. The savvy animal values his own freedom and well-being because natural selection built him to value them. He extends the courtesy to others when alliance pays and withholds it when it does not. There is no inconsistency in this, only fitness. Gewirth’s proof requires that an agent’s reason for valuing his own goods generalize into a reason for valuing everyone’s. The frame says the agent’s reason does not generalize at all. It serves him. It was never meant to travel.
So the famous “dialectical necessity” looks, in this light, like a piece of motivated reasoning dressed as logic. The argument has to reach universal rights because Gewirth wants universal rights, and he wants them because a universal moral law gives the moral philosopher a jurisdiction without borders. Confirmation runs the proof forward. Each step that an outsider finds doubtful, Gewirth found necessary, and he found it necessary in proportion to how much the conclusion needed it.
The positive-rights turn fits the same reading. In The Community of Rights Gewirth broke with the libertarians and held that rights generate duties of aid, that society owes its members the basic conditions of agency. Treat this as moral discovery and it is generous. Treat it through the frame and it is a bid in a status contest. A doctrine of welfare obligation aligns the philosopher with the redistributive coalition, the side that confers elite standing on those who speak for the dispossessed, and it does so under a moralistic cover that makes the alignment look like the conclusion of a syllogism rather than a choice of allies. The libertarians made the opposite bid and dressed it in the opposite proof. Narveson’s rights guard the man against interference and oblige no one to help. Both men found in pure reason exactly the politics they brought to it.
Gewirth feared relativism as a social danger. He was right that what convention grants, convention can revoke. He drew the wrong lesson. The danger he sensed was the danger to his guild’s authority, because a world that treats morality as convention has no special need of moral philosophers to certify the truth. So he built a fortress, a proof that no shift in custom could touch, and he staffed it with people like himself. The frame reads the fortress as a status play, not a discovery. The intensity of his alarm tracks the size of the threat to his standing, not the size of the threat to anyone’s rights.
What does the frame leave standing? Not much of the proof. It grants Gewirth his rigor and reads the rigor as a weapon, the finest available, swung in a fight he denied was a fight. It grants him his sincerity and counts sincerity as cheap, since the surest way to win a moral argument is to believe your own case. And it answers his central question without ceremony. If men hold rights, what justifies them? Gewirth said reason. The frame says nothing justifies them in his sense, that rights are tools coalitions forge and defend because the tools pay, and that the search for a deeper ground is the hole the moral philosopher studies while sitting in it. The only misunderstanding, on this telling, is Gewirth’s faith that there was a proof to find. He spent forty years examining the dirt.

The Great Delusion

In his 2018 book, The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities, John J. Mearsheimer wrote:

My view is that we are profoundly social beings from the start to the finish of our lives and that individualism is of secondary importance… Liberalism downplays the social nature of human beings to the point of almost ignoring it, instead treating people largely as atomistic actors… Political liberalism… is an ideology that is individualistic at its core and assigns great importance to the concept of inalienable rights. This concern for rights is the basis of its universalism—everyone on the planet has the same inherent set of rights—and this is what motivates liberal states to pursue ambitious foreign policies. The public and scholarly discourse about liberalism since World War II has placed enormous emphasis on what are commonly called human rights. This is true all around the world, not just in the West. “Human rights,” Samuel Moyn notes, “have come to define the most elevated aspirations of both social movements and political entities—state and interstate. They evoke hope and provoke action.”
[Humans] do not operate as lone wolves but are born into social groups or societies that shape their identities well before they can assert their individualism. Moreover, individuals usually develop strong attachments to their group and are sometimes willing to make great sacrifices for their fellow members. Humans are often said to be tribal at their core. The main reason for our social nature is that the best way for a person to survive is to be embedded in a society and to cooperate with fellow members rather than act alone… Despite its elevated ranking, reason is the least important of the three ways we determine our preferences. It certainly is less important than socialization. The main reason socialization matters so much is that humans have a long childhood in which they are protected and nurtured by their families and the surrounding society, and meanwhile exposed to intense socialization. At the same time, they are only beginning to develop their critical faculties, so they are not equipped to think for themselves. By the time an individual reaches the point where his reasoning skills are well developed, his family and society have already imposed an enormous value infusion on him. Moreover, that individual is born with innate sentiments that also strongly influence how he thinks about the world around him. All of this means that people have limited choice in formulating a moral code, because so much of their thinking about right and wrong comes from inborn attitudes and socialization.

If Mearsheimer is right here, he hands Gewirth a clean defeat at the level Gewirth cared about most: the order in which a man arrives at his morality.
Gewirth built everything on the acting individual reasoning his way out, alone, from the bare fact of his own agency to a universal law. Strip away religion, tradition, nation, sentiment, and what remains is a mind following an argument it cannot consistently refuse. Mearsheimer says that picture inverts the real sequence. The infusion comes first. A man is born into a group that shapes him through a long childhood, before his reasoning faculties exist, and by the time he can reason he is already loaded with inherited sentiment and the values his people pressed on him. Reason arrives late and arrives last, the weakest of the three sources of preference, well behind socialization and innate disposition. So the agent Gewirth places at the start of the argument is a fiction. There is no man who reasons toward his commitments from a standing start. There is only a man who was furnished with his commitments and later learned to give reasons for them.
If that is right, dialectical necessity collapses into rationalization. Gewirth thought he was excavating commitments every agent already holds by the logic of action. Mearsheimer would say he was excavating commitments every agent already holds by the accident of where he was raised, and the logic is a story told afterward. The PGC does not lie beneath socialization. It sits on top of it. A liberal Jewish American philosopher at the University of Chicago in 1978 reasoned his way to individual inalienable rights because individual inalienable rights were the air he breathed, the value his society had infused in him long before he opened Kant. A man infused with different values, raised in a clan or a confessional order or a nation that ranks the group above the person, reasons his way somewhere else and feels the same necessity Gewirth felt. The sense of being driven by logic is real. It is also what socialization feels like from the inside.
The universalism takes the hardest hit, because that is where Mearsheimer aimed the book. Gewirth’s claim that every man on earth holds the same rights, derived the same way, is the exact doctrine Mearsheimer names as liberalism’s central conceit and its central danger. The universalism rests on the priority of the individual, the atomistic actor who is a man before he is a member of anything. Mearsheimer says we are social from start to finish, members before we are individuals, and that the individual Gewirth abstracts is a being who never existed. Pull the atomistic individual out from under the PGC and the universal scope goes with him. What is left is a moral code that is local in origin, parochial in content, and universal only in the ambition of the men who hold it. Gewirth thought he had found the ground common to all agents. He had found the ground common to liberals.
This cuts deeper than the egoist objection Gewirth fought all his life. The egoist accepted the rules of the game and tried to show the move from self to others did not follow. Mearsheimer refuses the game. He does not argue that the agent should not generalize his reason. He argues the agent did not reason his way to the starting point and cannot, because no one reasons from nothing. You cannot derive a value-free morality from agency when the agent comes pre-loaded. The premises Gewirth treats as the bare structure of action, the necessary valuing of freedom and well-being, are themselves products of a particular value infusion. A man socialized to prize honor over freedom, or the standing of his lineage over his own well-being, does not recognize Gewirth’s necessary goods as necessary. He recognizes them as foreign.
Gewirth published Reason and Morality in 1978, at the front edge of the human-rights ascendancy Moyn dates to that decade, the moment human rights became the highest language of aspiration across the world. Gewirth read his proof as the discovery of a timeless foundation. Mearsheimer reads the whole human-rights wave as a contingent ideological project that armed liberal states to remake other societies in their image and ran aground on the social and national loyalties it had dismissed. On that reading Gewirth was not standing outside history with a proof. He was riding the crest of a particular history and supplying its philosophy. The proof and the foreign policy share a root, and the root is the same false anthropology: man as individual first, reasoner first, bearer of universal rights first, member of his people a distant last.
What survives? Gewirth might answer that Mearsheimer describes how men come to their morals and says nothing about whether those morals are justified. The genetic point does not touch the validity of the argument. A proof reached by a socialized creature can still be a proof. That defense holds against the weaker reading of Mearsheimer. It does not hold against the stronger one, because Mearsheimer does not merely note the origin. He denies the premise. He denies that there is a generic agent whose generic structure yields generic rights, and he grounds the denial in the claim that the social precedes and constitutes the individual rather than the reverse. If man is a member before he is an agent, then agency is not the bedrock Gewirth needs. Something stands beneath it. The group is there first, and it put the agent together.
So if Mearsheimer is right, Gewirth’s monument reads as the most rigorous expression of a delusion. The rigor is real. He worked the argument harder than anyone. But he worked it from a foundation that was poured by his own society, mistook the pouring for bedrock, and called the result reason. The man who tried to escape tradition, nation, and sentiment built his system out of the one tradition, the one nation’s faith, that told him such escape was possible.

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Adrian Vermeule and the Common Good

Cornelius Adrian Comstock Vermeule (born May 2, 1968) is an American legal scholar and constitutional theorist who holds the Ralph S. Tyler, Jr. Professorship of Constitutional Law at Harvard Law School. He came to wide notice as a scholar of administrative law, statutory interpretation, and the design of legal institutions, and he became, after his conversion to Roman Catholicism in 2016, the figure most closely identified with common-good constitutionalism, a theory that draws on the classical legal tradition and on Catholic political thought and that defines itself against both originalism and living constitutionalism. His defenders regard him as a rigorous critic of liberal jurisprudence; his critics regard his program as a justification for illiberal government. By either reading he stands among the more influential and contested legal academics of his generation.

Vermeule was born in Cambridge, Massachusetts, into a family of established academic standing. His father, Cornelius Clarkson Vermeule III (1925-2008), served for decades as curator of classical and ancient art at the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston and ranked among the leading American classical archaeologists of his day. His mother, Emily Vermeule (1928-2001), was a professor of classical philology and archaeology at Harvard and a figure of comparable distinction in her field. His sister, Blakey Vermeule, became a literary scholar and a professor of English at Stanford University. He was raised in the Episcopal tradition, drifted from organized religion during his college years, returned for a time to Anglicanism, and converted to Roman Catholicism in 2016, a passage that would reorganize his public thought.

He graduated summa cum laude from Harvard College in 1990 with a degree in East Asian languages and civilizations, an education in textual reading and tradition that has left visible marks on the cast of his later legal work. He then entered Harvard Law School, where he earned the Juris Doctor magna cum laude in 1993. After law school he clerked for Judge David Sentelle (b. 1943) of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit from 1993 to 1994, and then for Justice Antonin Scalia (1936-2016) of the Supreme Court of the United States from 1994 to 1995. The clerkship with Scalia carries a particular irony, since Scalia was the most prominent judicial advocate of originalism in his era and Vermeule became, in time, among the most searching critics of the originalist project.

After a period in practice and early teaching, Vermeule joined the faculty of the University of Chicago Law School in 1998, where he established a reputation as a scholar of constitutional structure and institutional design and held the Bernard D. Meltzer Professorship. He returned to Harvard Law School as a professor in 2006, was named the John H. Watson Professor of Law in 2008, and was appointed the Ralph S. Tyler, Jr. Professor of Constitutional Law in 2016. His standing within the profession was confirmed by his election to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 2012, at the age of forty-three, and in 2020 he was appointed to the Administrative Conference of the United States. He has authored or co-authored nine books and a substantial body of articles across constitutional law, administrative law, legislation, and national security law.

The early scholarship took as its premise that legal institutions should be judged by their real capacities and their real limits rather than by the idealized portraits common in constitutional theory. Vermeule argued that courts, legislatures, and agencies each operate under conditions of uncertainty and bounded competence, and that the proper allocation of interpretive authority follows from a candid comparison of those competences rather than from a presumption in favor of judicial supremacy. This institutional orientation set him apart from theorists who organized their accounts around rights or around judicial doctrine, and it supplied the through-line of his first books, among them Judging Under Uncertainty (2006), Law and the Limits of Reason (2009), and The System of the Constitution (2011). In place of the familiar celebration of courts as singular guardians of liberty, these works pressed the inevitability of error, the value of restraint where judges lack comparative advantage, and the practical constraints that shape adjudication in a complex society.

A connected theme, the defense of executive and administrative authority, runs through the middle period of his career. In The Executive Unbound (2010), written with Eric Posner (b. 1965), Vermeule argued that modern emergencies enlarge executive power as a matter of practical necessity and that formal constitutional limits restrain presidents less than do elections, public opinion, and political competition. The book unsettled the conventional account of the separation of powers by relocating the real checks on the executive from legal doctrine to politics. His defense of the administrative state grew more explicit in Law’s Abnegation (2016), where he argued that the courts had ceded authority to agencies not through constitutional failure but through a reasoned recognition of administrative expertise and institutional competence. Where many conservatives treated the bureaucracy as a standing threat to liberty, Vermeule treated administrative governance as a durable and legitimate feature of the modern state, capable of serving public purposes when rightly directed. That position placed him at a distance from much of the conservative legal movement, and in particular from the wing of the Federalist Society that sought to revive judicially enforced limits on agency power. His collaboration with Cass Sunstein (b. 1954) in Law and Leviathan (2020) extended the argument by showing that administrative governance remains bound by longstanding principles of legality and reasoned decision.

His conversion to Roman Catholicism in 2016 marks the decisive reorientation of his intellectual life. Reading Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274), Joseph de Maistre (1753-1821), and above all John Henry Newman (1801-1890), Vermeule came to hold that liberal political theory cannot furnish a stable moral foundation for law and government. Newman proved the most important of these influences, shaping his understanding of the development of doctrine, the standing of authority, and the continuity of a living tradition. He summarized the shift in a remark made soon after his conversion, in which he disclaimed any deep faith in law as such and described it as a tool that serves good or bad ends and that will, over time, prove no better than the culture and the polity that hold it.

From this position Vermeule emerged as a leading advocate of Catholic integralism, the tradition holding that political authority should be ordered toward the common good, including the spiritual ends of the human person, rather than remaining neutral among competing accounts of the good life. He distinguished his approach from any program of sudden institutional rupture and described instead a strategy of ralliement, a patient working within existing institutions to turn them toward substantive moral ends.

His most widely debated contribution to legal theory is common-good constitutionalism. He introduced it to a general audience in the 2020 essay “Beyond Originalism,” published in The Atlantic, and developed it at length in Common Good Constitutionalism (2022). The theory rejects both conservative originalism and progressive living constitutionalism and asks that constitutional interpretation draw on the classical legal tradition, on the ius commune, and on principles of natural law rather than on original public meaning or on evolving social values alone. Interpretation, on this account, should advance substantive goods such as justice, peace, public morality, prosperity, solidarity, and human flourishing, and it should treat authority, hierarchy, subsidiarity, and the educative office of law as legitimate parts of a sound political order. Vermeule sets the promotion of these conditions above the modern elevation of individual autonomy to the highest constitutional value. A distinctive feature of the theory places interpretive responsibility not on judges alone but also on legislators, administrators, and executive officials, who are to apply the law with a conscious view to the common good. His supporters read the program as a recovery of the classical tradition that governed Western law before the rise of modern liberalism; his critics read it as a grant of wide discretion to officials and as a theory open to authoritarian use.

Much of the controversy that surrounds Vermeule has gathered around his engagement with the German jurist Carl Schmitt (1888-1985). He rejects a great deal of what Schmitt concluded, yet he has found Schmitt’s treatment of sovereignty, emergency, and political authority useful for describing the actual operation of modern government. His critics take the borrowing as evidence of an authoritarian cast of mind; he answers that classical legal principle and natural law supply the moral framing that holds such power within bounds. His public rhetoric has at times sharpened the conflict and drawn rebuke, as when a remark of his in early 2020 was read as a comparison between attendees of a conservative gathering and the first inmates of the Nazi camps, a reading that brought criticism from colleagues and alumni. Episodes of this kind have shaped his reception as much as the scholarship has.

The portrait of his career as a clean ideological break understates the continuity in his development. Long before he described himself as a Catholic integralist, Vermeule placed institutions above individual rights, administrative expertise above judicial supremacy, and the practical conditions of governance above abstract constitutional theory. The later work reads less as a repudiation of the earlier than as a theological and philosophical reinterpretation of commitments that had organized his thought for two decades. The skeptic of judicial ambition and the theorist of the directed state share a single underlying preference for ordered authority exercised by competent officials.

Vermeule remains an active figure in public argument. He serves as a contributing editor at Compact, co-founded the book-review journal The New Rambler in 2015, and writes a Substack newsletter, The New Digest. He continues to publish on constitutional theory, administrative law, executive power, and postliberal political thought, and his commentary on decisions such as Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo and his replies to critics of common-good constitutionalism keep him engaged with the moving edge of doctrine.

His personal life met a grave loss in 2024, when his son, Spencer Vermeule (2003-2024), a sophomore at the University of Notre Dame and a member of the university’s fencing team, died on March 2 in a single-car accident in Elkhart County, Indiana, at the age of twenty. A memorial Mass was held for him at the Basilica of the Sacred Heart on the Notre Dame campus, and friends, family, and members of the academic and Catholic communities gathered to mourn him.

Vermeule holds a singular place in American legal thought. Few scholars of his generation have done as much to undermine the assumptions of liberal constitutionalism and of movement conservatism at the same time. Read as a critic of liberal jurisprudence, a defender of the administrative state, a Catholic political theorist, or the author of common-good constitutionalism, he has obliged lawyers, scholars, and officials to confront direct questions about the purposes of law, the standing of authority, and the moral foundations of political order.

The Great Delusion

In his 2018 book, The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities, John J. Mearsheimer wrote:

My view is that we are profoundly social beings from the start to the finish of our lives and that individualism is of secondary importance… Liberalism downplays the social nature of human beings to the point of almost ignoring it, instead treating people largely as atomistic actors… Political liberalism… is an ideology that is individualistic at its core and assigns great importance to the concept of inalienable rights. This concern for rights is the basis of its universalism—everyone on the planet has the same inherent set of rights—and this is what motivates liberal states to pursue ambitious foreign policies. The public and scholarly discourse about liberalism since World War II has placed enormous emphasis on what are commonly called human rights. This is true all around the world, not just in the West. “Human rights,” Samuel Moyn notes, “have come to define the most elevated aspirations of both social movements and political entities—state and interstate. They evoke hope and provoke action.”
[Humans] do not operate as lone wolves but are born into social groups or societies that shape their identities well before they can assert their individualism. Moreover, individuals usually develop strong attachments to their group and are sometimes willing to make great sacrifices for their fellow members. Humans are often said to be tribal at their core. The main reason for our social nature is that the best way for a person to survive is to be embedded in a society and to cooperate with fellow members rather than act alone… Despite its elevated ranking, reason is the least important of the three ways we determine our preferences. It certainly is less important than socialization. The main reason socialization matters so much is that humans have a long childhood in which they are protected and nurtured by their families and the surrounding society, and meanwhile exposed to intense socialization. At the same time, they are only beginning to develop their critical faculties, so they are not equipped to think for themselves. By the time an individual reaches the point where his reasoning skills are well developed, his family and society have already imposed an enormous value infusion on him. Moreover, that individual is born with innate sentiments that also strongly influence how he thinks about the world around him. All of this means that people have limited choice in formulating a moral code, because so much of their thinking about right and wrong comes from inborn attitudes and socialization.

The social account underwrites Vermeule’s positive program better than it underwrites the liberal’s. If a man is socialized before he can reason, raised through a long childhood under heavy value infusion, then the law that forms and teaches him is no intrusion on a free chooser. It is how the creature gets made. Vermeule prizes the educative office of law, authority, hierarchy, subsidiarity, solidarity. Mearsheimer’s picture of human nature hands him each one. The neutral state that declines to form its citizens is the fiction, since something always forms them, and Vermeule’s reply is that the state should know what it forms them toward. So far the realist is the integralist’s ally, and a strong one. Mearsheimer’s anthropology is Vermeule’s foundation.
The premise that lays the foundation cracks the roof. Mearsheimer ranks the three sources of our preferences. Innate sentiment, then socialization, then reason, with reason last and weakest. By the time a man’s reasoning runs sharp, his family and society have already laid down their value infusion and his inborn sentiments have already tilted him. Reason arrives late and mostly serves what came first. Set Vermeule’s project beside that ranking. Common good constitutionalism rests on natural law and the classical tradition, the ius commune, treated as a universal moral order that reason reaches and that binds all men everywhere. The whole architecture is a claim staked on reason, that a trained mind apprehends the true human good and points law toward it. Mearsheimer ranks that faculty last.
So the integralist universalism stands exposed as a second universalism, the mirror of the one it fights. Mearsheimer’s quarry in The Great Delusion is liberal universalism, the doctrine that every person on the planet carries the same inalienable rights, the doctrine that drives liberal states to remake the world. He calls it a delusion because it overrates reason and ignores the particular, tribal nature of men. Natural law makes the same shape of claim. Everyone, everywhere, one moral order, reachable by reason, binding without regard to belonging. If Mearsheimer has the ranking right, the integralist universal falls to the same blade as the liberal universal. Vermeule has not climbed out of the delusion. He has swapped its content and kept its form. Rights gave way to the common good; the universal reach and the trust in reason stayed.
Vermeule half-concedes the point in his own voice. He says he puts little faith in law, calls it a tool fit for good or bad ends, and says it will prove no better than the culture and the polity that hold it. That is a Mearsheimerian sentence. Culture over formal reason, formation over parchment. The man who wrote it has granted that the value infusion runs deeper than the legal argument laid on top. Then he stops the knife short of his own natural law. He lets socialization dissolve the liberal’s rights and exempts his own universal good from the solvent. Mearsheimer might refuse the exemption.
A Vermeule consistent with this frame drops the universal claim and keeps the particular community formed toward its own good. That Vermeule is a nationalist of the soul, a man who says this people, with this inheritance, formed by these authorities toward the ends this tradition carries, and who makes no pretense that the ends bind the Chinese or the Turk. Mearsheimer could sign that. It is his own pluralism, each society with its infusion and no universal court of reason seated above them. It is not the Vermeule who exists. The living Vermeule insists the classical tradition is true for all and not merely ours, and reaches past the American community to an order that predates and outranks it. Strip the universal and a defensible integralism remains that is also a parochialism. Keep the universal and the frame returns the liberal’s error in clerical dress.
Mearsheimer fears the universalist state because universalism joined to power breeds the crusade. The liberal hegemon, sure it knows the rights of all men, sends its armies to install them and names the wreckage liberation. Vermeule wants a state with a substantive mission, sure it knows the good of all men, holding the coercive power and using it to form them. The same logic points home. A regime convinced it has found the universal good and granted the means to enforce it presses toward the good as it sees it and reads resistance as error to correct. Mearsheimer’s book is a long warning against that confidence. The warning does not stop at the water’s edge.
Apply the ranking to the man. Vermeule is a creature of reason if anyone is, summa cum laude, the two clerkships, the endowed chair, the lawyer’s apparatus run across nine books. Mearsheimer says reason comes last and mostly dresses the sentiment and the socialization that came before. Read that way, the natural-law scaffolding is the late arrival. What came first was the Cambridge boyhood, the academic home, the drift, the return, the conversion in 2016, the new belonging among the postliberals. The belonging landed, and the reasoning followed to dignify it. This carries no charge of bad faith. The claim holds for every man, the liberal included, whose rights-talk is the late servant of a prior formation, and it holds for Mearsheimer too. The order is the whole of it. For Vermeule the order means the common good he reaches by argument is the good he was already formed to want, and the argument came after.
Mearsheimer ranks reason last; he does not abolish it. If reason never reached past socialization, no man could judge his own tribe’s infusion false, and reformers, converts, and dissenters would be impossible creatures. Vermeule is himself a convert, a man who turned against the formation of his youth, which is some evidence that reason and conscience pull against the value infusion as well as serve it. The frame explains the pull toward the common good as sentiment and socialization, and on its own terms it cannot rule out that the pull also runs toward something true. Mearsheimer is an anthropologist of belief, not a judge of its truth. He can show that Vermeule’s universalism wears the same form and rests on the same weak footing as the liberalism it opposes. He cannot show that the natural law is false. He can show only that the confidence in reaching it outruns what reason, ranked last, can carry.
If Mearsheimer is right, Vermeule keeps his anti-liberal anthropology and loses his warrant for the universal. He is left with a people to form and a tradition to carry, and no view from above to prove the tradition true for anyone outside it. Whether that reads as a loss or as a homecoming turns on whether he can surrender the claim that made his name.

‘A Big Misunderstanding’

Vermeule asks officials to read the constitution toward substantive goods, justice, peace, public morality, solidarity, and flourishing, drawn from a classical tradition, the ius commune, and the natural law, sources he treats as available to reason and held in common. The frame puts the question the program cannot answer on its own terms. Whose good, by whose lights, named by whom? No common good hangs in the air apart from the men who name it. When an official directs law toward the common good, he directs it toward the good as he and his allies see it. The phrase does not pick out a thing in the world. It picks out a coalition’s conception of the good, raised to the dignity of the universal.
This is the Starbucks move. The mission statement says it nurtures the human spirit one cup at a time. The goal is profit. Vermeule’s mission statement says it orders law toward justice, peace, and flourishing. Read through this frame, the goal is the capture and direction of the coercive apparatus of the state by a particular coalition, postliberal, integralist, traditionalist, Catholic, national-conservative, against its rivals. The rivals are the liberals who hold autonomy as the highest value and the originalists who want to freeze the contest at the founding. Common good constitutionalism is what the bid for power sounds like when a learned man makes it.
Watch the candor. He claims no neutrality. He says authority is legitimate, hierarchy is legitimate, the law teaches and forms, the state may pursue substantive ends. He names his strategy, ralliement, working inside the institutions to turn them toward those ends. Pinsof’s targets bury the bid for power under proceduralism and the promise that reason will decide. Vermeule states the bid. He wants his side to hold the apparatus and use it. The frame credits the honesty and then declines the gloss.
Why the noble language at all, if the aim is power? Because the naked sentence repels. To say my coalition should rule you and bend you toward our conception of the good drives men off. To say law should serve the common good and human flourishing draws them in. The content is the same. The reception is not. The classical framing does double work. It dignifies the bid as the recovery of a lost inheritance, and it recruits a lineage of allies, Aquinas, Newman, the whole ius commune, whose authority transfers to the man citing them. A faction with Aquinas in it looks less like a faction and more like the truth.
Turn it on the critics. The liberal scholars who call him an authoritarian and panic over his reading of Schmitt are not clearing up a misunderstanding either. They are a coalition defending a long hold on the courts and the academy, coding a rival as outside the bounds of decent argument. Their alarm is real and it is also a weapon. His interest in Schmitt on sovereignty and emergency is the recognition that politics turns on friend and enemy and on who decides, which is the recognition the frame starts from. The two sides understand each other well. Each calls its own bid for the state the universal good and calls the rival’s bid a threat to it. This is no seminar. It is a contest of coalitions conducted in the language of principle.
The conclusion the frame forces is bracing. There is no misunderstanding to resolve at Harvard Law School. Vermeule and his opponents do not talk past each other; they grasp each other’s ends and reject them. Better arguments will not settle the question, because the question is not an argument. It is who controls the coercive apparatus of the state and toward what ends he points it. The debate over common good constitutionalism stands in for that question. The world he wants to order does not want to be ordered by him, and he knows it, which is why he reaches for authority over persuasion. The originalists he left behind do not misread the constitution. They want a different master. He wants his.

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Loïc Wacquant: The Boxer, the Ghetto, and the Penal State

Loïc Wacquant (b. August 26, 1960) is a French sociologist whose work on urban poverty, race, punishment, embodiment, and the state has made him an influential social theorist of the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. He holds a professorship in sociology at the University of California, Berkeley, and for decades he worked alongside Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002). Wacquant joins ethnographic immersion to broad social theory, and he uses the pairing to explain how advanced societies manage poverty, inequality, and marginality. His studies of boxing gyms, urban ghettos, prisons, and welfare offices have reshaped debates about race, class, punishment, and neoliberalism.

Wacquant was born in Nîmes and grew up near Montpellier in southern France. His father worked as a botanist and his mother taught school. Before he entered academic life he held a range of manual jobs, among them construction, industrial painting, farm labor, and automobile repair. That early work shaped a lasting interest in the tie between social structure and lived experience. He studied economics and sociology at HEC Paris, the Université Paris Nanterre, Washington State University, the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, and the University of Chicago, where he earned his doctorate in sociology in 1994.

Between 1983 and 1985 Wacquant performed his military service in New Caledonia as a functionary of the French colonial research office known as ORSTOM. He has since described the territory, with its tight knot of race, class, and space, as a laboratory that prepared him to read the segregated landscapes he later met in the United States.

A decisive turn came when Wacquant met Bourdieu in Paris in 1980. He became one of Bourdieu’s close students and later a principal interpreter of Bourdieu’s work for English-speaking readers. Their collaboration produced An Invitation to Reflexive Sociology (1992), a volume that introduced a generation of students to habitus, field, symbolic power, and reflexivity. Bourdieu’s demand that sociology expose how power and inequality reproduce themselves stayed at the center of Wacquant’s work.

While in Chicago, Wacquant worked with the urban sociologist William Julius Wilson (b. 1935). The city showed him forms of racial segregation and concentrated poverty far removed from those in France, and that contrast became the seed of his comparative research on American ghettos and European urban marginality.

Wacquant first drew wide attention through an ethnographic experiment. Rather than observe life in a Chicago boxing gym from the side, he trained as a boxer and fought in the city’s Golden Gloves tournament. The resulting book, Body and Soul: Notebooks of an Apprentice Boxer (2004), became a classic of the genre. From it he built what he calls carnal sociology, an approach that treats embodied participation as a route to social knowledge. Observation alone cannot capture social life, he argues, because much of what people know sits in bodily habit, feeling, and practical skill.

His work on urban poverty carried further. In Urban Outcasts (2008) he set the American ghetto beside the marginalized housing estates of France. These spaces amount to more than poor neighborhoods, he argues. Economic restructuring, state policy, and symbolic exclusion turn them into territorially stigmatized zones. His concept of advanced marginality names the concentration of poverty and insecurity in the postindustrial city. Modern urban inequality runs deeper than economic deprivation on his account. It also marks places and populations as socially undesirable.

His most influential theoretical claim concerns the modern state under neoliberalism. He rejects the view that neoliberalism yields a weak state. Neoliberalism reorganizes state power, he argues. He calls the contemporary state a centaur state: liberal and permissive toward corporations, investors, and the affluent, and paternalistic and punitive toward the poor. Deregulation at the top travels with tighter regulation at the bottom.

That argument anchors his book Punishing the Poor: The Neoliberal Government of Social Insecurity (2009). Welfare reform, workfare programs, aggressive policing, and prison expansion form a single system for the management of social insecurity, he contends. Prisons do more than control crime on this reading. They govern marginalized populations cast off by economic restructuring.

A key part of the analysis turns on his distinction between mass incarceration and hyperincarceration. Imprisonment in the United States falls unevenly, he argues, and concentrates among certain groups, above all poor Black men from segregated urban neighborhoods. He prefers hyperincarceration for the way it foregrounds the targeted character of penal growth. The prison, in his account, becomes an instrument for the management of economic exclusion.

Wacquant ties this to a shift from welfare to workfare and prisonfare. Welfare offices discipline recipients into low-wage labor. Penal institutions absorb those who fall outside that labor. The prison becomes a surrogate for the ghetto, he argues, and helps regulate populations treated as redundant in a postindustrial economy.

His most ambitious historical account of race and punishment appears in his theory of the four peculiar institutions that have structured Black subordination in the United States. The first was slavery. The second was Jim Crow segregation. The third was the urban ghetto that formed in northern cities across the twentieth century. The fourth is the present pairing of hyperghetto and prison. These institutions differ in form, he argues, yet they perform related work as they organize, contain, and regulate African American populations across changing political and economic conditions.

Wacquant has also fought what he sees as loose method in the social sciences. In essays such as “Scrutinizing the Street” he challenged influential urban ethnographies by scholars including Elijah Anderson (b. 1943) and Mitchell Duneier (b. 1961). Some ethnographic accounts lean too hard on narrative and moral storytelling, he argues, and fail to link daily encounters to larger structures of power, inequality, and state action. He carried this critique into his recent book The Poverty of the Ethnography of Poverty ([2023] 2025), where he sets out a rationalist approach he calls thick construction, a scientific construction of an ordinary folk construction anchored in the concept of social space.

Beyond race and punishment, Wacquant has written on the sociology of the body, social theory, urban policy, and the legacy of Bourdieu. His work appears in dozens of languages and has shaped sociology, criminology, political science, anthropology, urban studies, and law. He has lectured across Europe, North America, and Latin America and has advised governments and public institutions on poverty, policing, and social policy in France, Argentina, Brazil, Norway, and Sweden, and at the OECD.

His books include An Invitation to Reflexive Sociology (with Bourdieu), Body and Soul, Urban Outcasts, Punishing the Poor, Deadly Symbiosis, The Invention of the “Underclass” (2022), Bourdieu in the City (2023), Racial Domination (2024), Jim Crow: Le terrorisme de caste en Amérique (2024), The Poverty of the Ethnography of Poverty ([2023] 2025), and Rethinking the Penal State (2026), the last drawn from his 2024 Adorno Lectures. His honors include a MacArthur Fellowship, an Alphonse Fletcher Fellowship, election to the Harvard Society of Fellows, and the Lewis A. Coser Award of the American Sociological Association.

Wacquant sits at the crossing of French social theory, American urban sociology, and ethnographic fieldwork. From Bourdieu he took an emphasis on symbolic power and reflexivity. From Wilson he took a concern with race and class in the modern city. From his own fieldwork he took a feel for embodied experience and institutional detail. The result is a body of work that traces how inequality settles into places, institutions, and bodies, and how modern states govern populations through a blend of welfare, punishment, and symbolic classification. Few sociologists have done more to hold the boxing ring, the ghetto, the prison, and the state inside one theoretical frame.

Loïc Wacquant and the Misunderstanding Myth

Pinsof says intellectuals run on one story. The world’s troubles come from misunderstanding, and the people whose work is understanding can therefore save the world. Wacquant tells a harder version of that story. The masses misread the ghetto, the prison, and the poor, and so do most sociologists, and only a correct science, his science, cuts through the folk picture to the structure beneath. He calls the method thick construction, a scientific construction laid over an ordinary one. The ordinary construction is the misunderstanding. The scientist comes to fix it.
Wacquant looks like a poor target for this frame, because he is already half a cynic. He throws out the standard misunderstanding stories about the state. Neoliberalism does not produce a weak state by accident, he argues. The centaur state works as built, liberal at the top and punitive at the bottom. Prisons do not fail to control crime. They govern the populations a postindustrial economy has cast off, and they do this job well. The cruelty is no whoopsie. On these points Wacquant sounds like Pinsof. The system runs as designed, and the people who run it understand what they are doing.
Then the cynicism stops. It stops at the edge of his own coalition, and it never turns around to face him.
Take his stated motive. He wants to expose how power reproduces inequality and to stand with the marginal. Read his conduct in the academic field instead, by the standard he uses on everyone else, and a second account appears. The most cited move of his career is a costly signal. He trained as a boxer, fought in the Golden Gloves, and wrote the book. The training proves commitment, the honest signal of a man who finishes what he starts. The fight proves an authenticity no deskbound rival can buy. Carnal sociology then turns that personal credential into a rule of method: knowledge sits in the trained body, so only those who paid the bodily price may speak. The claim reads as epistemology. It works as a fence around the field, and it keeps the competition out.
Look at how he treats the competition. He went after Elijah Anderson and Mitchell Duneier for soft method and moral storytelling. Pinsof would call this what high-stakes competitors do. They demonize their rivals, deny that they are doing it, and embellish the rivals’ faults. The takedown wears the costume of rigor. Underneath sits the older work of marking territory and lowering a neighbor’s standing to raise your own.
His standing reply to critics carries the misunderstanding myth in its purest form. You have not read Bourdieu. Disagreement becomes the rival’s failure to understand, which converts a contest into a diagnosis and seals the position against any test. The man who cannot be wrong, only misunderstood, has built himself an unfalsifiable claim to authority. This is the move he says the masses make about the world, run now in his own defense.
His politics fit a coalition, and his science feeds it. The centaur state names the enemies the academic left already names: corporations, investors, the affluent, the penal right. The story sets a polluted villain against a pure victim and supplies the footnotes. Pinsof reads partisan hatred as competition over the coercive apparatus of the state, the thing that puts people in cages at gunpoint, and Wacquant writes about that apparatus more than almost anyone alive. He treats his own side as the party of understanding and the other side as the party of greed and false consciousness. The frame asks the obvious question. Why would a contest over the prison and the welfare office spare the sociologist who has staked his career on which side wins it?
The split shows most clearly over stigma. Wacquant says territorial stigmatization is symbolic violence, a misrecognition that good science can correct. The poor and their neighborhoods get marked as undesirable through a false classification, and the sociologist’s job is to undo the error. Pinsof reads stigma the other way. Stigma is strategic, a move in a status contest by people who have incentives, not a confusion they would drop if someone explained their mistake. The classifiers are not misinformed. They are competing. Wacquant needs them to be misinformed, because the misinformed need a corrector, and the corrector is him. Grant that the stigmatizers understand their own interests and the sociologist loses his reason to exist.
So consider the hole. Wacquant has mapped his hole, the ghetto and the penal state, down to the last molecule, across decades of fieldwork, dozens of languages, a dozen books. Pinsof says you can study the hole forever and stay in it. Wacquant half admits this, because his own theory tells him the penal state is functional rather than mistaken. If it is functional, no quantity of correct understanding dislodges it, since no one with power misunderstands it in the first place. The understanding moves nothing on the ground. It moves his standing. The world does not want to be saved, and the centaur state, by his own account, has no wish to reform.
Wacquant also keeps signaling that he is not a meanie. The body on the line, the solidarity with the dispossessed, the moral heat of the prose, all of it reads as the sweetie signal that covers the status game underneath. Even the combat style pays. Each public fight charges him with standing. He spends the standing on the next fight.
Reflexive sociology demands that the scholar objectify his own position in the field, his capital, his interests, his stakes in the game he claims to study from outside. Carry that demand out without mercy and you get this essay. He sharpened the knife and told everyone to use it. The frame only takes him at his word.

The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities

In his 2018 book, The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities, John J. Mearsheimer wrote:

My view is that we are profoundly social beings from the start to the finish of our lives and that individualism is of secondary importance… Liberalism downplays the social nature of human beings to the point of almost ignoring it, instead treating people largely as atomistic actors… Political liberalism… is an ideology that is individualistic at its core and assigns great importance to the concept of inalienable rights. This concern for rights is the basis of its universalism—everyone on the planet has the same inherent set of rights—and this is what motivates liberal states to pursue ambitious foreign policies. The public and scholarly discourse about liberalism since World War II has placed enormous emphasis on what are commonly called human rights. This is true all around the world, not just in the West. “Human rights,” Samuel Moyn notes, “have come to define the most elevated aspirations of both social movements and political entities—state and interstate. They evoke hope and provoke action.”
[Humans] do not operate as lone wolves but are born into social groups or societies that shape their identities well before they can assert their individualism. Moreover, individuals usually develop strong attachments to their group and are sometimes willing to make great sacrifices for their fellow members. Humans are often said to be tribal at their core. The main reason for our social nature is that the best way for a person to survive is to be embedded in a society and to cooperate with fellow members rather than act alone… Despite its elevated ranking, reason is the least important of the three ways we determine our preferences. It certainly is less important than socialization. The main reason socialization matters so much is that humans have a long childhood in which they are protected and nurtured by their families and the surrounding society, and meanwhile exposed to intense socialization. At the same time, they are only beginning to develop their critical faculties, so they are not equipped to think for themselves. By the time an individual reaches the point where his reasoning skills are well developed, his family and society have already imposed an enormous value infusion on him. Moreover, that individual is born with innate sentiments that also strongly influence how he thinks about the world around him. All of this means that people have limited choice in formulating a moral code, because so much of their thinking about right and wrong comes from inborn attitudes and socialization.

Wacquant’s morality is universalist. He wants to dissolve ethnoracial domination. He reads race as denegated ethnicity, a classification that a clear science can dismantle. He calls territorial stigmatization a symbolic violence, a misrecognition that good sociology corrects. On Mearsheimer’s account the sorting that makes the stigma is no error. It is the tribal floor at work. Wacquant himself noticed that the low-status white draws the hardest line against the Black urban poor. Read through this frame, that line is coalitional competition over rank among close rivals, the survival behavior of a social animal, not a confusion that fades once someone explains it. The stigmatizer is not misinformed. He is defending his place.
Then the prison and the ghetto. Wacquant reads the penal turn as class management under neoliberalism, capital warehousing the labor it no longer needs. The frame keeps that reading and sets a deeper floor beneath it. The state is the tribe’s survival vehicle. The in-group uses it to hold and manage a population it has coded as a rival or a danger. Hyperincarceration of poor Black men then looks like the oldest behavior there is, the coalition turning the coercive apparatus on the out-group. This sharpens Wacquant on the targeting and demotes his cause. The penal state runs older than neoliberalism because tribalism runs older than capitalism. The centaur was here before the market.
Then the reformist horizon, where the frame cuts deepest. Wacquant advises governments, writes advocacy, trusts that a corrected sociology can undo the misrecognition. Mearsheimer wrote an entire book against the hope that you can reengineer deep human attachment through enlightenment. That hope is the delusion in his title. The man who maps the hole down to the last molecule then believes that understanding fills it. On the tragic reading the marginal keep getting stigmatized because coalitions always do this to their rivals and to the populations they treat as surplus, and no quantity of correct understanding dissolves the floor. The world Wacquant describes does not want the reform Wacquant prescribes.
Now turn his own concept on him. If reason ranks last, and the value infusion arrives before critical thought, then Wacquant’s egalitarian cosmopolitan morality is a habitus too. The French academic left raised it. Bourdieu’s seminar instilled it. The Chicago and Berkeley sociology of race confirmed it. Wacquant treats the stigmatizer’s morality as socialized, contingent, and open to correction, and treats his own as the clear view that science delivers from outside the game. By his theory he cannot. His solidarity with the dispossessed is a value infusion from his own tribe, the cosmopolitan clerisy, whose path to status runs on universalist signals. He is not standing above the contest. He plays his coalition’s hand and calls the hand truth.

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Hans Kelsen and the Science of Law

Hans Kelsen (1881-1973) was a principal architect of modern legal positivism and the most widely translated jurist of the twentieth century. He asked a question that sounds simple and resists every easy answer: what makes law law? He refused to ground the validity of law in morality, religion, politics, sociology, psychology, or national tradition. He treated law instead as a distinct normative order governed by its own logic, and he spent six decades building a science of law that aimed to describe that order without smuggling in the values of the describer. The effort reshaped constitutional theory, jurisprudence, political theory, and international law across Europe, the Americas, and Asia.

Kelsen was born on October 11, 1881, in Prague, then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, into a German-speaking Jewish home. His father came from Galicia, his mother from Bohemia. The family moved to Vienna in 1885, when Kelsen was three, and the city held him for most of his European life. Vienna at the turn of the century produced Sigmund Freud (1856-1939), Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889-1951), and the philosophers who later formed the Vienna Circle, and it gave Kelsen a milieu that prized rigor, system, and the policing of conceptual boundaries.

He attended the Akademisches Gymnasium and read law at the University of Vienna, earning his doctorate in 1906 and completing his habilitation in 1911. He studied for a time under the public-law scholar Georg Jellinek (1851-1911) at Heidelberg, then turned Jellinek’s questions past the limits Jellinek had set for them. In 1905 he converted to Roman Catholicism, a familiar route to professional advancement in the antisemitic climate of the late Habsburg state. He later converted to Lutheranism with his wife, Margarete Bondi, whom he married in 1912. The couple had two daughters.

His first large work, Hauptprobleme der Staatsrechtslehre (1911), broke with the theories that treated the state as a concrete organism standing apart from and above law. Kelsen argued that the state and the legal order amount to the same thing. The state has no mystical existence behind the law. The state is the personification of a legal system, a way of speaking about the unity of norms. That identification became a load-bearing element of everything he wrote afterward.

His reputation rose fast in the final years of the empire. During the First World War he served as a legal adviser in the War Ministry while continuing to write. When the empire collapsed in 1918, he emerged as a leading constitutional thinker of the new Austrian Republic. At the request of Chancellor Karl Renner (1870-1950), he became the principal technical author of the Austrian Constitution of 1920, a document that still governs Austria in large part today. He also helped establish the country’s Constitutional Court and served on it from its founding until 1930.

The court Kelsen designed carried a structural innovation that traveled across the world. Rather than scatter the power of constitutional review among ordinary courts, as the United States does through its scheme of diffuse review reaching back to Marbury v. Madison, Kelsen concentrated that power in a single specialized tribunal with the authority to annul legislation. This centralized model became known as the Kelsenian or Austrian model. Constitutional courts in Germany, Italy, Spain, South Korea, and across the post-communist democracies of Central and Eastern Europe trace their architecture to his design. He gave constitutional democracy a working instrument, not only a theory.

His own service on that court ended in a fight over marriage law, and the fight tells us something about the distance between his formal jurisprudence and the political world it operated in. Catholic Austria forbade remarriage after divorce, yet administrative authorities granted dispensations that allowed such marriages to proceed. Lower courts then treated those dispensation marriages as invalid, and the conflict of jurisdictions reached the Constitutional Court. The court, with Kelsen prominent in its reasoning, upheld the dispensations and overturned the lower courts. The Christian Social Party and the Catholic hierarchy answered with sustained political pressure. A 1929 constitutional amendment recalled every sitting member of the court and reconstituted it through new appointment rules, and the reconstituted court reversed course in July 1930. Kelsen, sympathetic to the Social Democrats though never a party member, could have returned to the bench on a Social-Democratic nomination. He refused. The personal attacks had embittered him, and he accepted a chair at the University of Cologne and left Austria.

The work for which he remains most read is the Pure Theory of Law, the Reine Rechtslehre, developed across decades and set out in a first edition in 1934 and a heavily revised second edition in 1960. The theory earns the word “pure” through what it excludes. Kelsen wanted to isolate the analysis of law from moral philosophy, political ideology, sociology, and psychology, so that legal science might describe what the law is rather than prescribe what it ought to be. He regarded natural-law theories as efforts to dress moral and religious convictions in the robes of objective science, and he wanted jurisprudence cleared of that confusion the way the logical positivists around Rudolf Carnap (1891-1970) wanted philosophy cleared of metaphysics. His own foundations stayed neo-Kantian rather than positivist in the Vienna Circle sense. He drew from Kant the sharp line between the realm of fact and the realm of norm, between is and ought, and he later named Kant’s contrast as the light that had guided him from the start.

At the center of the theory stands a hierarchy of norms, the Stufenbau des Rechts. Every legal rule draws its authority from a higher rule. A municipal regulation draws validity from a statute, a statute from a constitution, a constitution from a presupposed foundational norm. Kelsen named that final source of validity the Grundnorm, the basic norm. The basic norm is no enacted statute and no historical event. It is a presupposition the jurist must adopt to make sense of the validity of the legal order as a whole, the point at which the chain of authorization runs out and the science of law has to assume rather than derive.

He built the structure on a distinction between causality and imputation. Natural science explains events through cause and effect: the stone falls because gravity acts on it. Law connects facts in a different way. If a man commits theft, a court ought to impose a sanction. The link between the act and the sanction comes not from nature but from a norm that imputes the one to the other. This let Kelsen argue that law forms a normative realm of its own, demanding a form of analysis separate from both the natural and the social sciences.

His positivism differed from the versions on either side of him. John Austin (1790-1859) had defined law as the command of a sovereign backed by sanctions. H. L. A. Hart (1907-1992) would later locate law in social practices and in a rule of recognition accepted by officials. Kelsen fixed instead on normative validity. Law is no mere expression of political power and no mere social convention. It is a structured order of norms whose authority flows downward through chains of legal authorization. Against the natural-law tradition descending from Thomas Aquinas (c. 1225-1274), he held legal validity and moral correctness apart. An unjust law can hold full legal validity. To fold legality into morality, he argued, abandons the science of law for political advocacy under another name.

His rivalry with Carl Schmitt (1888-1985) became a defining contest of twentieth-century legal and political thought, and it turned on a single question: who guards the constitution? Schmitt argued in Der Hüter der Verfassung (1931) that the guardian must be the President of the Reich, a neutral political power standing above the parties and capable of decision in the emergency. Kelsen answered the same year in his essay “Wer soll der Hüter der Verfassung sein?” He held that the guardian must be a court armed with judicial review, a limb of the legal order rather than a personalized political will, and he pressed the point that constitutional adjudication, even when it annuls a statute, remains a legal act within the system. The dispute reached back to a 1929 exchange and ran through the Prussian crisis of 1932, and Lars Vinx has since collected and translated the full controversy, which lets English readers follow the argument from Kelsen’s 1929 piece on constitutional adjudication through Schmitt’s reply and Kelsen’s review of it. The contest foreshadowed the long struggle between constitutional democracy and authoritarian rule that followed across the continent.

The rise of National Socialism drove Kelsen from Europe. His Jewish ancestry and his liberal constitutional commitments marked him for the nationalist and authoritarian movements gathering force in Germany and Austria. After Adolf Hitler took power in 1933, Kelsen lost his Cologne chair and went into exile. He taught at the Graduate Institute in Geneva, held a post at the German University in Prague between 1936 and 1938, and emigrated to the United States in 1940.

In America he rebuilt a career that opened slowly. He delivered the Oliver Wendell Holmes Lectures at Harvard Law School in 1942, took wartime work in Washington on European questions through the help of figures such as Roscoe Pound (1870-1964), and in 1945 became a full professor in the department of political science at the University of California, Berkeley, where he taught until his retirement and beyond. He served as a visiting professor of international law at the United States Naval War College in the early 1950s. Among his Berkeley students sat Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, later prime minister of Pakistan. He never recovered the public prominence he had held in Vienna, yet he became a leading authority on international law in the English-speaking world.

International law moved to the center of his mature thought. Kelsen rejected the old doctrine that sovereign states stand beyond legal constraint. He defended legal monism, the claim that domestic law and international law form parts of one legal order rather than two sealed systems. A jurist might in principle construct that order so that either the national or the international level held primacy, but Kelsen leaned toward the primacy of international law, with national constitutions drawing their validity within a wider international frame. Peace Through Law (1944) and The Law of the United Nations (1950) carried the program forward. He pressed for international institutions capable of holding state power to account, defended the legal standing of the Nuremberg and Tokyo tribunals, and held, against the realists of his day, that international law might grow into a working order for the keeping of peace.

For all the reputation he carried as a cold formalist, Kelsen built a substantial democratic theory, set out in On the Essence and Value of Democracy and in later essays including Foundations of Democracy. He grounded democracy in a kind of epistemic humility. No man and no group holds the whole truth, and so political institutions ought to let rival convictions live side side and settle their differences through compromise, tolerance, and majority rule under the protection of minorities. Democratic procedures earn their value through their handling of disagreement rather than through any guarantee of correct outcomes. The relativism he avowed in moral and political questions and the absolutism he sought in the science of law sit together in his work as two faces of the same refusal to let private conviction pass for objective knowledge.

He revised his own foundations to the end. The status of the Grundnorm gave him the most trouble. Early on he treated the basic norm as a transcendental presupposition, a condition for the very possibility of legal cognition. Stanley L. Paulson has periodized Kelsen’s career into a constructivist opening, a strong neo-Kantian phase through the mid-1930s, a weaker neo-Kantian phase to 1960, and a skeptical or empiricist turn after 1960, and the late writings bear out the last shift. In the posthumous Allgemeine Theorie der Normen (General Theory of Norms), published in 1979 through the Hans Kelsen Institute that the Austrian government had founded in Vienna for his ninetieth birthday, he came to treat the basic norm as a useful fiction rather than a necessary presupposition. A jurist who had built a tower of validity on a single assumed stone now described that stone as a fiction the science adopts because it cannot do without one.

The criticisms arrived early and have not stopped. Legal realists, the critical legal studies movement, and many later constitutional theorists deny that law can be cut free of politics and morality, and they argue that legal reasoning carries social values and political commitments at every turn. The purity Kelsen sought, on this reading, hides choices rather than removing them. Even his hardest critics tend to grant the clarity and the reach of his system. Few jurists have shaped the modern understanding of law as far.

Hans Kelsen died in Berkeley, California, on April 19, 1973, at the age of ninety-one, leaving close to four hundred works behind him in more than two dozen languages. The constitutional courts he helped invent now sit at the center of democratic government across much of the world. The debates he opened over judicial review, legal validity, the relation of law to morality, and the place of national law within an international order continue under his terms. Scholars embrace him, revise him, or reject him, and in each case they argue on ground he cleared.

Hans Kelsen and Stephen Turner on the Normative

Stephen Turner (b. 1951) has spent a career arguing that a certain class of explanation in philosophy and social theory rests on a posit that does no work. The posit goes by many names: the normative, the rule, the shared meaning, the collective ought, the presupposition that makes a practice possible. Turner’s claim, set out at length in Explaining the Normative (2010) and worked out earlier in The Social Theory of Practices (1994), holds that these entities explain nothing the habits, dispositions, and expectations of individual men could not explain on their own, and that they survive in the literature because they serve the theorist who needs a domain to defend. Of every thinker Turner takes as a target, Hans Kelsen is the cleanest specimen. Kelsen did not assume the autonomy of the normative as a working convenience. He made it the founding axiom of a science and built the structure as an explicit system, open to inspection.

Turner builds the case in four steps. The first concerns the line between fact and norm. Normativists hold that statements about what ought to be cannot reduce to statements about what is, and they treat the ought as a property of a special kind, not a natural property such as mass or frequency. The second concerns necessity. Normativists defend the ought by transcendental argument: to make sense of practice X, they say, you must presuppose norm Y. Turner answers that the must is conditional. The argument shows only that if you choose to redescribe X in normative terms, then you need Y to complete the redescription. It never shows that Y exists or that the redescription tracks anything in the world. The third concerns the collective. Normativists locate the norm in a community that shares it, and Turner asks how a shared object gets into individual heads, and finds no account of the transmission that does not collapse back into ordinary learning. The fourth concerns the work. Strip the normative vocabulary away and the explaining gets done by what men are disposed to do and to expect, taught by training and corrected by reaction. The norm adds a word, not a cause.

Kelsen built each of these features into the foundation of his jurisprudence and called the result a science. He took the line between Sein and Sollen, is and ought, from Immanuel Kant (1724-1804), and he held it harder than Kant did. Legal validity, for Kelsen, is a normative property. It does not reduce to power, obedience, or belief. A norm holds validity when a higher norm authorizes it. The regulation draws validity from the statute, the statute from the constitution, the constitution from a presupposed basic norm at the top of the hierarchy, the Grundnorm. The basic norm is no statute and no event. It is the presupposition the jurist adopts to treat the whole order as a system of valid norms rather than a record of who compelled whom.

Read through Turner, the Grundnorm is the transcendental argument in its purest dress. Kelsen says the jurist must presuppose the basic norm to understand legal validity at all. Turner’s reply writes itself. The must holds only for a jurist who has already decided to describe coercion as authority and command as valid norm. A historian content to say that officials issue orders and most men comply has no need of the posit and loses no fact by dropping it. Kelsen has not found a foundation under the law. He has stated the price of admission to his own vocabulary and presented the receipt as a discovery about the world.

The hierarchy shows the strain. Each norm needs a higher norm to make it valid, and the question of validity runs upward without end. Kelsen stops the regress by placing a norm at the top that no further norm authorizes and that the jurist presupposes. A regress closed by stipulation is the standard sign, in Turner’s account, of a theory that has mistaken a feature of its own grammar for a feature of its subject. The law does not run out of authorizations and then reach a silent foundation. The theorist runs out of authorizations because he chose to explain validity by authorization, and he plugs the gap with a posit rather than give up the picture that produced it.

Kelsen conceded the point that undoes him, and he conceded it early. The basic norm, he allowed, may be presupposed only for a coercive order that is by and large effective, an order men in fact obey. Here the empirical fact and the normative posit stand side by side, and Turner’s question becomes unavoidable: which one does the work? The efficacy does the work. The habits of obedience, the expectations of officials, the reactions that follow a breach, all of it is present and causal and observable, and the validity sits on top as a second description of the same events. Kelsen built a wall between is and ought, then allowed that the ought may be presupposed only where the is cooperates. The dependence runs one way, from the normative onto the factual it claimed to stand apart from.

The basic norm has no clear owner either. Kelsen does not say the citizen presupposes it, or the legislature, or the court. He says the jurist presupposes it, the scientist of law who wants to render the material as a system. That places the validity of the whole order inside a single scholar’s act of redescription. A property meant to bind everyone turns out to be a stance adopted by the man writing the treatise. Turner’s question about how a shared norm enters individual heads gets an honest answer from Kelsen, though not the answer Kelsen wanted. The norm enters one head, the theorist’s, and stays there.

Kelsen walked himself to the edge of all this and, near the end, looked over. In the Allgemeine Theorie der Normen, the General Theory of Norms published after his death, he stopped calling the basic norm a presupposition and called it a fiction, a fiction in the sense Hans Vaihinger (1852-1933) gave the word in Die Philosophie des Als Ob, a device the science adopts because it cannot proceed without one and that answers to nothing. This is the concession Turner predicts and seldom receives. The normativist, pressed on what his posit refers to, answers at last that it refers to nothing and gets kept for the work it does. A fiction retained for its use is a theory held for reasons other than its truth. Kelsen, more candid than most who build on the autonomy of the normative, said so in print and signed it.

The Turner reading does not say Kelsen described an empty field. Jurists do reason as he says they reason. They treat lower rules as answerable to higher rules, they speak of validity and authorization, they carry on as though a silent norm sat above the constitution. Kelsen mapped that talk with a care no one has matched. His error lies in the next step, where the map of how jurists speak becomes the discovery of a realm they speak about, and the vocabulary of validity hardens into a science of a thing. Take the realm away and the description survives. What remains is an account of how a profession reasons, and of how an order of habit and expectation gets redescribed, by men trained to redescribe it, in the language of the ought. The Grundnorm names the moment the redescription runs out of higher ground. Kelsen spent fifty years calling that moment a foundation and ended by calling it a fiction. On the second word Turner and Kelsen agree.

Hans Kelsen and Stephen Turner on Convenient Beliefs

Stephen Turner reads beliefs the way a sociologist of knowledge reads them, by asking what work they do for the men who hold them. A belief counts as convenient when its grip on a man owes more to what it secures for his position than to the evidence behind it. The analyst sets the truth question aside for a moment and asks a different one: convenient for whom, and why does the belief travel to these men and not to others. Turner takes the lineage from Max Weber (1864-1920), from Weber’s account of the carriers of ideas and the elective affinity between a doctrine and the situation of the stratum that adopts it. An idea finds its carriers where it pays.

Kelsen built the most disinterested theory of law on record. He purged jurisprudence of morality, religion, politics, and national tradition, and he presented the result as a science indifferent to the interests of anyone who might use it. Run the convenient-beliefs question over that science and a pattern surfaces. The beliefs Kelsen held with the most force are the beliefs that pay best for a man in his position.

Consider the position. Kelsen was a German-speaking Jew born in the last decades of a dissolving empire. He converted to Catholicism in 1905 and to Lutheranism afterward, each time for advancement under a regime that closed doors to Jews. He was a liberal in a century turning against liberalism, a cosmopolitan in an age of blood and soil, a jurist by trade, and in the end a man expelled from one national order after another. A doctrine that grounds law in the morality of the majority, the faith of the majority, or the spirit of the Volk leaves a man in that position exposed at every turn. Whoever owns the dominant morality owns the law, and the outsider holds his standing at the owner’s pleasure.

The purity thesis answers that exposure better than any rival doctrine could. Kelsen held that legal validity flows from formal authorization and from nothing else, that a norm is valid because a higher norm permits it, all the way up to a presupposed basic norm that references no god, no nation, and no creed. A law stays valid whether or not it tracks the majority’s morality, because morality never entered the test. For a man who would lose under every identity-grounded theory of law, no doctrine pays better. Kelsen lived the purity thesis as rigor and method. The frame notes that it also worked as shelter. The belief that law owes nothing to the believers who staff it is the convenient belief of the man whom thicker theories would push out.

His own life supplies the template. The double conversion shows a man who treated the profession of belief as adjustable to circumstance, who held the content of a creed apart from the function it served for his career. The theory then performs the same separation at the level of jurisprudence. It cuts the content of law away from the social interests of those who make and study it. A reader need not call this cynical to call it convenient. The separation that organized his life organized his science.

The relativism carries the same signature. In his democratic theory Kelsen grounded tolerance in the claim that no man and no group holds the whole truth, so the state should let rival convictions live side by side and bar any one of them from the seat of coercion. A creed that forbids absolute truth from grounding the state is the convenient creed of the man who would lose a contest over whose absolute truth governs. Carl Schmitt, sure of the friend-enemy decision and the substance of the Volk, has no use for it and discards it. Kelsen, who stands on the wrong side of any Volk, builds the prohibition into metaphysics and calls it humility. The doctrine may be sound. Its appeal tracks the situation of the men it protects.

The guardian question shows the pattern at its sharpest. Schmitt argued that the President of the Reich should guard the constitution. Kelsen argued that a court should. Each man named the institution his own kind controls. The theorist of executive decision wants the executive. The jurist wants the bench. The centralized constitutional court does double work as a convenient belief, since it seats the professional jurist at the center of constitutional life and arms the liberal against capture of the political branches by a majority he fears. The choice of guardian tracks the location of the chooser.

The international primacy thesis closes the set. Kelsen leaned toward the view that national constitutions draw their validity within a wider international order, that the sovereign state is not the last word in law. A man driven across four borders has reason to hold that law outranks the nation that expelled him. The stateless jurist and the doctrine of legal internationalism find each other by elective affinity.

The Kelsenian court moved into the constitutions of post-authoritarian Germany, post-fascist Italy and Spain, and the post-communist states of Central and Eastern Europe, and it moved because it served the men who built those orders. Elites emerging from dictatorship wanted an instrument to bind the majorities of the future, and a counter-majoritarian court armed with the power to annul legislation is the convenient belief of those who distrust the demos. The doctrine traveled along the line of its usefulness.

Kelsen spent a career insisting that the analyst keep social function out of the description of law, that interest and circumstance have no place in a science of norms. The convenient-beliefs frame puts the function back and finds his own commitments the cleanest case it could ask for. The purity thesis is the convenient belief of those who lose under impurity. The man who worked hardest to bar interest from the study of law held a set of beliefs whose fit to his interest his own theory would have to file under everything he wanted excluded.

Hans Kelsen and Pierre Bourdieu on the Juridical Field

Pierre Bourdieu wrote the sociology of the juridical field to dissolve a quarrel between two readings of law. The formalist reading treats law as a closed system that develops by its own logic, sealed from the social world. The instrumentalist reading treats law as a screen for the interests of the dominant class. Bourdieu rejected both and put the field in their place, a structured arena of jurists competing for the power to say what the law is. In “The Force of Law” he named the formalist tradition as the first of the two errors his field analysis supersedes, and the pure theory of law stands as the limiting case of that tradition, formalism carried to its furthest point. Hans Kelsen is the purest specimen the juridical field will ever produce, and the reason is exact. The field rests on a collective misrecognition of its own social grounding, and Kelsen took that misrecognition, which the field needs to keep tacit, and built it into an explicit philosophical system.

A field becomes autonomous through long social labor, and its autonomy stays partial. The juridical field works to present itself as self-grounding, governed by reason and text alone, indifferent to the economic and political forces around it. Bourdieu treats that self-image as a social achievement and a flattering overstatement. Kelsen takes the self-image and makes it ontology. The purity of the pure theory, no morality, no politics, no sociology, no psychology, is the field’s autonomy claim raised to a first principle. Where the ordinary jurist practices the autonomy and half-believes it, Kelsen theorizes it, codifies it, and signs his name to it.

The Grundnorm is the codified form of the field’s refusal to look at what holds it up. The chain of validity runs from regulation to statute to constitution, and then it must stop, and Kelsen stops it with a presupposed basic norm that points to nothing outside the law. The thing the basic norm declines to name, in Bourdieu’s reading, is the state, the monopoly of legitimate force, the social order of obedience that the field depends on and converts into the language of pure validity. Kelsen conceded that the basic norm gets presupposed only for an order men in fact obey. The social ground shows through the formalism for a moment there, and the vocabulary of validity covers it again.

Law’s force, in Bourdieu’s account, is symbolic power, power that works because men take it for legitimate reason rather than for the violence it carries. Kelsen built the field’s finest instrument for that conversion. His theory of the sanction names the coercion at the center of every legal norm, the official directed to apply force, and then recasts it as the cool imputation of a consequence to a condition, an operation of logic drained of its social weight. The pure theory hands symbolic power its cleanest alibi, a way to present the violence of the state as the necessity of a system.

Kelsen’s path reads as the accumulation of the capital the field rewards and the making of a habitus disposed to see formal autonomy as the natural order. He entered a faculty whose gatekeepers shut out Jews, and he converted twice to clear the way, managing the symbolic capital a man needed to rise where birth and confession counted against him. Barred from the capitals of the right blood and the right church, he mastered the most field-specific capital on offer, technique and doctrine, and outbuilt everyone at it. The disposition toward system and purity fits the position of the man who had to earn his entry by the field’s own coin.

The contest with Carl Schmitt over the guardian of the constitution reads as a struggle for the dominant principle of vision in the field, and for the boundary between the juridical field and the political. Schmitt pressed the political principle, the sovereign decision, and named the President as guardian. Kelsen defended the field’s autonomy and its monopoly, and named the court, staffed by jurists, trained in the corps, speaking the field’s own language. Each man championed the field where his own capital ruled. The debate is a boundary war over whether jurists or politicians hold the power to define the constitution’s keeper.

Bourdieu marks the competition inside the field between the theorists, the professors and the doctrine, and the practitioners, the judges who decide. Kelsen occupied both poles and consecrated the first. He was the professor who also drafted the constitution and sat on the court, and he made the professor’s product, the system, the ground on which the practitioner’s authority rests. The pure theory elevates the very position its author held.

The line from Vienna to Cologne to Geneva to Prague to Berkeley is the test of capital under transfer. Kelsen’s juridical capital was bound to a language and a national doctrine, Austrian public law, the German-speaking science of the state, and exile forced its conversion into a more portable form. In America the European symbolic capital converted at a loss, and he never recovered the standing he had held in Vienna. He turned toward international law, a sub-field less tied to any one nation, where his capital traveled with less friction. The thinning of his American profile is the cost of carrying field-specific capital across a border.

The spread of the centralized constitutional court is the juridical field enlarging its jurisdiction. Constitution after constitution, in post-fascist and post-communist states, installed the instrument that hands jurists the power to annul the acts of the political field. Bourdieu would read the diffusion as the field exporting its nomos and universalizing its own principle of vision. Kelsen’s design is the field’s most effective tool for growing at the expense of the political field, the autonomy claim turned into working machinery across the world.

Kelsen denied to the end that law depends on social forces, and that denial is the misrecognition, which means the reading must be imposed against the subject’s flat refusal rather than drawn from his testimony. Bourdieu knew the shape of this problem better than most, since his reflexive sociology demands that the analyst objectify his own position too. A Bourdieusian account of Kelsen has to admit what it is doing. The sociologist who strips the jurist’s autonomy is himself competing for the power to say what the law is, the sociological field reaching into the juridical field to seize its self-description. The quarrel between Kelsen and Bourdieu is the last instance of the thing Bourdieu studied, a struggle between fields over who holds the legitimate principle of vision on the law. Kelsen answered from inside the juridical field and built a science to keep the answer there. Bourdieu answered from outside and built a science to take it away.

Hans Kelsen and David Pinsof on the Misunderstanding Myth

David Pinsof argues that intellectuals share a flattering story about the world. The story holds that the world’s troubles come from bad beliefs, from ignorance, bias, misinformation, and confusion, and that the cure is better understanding. Pinsof calls this the misunderstanding myth, and he names its appeal in “A Big Misunderstanding.” If every trouble traces to a failure of understanding, then the men whose trade is understanding become the most important men alive. They save the world by doing their jobs. Pinsof denies the premise. Men are savvy coalitional animals who understand what they have an incentive to understand, and most of what looks like confusion is strategy. The fights that tear up the world run on status, allies, and the coercive apparatus of the state, and no amount of clarification touches them, because the fighters were never confused.

Few intellectuals fit the myth more closely than Kelsen, because Kelsen built his life’s work out of clarifications. He treated the central conflicts of legal and political thought as confusions a science could dissolve. Natural lawyers confuse law with morality. Sovereigntists confuse the nation with the last word in law. Political theorists confuse the state with a living organism. The man who fails to keep is and ought apart has made a category mistake, and the pure theory exists to correct it. Kelsen is the clarifier in his purest form, the jurist who believed that the disorders of law would yield to a mind that saw the structure clearly.

Run the frame over the founding move and the strain shows at once. Kelsen held that natural law smuggles morality into law under cover of a confusion between fact and norm, and he spent decades trying to teach the distinction. Pinsof’s reply is short. The natural lawyer is not confused. Grounding law in morality is a weapon, and a useful one, since it lets a man call the law invalid when it crosses his side and valid when it serves them. The confusion Kelsen kept trying to clear up is a posture men adopt because it pays. He kept correcting a confusion that was a tactic.

The democratic theory carries the same error. Kelsen grounded tolerance in the claim that no man holds the whole truth, and he expected that political conflict would soften once men understood the limits of their own conviction. Pinsof would say the men fighting over the state are not confused about whether they hold the truth. They want the state. Their certainty is a tool of the fight, and it rises and falls with the stakes rather than with the evidence. Kelsen offered them humility. They wanted the apparatus.

The contest with Carl Schmitt shows the myth at its edge, since Schmitt stood closer to Pinsof’s view than Kelsen ever did. Kelsen treated the guardian of the constitution as a question with a correct answer that clear reasoning settles, and he reasoned his way to the court. Schmitt did not reason his way anywhere he did not already want to go. He wanted the executive to decide because the decision is where sovereign power lives, and his side stood near it. Kelsen offered Schmitt a seminar on the concept of the constitution. Schmitt came close to stating his pursuit in plain terms, in the vocabulary of the exception. The man Kelsen treated as confused understood the game better than the man correcting him.

The frame turns on its author too. Kelsen named the court as guardian, and the court is where the jurist’s power sits, the liberal’s safeguard against a majority he feared. His clarifications served a side as surely as Schmitt’s decisions did. The difference lies in the telling. Schmitt described his pursuit close to the bone. Kelsen dressed the same pursuit as science and seems to have believed the dress. Pinsof’s account of why intellectuals reach for the myth fits here. Cynicism reads as ugly, and a refined man cannot see his life’s work as a coalitional weapon, so he tells himself the nobler story, that he serves clarity and the law serves no one. The stated motive is a pure science. The deeds armed a coalition.

The frame meets one fact it cannot fold in cleanly. The purity thesis cuts against Kelsen’s own side at the place a coalitional animal can least afford to lose. Purity grants full legal validity to an unjust law, which hands validity to the statutes of the men who drove Kelsen out. A jurist playing only for his coalition does not build a theory that certifies his enemy’s law as valid law. Here Kelsen looks less like a primate wrapping interest in science and more like a man holding a conceptual commitment past the point where it served him. The misunderstanding myth says intellectuals never do this. Kelsen, at this one seam, did.

Pinsof ends on a hard line. The world does not want to be saved, and the study of human nature is the study of the hole we are stuck in. Kelsen’s life reads as a long test of that line. He built the most carefully reasoned constitutional order of his century and watched men who understood it well tear it down. He kept believing that better understanding would help. It did not help in Vienna, where the people who ended the republic were not confused about what they were ending. They knew the constitution, and they wanted it gone. Kelsen treated a war of motives as a failure of understanding, and the war did not care what he understood. The deepest clarification of his career is the one his own life supplies, against his intent. The men he spent fifty years trying to set straight were never lost.

The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities

In his 2018 book, The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities, John J. Mearsheimer wrote:

My view is that we are profoundly social beings from the start to the finish of our lives and that individualism is of secondary importance… Liberalism downplays the social nature of human beings to the point of almost ignoring it, instead treating people largely as atomistic actors… Political liberalism… is an ideology that is individualistic at its core and assigns great importance to the concept of inalienable rights. This concern for rights is the basis of its universalism—everyone on the planet has the same inherent set of rights—and this is what motivates liberal states to pursue ambitious foreign policies. The public and scholarly discourse about liberalism since World War II has placed enormous emphasis on what are commonly called human rights. This is true all around the world, not just in the West. “Human rights,” Samuel Moyn notes, “have come to define the most elevated aspirations of both social movements and political entities—state and interstate. They evoke hope and provoke action.”
[Humans] do not operate as lone wolves but are born into social groups or societies that shape their identities well before they can assert their individualism. Moreover, individuals usually develop strong attachments to their group and are sometimes willing to make great sacrifices for their fellow members. Humans are often said to be tribal at their core. The main reason for our social nature is that the best way for a person to survive is to be embedded in a society and to cooperate with fellow members rather than act alone… Despite its elevated ranking, reason is the least important of the three ways we determine our preferences. It certainly is less important than socialization. The main reason socialization matters so much is that humans have a long childhood in which they are protected and nurtured by their families and the surrounding society, and meanwhile exposed to intense socialization. At the same time, they are only beginning to develop their critical faculties, so they are not equipped to think for themselves. By the time an individual reaches the point where his reasoning skills are well developed, his family and society have already imposed an enormous value infusion on him. Moreover, that individual is born with innate sentiments that also strongly influence how he thinks about the world around him. All of this means that people have limited choice in formulating a moral code, because so much of their thinking about right and wrong comes from inborn attitudes and socialization.

Kelsen is the liberal rationalist. The pure theory treats law as a universal science, valid for any society and indifferent to the nation, the faith, the tradition, or the tribe that happens to live under it. The Grundnorm references no god and no people. The hierarchy of norms runs on logic. The is-ought distinction is a triumph of disciplined cognition. Kelsen asked men to understand their law as a structure of valid norms resting on a rationally presupposed foundation. Mearsheimer’s anthropology says men do nothing of the kind. They hold their law because they were raised inside a community whose attachments and sentiments reached them long before any norm did.

Kelsen built his structure out of reason and set it on the one footing Mearsheimer ranks last. The citizen does not obey the constitution because he has traced the chain of validity to a presupposed basic norm. He obeys because his family and his nation infused him with a sense of the rightful order before he could weigh it, and because the sentiments he was born with incline him toward his own group. The pure theory describes how a jurist reasons about validity. It says nothing about why a man stands when the anthem plays, and on Mearsheimer’s reading that prior, pre-rational attachment is the thing holding the legal order up.

Kelsen left a door open here, and Mearsheimer walks through it. Kelsen conceded that the basic norm gets presupposed only for a coercive order that men in fact obey. He treated the obedience as a precondition and the validity as the science. Mearsheimer reverses the weight. The obedience is the whole event, and it comes from socialization into a national community, and the formal validity is a rationalization a trained jurist lays over a tribal fact. The real basic norm, on this account, is no presupposition the scholar adopts. It is the prior reality of the group, the value-infusion that precedes the citizen and shapes him.

The collision reaches back to Kelsen’s first large book. In Hauptprobleme der Staatsrechtslehre he denied that the state is a real organism standing behind the law and called it the personification of the legal order, a way of speaking about the unity of norms. Mearsheimer’s anthropology puts the concrete social community at the center of everything. The nation is no figure of speech. It is the prior fact, the thing men are born into and die for, and the law runs downstream of it. Kelsen spent his opening move dissolving the very entity Mearsheimer’s account treats as primary. The man who said the state is only law meets the man who says the group is the root of all of it.

The hardest blow lands on the internationalism. Kelsen leaned toward the primacy of international law, held that national constitutions draw their validity within a wider legal order, and built the hope of peace through law in Peace Through Law and The Law of the United Nations. This is the liberal universalism of The Great Delusion in legal dress, the belief that a rational cosmopolitan order can bind nations whose first loyalty runs to the group. Mearsheimer’s verdict is flat. The nation comes first, survival in an anarchic order trumps any norm, and the great powers honor international law when it suits them and drop it when survival is at stake. The dream of binding states by a presupposed legal order is the central delusion, and Kelsen dreamed it with more rigor than anyone.

The century gave Mearsheimer his evidence. The constitution Kelsen designed fell to men whose loyalty ran to a Volk, not to a hierarchy of norms, and the international order he hoped for never held a great power that meant to break it. Carl Schmitt had pressed a version of this against Kelsen in their own time, insisting that the concrete political community and the friend-enemy decision sit beneath all legal form. If Mearsheimer is right, Schmitt won the argument about human nature even as Kelsen won the argument about institutions, since the courts spread while the anthropology held.

Mearsheimer makes an empirical claim about what moves men and nations. Kelsen makes a conceptual claim about the logical form of legal validity. The two can both stand. Kelsen could grant every word of the anthropology, agree that socialization and sentiment drive obedience, and still hold that the science of law describes the structure of norms rather than the causes of compliance. He bracketed sociology on purpose and would call Mearsheimer a sociologist of law working a neighboring field. The pure theory survives in its sealed room. What Mearsheimer takes is not the room’s internal logic. He takes its windows. He shows the room has no view onto the forces that decide whether any legal order lives or dies, and he shows that Kelsen’s hopes for those forces ran the wrong way.

Two facts keep the verdict from going all the way to Mearsheimer. Kelsen’s democratic theory already grants part of the case. His relativism holds that reason cannot adjudicate between rival value-commitments, which concedes that men reach their convictions by routes other than argument, close to what Mearsheimer says about the value-infusion. Kelsen then bet that institutions could contain the conflict reason cannot resolve. Mearsheimer bets the institutions break when the group is roused. The second fact is that Kelsen’s court has lasted. Centralized constitutional review took hold across the postwar liberal democracies and has held power to account in them for decades, which a flat anthropological pessimism has to explain. Mearsheimer can answer that the courts endure only where a settled national community already underwrites them, that the social substrate carries the institution rather than the institution overriding the substrate, and the answer has force. The court rests on the tribe even where it checks the tribe.

So, what then for Kelsen, if Mearsheimer is right. The pure theory keeps its logic and loses its reach. As a description of how jurists reason it stands, sealed and exact. As an account of what holds a legal order together it fails, because the holding gets done by socialization and group sentiment the theory refused to name. And the great hope, the binding of nations by law, reads as the finest version of the delusion the title warns against. Kelsen built the most rigorous monument to legal reason in the modern age and set it on the weakest of the three foundations man stands on. The monument is real. The ground was never what he thought it was.

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Ken Minyard and the Los Angeles Morning

Ken Minyard (b. 1939) spent the better part of thirty-five years at KABC-AM (790) and helping define the personality-driven, locally rooted style of talk that dominated Southern California airwaves before national political programming took over the format. He is best remembered for three successive partnerships, each of which carried the KABC morning slot for years, and for a manner on the air that favored conversation and reassurance over confrontation.
Minyard was born in McAlester, Oklahoma, and entered radio at thirteen. He went college at San Francisco State. He married in 1958, had two children, and then divorced.
In 1969 Minyard joined KABC as host of his own issues-oriented program. The station was then under the management that built it into one of the country’s first successful all-talk operations, and it gave Minyard the platform from which his career grew. In 1973 KABC paired him with Bob Arthur, and the partnership became the foundation of his reputation.
Robert “Bob” Arthur (1921-1997), born Joseph Arthur Prince and raised in Kansas, had come up as a newsman, working at KTLA and KNX before joining KABC, and he carried the nickname “Mr. News.” His pairing with Minyard produced The Ken and Bob Company, which ran from 1973 to 1990. The show coined the phrase “EGBOK,” short for “everything’s gonna be OK,” and the slogan entered Southern California speech. The program held the top of the Los Angeles morning ratings for most of its run and rarely fell below third place. In 1988 it staged the first live broadcast from a float in the Rose Parade. The chemistry rested on Minyard’s commentary and easy curiosity set against Arthur’s dry delivery and news authority. In 1986 the two men received a joint star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame in the radio category.
Arthur left the show in 1990. Accounts differ on the tone of the departure, with some describing a retirement and others reporting that management forced him out over his age. Minyard carried the program alone for a short stretch and then asked Roger Barkley to join him.
Barkley (1936-1997) brought his own large reputation. For twenty-five years he had formed half of Lohman and Barkley, the comedy team whose morning show ran on KLAC, KFWB, and KFI and built a cast of recurring characters and a fictional town called Pine City. That partnership ended in 1986. When Barkley joined KABC in 1990, the pairing of two established morning stars made news in the Los Angeles market. The Ken and Barkley Company aired from 1990 to 1996 and, like its predecessor, ranked at or near the top of morning drive for much of its run.
The market changed under them. FM talk shows multiplied and the morning competition grew sharp, and by 1996 the ratings had slipped. KABC removed Barkley. Minyard later said Barkley took it hard and that the station had demanded the change. Barkley was diagnosed with cancer the following year and died in December 1997, within months of Arthur’s death the same spring. Both of Minyard’s signature partners were gone by the end of 1997.
Minyard continued. In 1996 KABC paired him with Peter Tilden, a younger host who brought a more satirical edge to the morning slot. The new program kept Minyard’s accessibility but could not hold the audience, and KABC released both men in 1998 as the ratings fell. Minyard then went to KRLA, where he hosted a syndicated program with his son Rick Minyard for roughly eighteen months, a rare instance of father and son sharing a talk microphone. In November 2001 KABC brought him back, this time alongside Dan Avey, a return that reflected the audience’s lasting attachment to him. On October 15, 2004, Minyard announced his retirement on the morning show, closing thirty-five years on Los Angeles radio.
His career ran outside radio as well, though on a smaller scale. He appeared regularly on the syndicated Dinah Shore television program across two seasons in the 1980s, made a guest appearance on the Fox sitcom Married… with Children, and took a small part in the 1988 film The Naked Gun: From the Files of Police Squad! In 1986 he hosted an unsold pilot for a television revival of the old joke-telling game show Can You Top This? These projects drew on his radio celebrity rather than building a separate one.
The substance of Minyard’s work lay in his approach to the form. He described himself as a “Bobby Kennedy liberal,” and he kept his programs civil and broad rather than partisan. The shows ran on local concerns, human interest, traffic, food, and the texture of Southern California life, with recurring contributors such as traffic reporter Jorge Jarrin and auto expert Leon Kaplan. He guided listeners through the region’s hard mornings, from earthquakes to the unrest of the early 1990s, and his steadiness in those hours strengthened the bond he had built with commuters over decades. He resisted the move toward shock formats and ideological combat that reshaped talk radio in his later years, and his retirement in 2004 marked, for KABC and for the city, the close of an era in which a morning host functioned as a daily companion rather than a partisan.

EGBOK

At five in the morning the AM booth is a small bright room at the end of a dark hall. A clock with a sweep hand. A microphone on a boom. A board of faders and a rack of cart machines loaded with jingles and spots. Above the door a red bulb. When it burns, a man’s voice reaches a few hundred thousand cars on freeways that feed a city not yet sure the day can be survived. For seventeen years Ken Minyard and Bob Arthur sent three words into that dark. Everything’s gonna be OK. They cut the words to a slogan, EGBOK, and the city said it back to them at gas pumps and breakfast counters. The slogan outlived the show. That is the whole career in a seed, and it is also a problem worth opening.
Ernest Becker held that every culture is a hero system, a set of rules for earning the sense that a life counts in a scheme larger than its own death. The hero system tells a man what to do to qualify for significance and how that significance will outlast him. Religion grants it through the soul. Nations grant it through the flag and the line of descent. Work grants it through the structure that stands after the builder lies down. Becker’s hard claim is that all of it runs on a single fear, the animal’s knowledge that it ends, and that the fear is held off by symbols promising the man he is more than meat.
Set Minyard inside that claim and a small thing turns large. The morning man does not raise the cathedral or carry the colors. He hands out, by the hour, the reassurance Becker says culture exists to supply. His product is the denial, sold retail, five mornings a week, between the traffic on the eights and a spot for a Cadillac dealer in Glendale. The commuter merges onto the Hollywood Freeway in the half-light with a stranger’s death behind every set of brake lights, and a voice he has heard for a decade tells him the city is still here and so is he. The voice does not argue this. It assumes it. Assumption is the gift.
What kind of hero wins by seeming to do nothing heroic? Minyard’s bid for the thing Becker calls symbolic immortality runs opposite to the usual route. He does not build a monument. He becomes a habit. To be woven into the routine of a city is to live in its body, recalled later by people who cannot recall a single thing he said, only that he was there at six while the coffee perked and the kids found their shoes. He earns permanence by dissolving into the ordinary. The achievement hides inside its own modesty.
The record helps here by failing. Minyard’s childhood sits close to blank in the public account, the birthplace contested, the start in radio unconfirmed. The morning man arrives with no recorded morning of his own. Becker named the deepest wish the causa sui project, the wish to be one’s own father, self-grounded and self-made. A man with no documented origin and a microphone stands most of the way there. He is pure present tense. The hour turns over and he begins again, the same warm voice, no yesterday clinging to it.
Sacred words do not carry one meaning. They carry what the hero system needs them to carry, and OK is a sacred word. Turn the dial on that same dark freeway and the word changes shape on every frequency. On the all-news station OK is a number. The jobless rate held, the count from the overnight came in low, the Sepulveda Pass is clear. Reassurance arrives as arithmetic, and the listener relaxes by the decimal. Spin the wheel and the morning business report offers a different OK, the futures green before the bell, no margin call yet triggered, and inside that hero system reassurance is the most dangerous feeling a man can have, the comfort that gets a position carried one day too long and blown to nothing. Spin again and the Christian broadcaster preaches the opposite of EGBOK. This world is not OK and was never built to be. The peace Minyard sells before the traffic is the very complacency the preacher warns against, a soft lie that keeps a man from the only OK that holds, which waits on the far side of this life and not within it. To the preacher, Minyard is a kindly anesthetist working the wrong patient.
Step off the dial and the word splits wider. In a trauma bay near dawn OK means vitals holding, a blood pressure that has stopped falling, and nothing about the day, the city, or the soul. Down a corridor in a hospice OK has been emptied of survival altogether. The nurse who says he is OK now means he is not in pain while he dies, and the family learns to hear the word as mercy rather than promise. To a man who left a regime and a war behind him, OK is a roll call after shelling, a head count, the lie you tell the wounded to keep them still until the truck comes. And to the organizer who reads the morning city as a field of arranged sleep, EGBOK is the enemy itself, the broadcast opiate that floats the commute on a cushion of false calm and sends the worker to his bench unangered. Reassurance, in that system, is theft. The same three words that make Minyard a friend make him, to the revolutionary, a thief of the only thing that might wake a man up.
This is why the morning man stays gentle and stays local. A hero system survives by keeping its sacred terms unexamined inside the house. Minyard keeps the talk on traffic, food, the kids, the chopper over the Cahuenga Pass, the small repairs of the day. He calls himself a Bobby Kennedy liberal and then declines the fight that name might pick. He resists the turn the medium takes around him, because the turn runs on a rival hero system pitched at the same dial.
The shock jock denies death by a different theology. Where Minyard soothes, the transgressor offends, and the offense is the immortality. Howard Stern built a national audience on the premise that the hero is the man who says the forbidden thing out loud and is remembered for the wound. Two metaphysics share one band. The companion wins by being repeated. The provocateur wins by being quoted. One promises the listener he is safe. The other promises him he is alive because he is shocked. FM carried the second voice into Minyard’s market through the early 1990s, and the books began to slip, and the morning that runs on the assumption of order found itself competing against the morning that runs on the thrill of its breach. Minyard once put the trade plainly. Talk radio is tough. You won’t work forever.
Then the hero system met the thing it exists to deny. Arthur left the chair in 1990, pushed out by men who decided he had aged past use. Minyard brought in Roger Barkley, who knew the whole arithmetic of partnership and loss, having outlasted Lohman and once heard himself blamed for ruining the other man’s career. In September 1996 the city tuned in on a Monday and Barkley was gone, removed over a weekend at the station’s demand, and Minyard kept the chair and changed the format and said the day was fine. Within fourteen months both men were dead. Arthur in the spring of 1997, Barkley that December, the two voices that taught a city to say everything’s gonna be OK silenced inside a single year while the third voice stayed on the air and said it again at six.
Hold that picture, because Becker’s whole argument lives in it. The man whose work is the denial of death buries, in twelve months, the two partners who built the denial with him, and goes to the booth the next morning and performs it for everyone else. The sacred word gets tested against two literal corpses, and the test is not whether Minyard believes the word. The test is whether he can keep saying it. He keeps saying it. The hero system does not require sincerity. It requires continuance. The red light burns, the cart fires, the city merges into the half-light, and the voice does the only heroic thing the form allows, which is to show up and assume the day.
On October 15, 2004, after thirty-five years on Los Angeles radio, Minyard told the morning audience he was done. He was a popular man retiring on his own terms, brought back to KABC twice by listeners who would not let the voice go. He had his star on Hollywood Boulevard, won in 1986 beside Arthur, and a city’s worth of people who say to this day that they grew up on Ken and Bob. The symbolic immortality is real. It is also thin, and Becker would press the thinness. The form retired with the man. AM personality radio, the companionable local morning, gave way to national political talk, the transgressor’s grandchildren, syndicated and angry and bound to no city’s freeways. The vehicle that carried Minyard’s denial of death died at about the hour he stepped out of the chair. He sold a city the assurance that everything would be OK for thirty-five years, and the city believed him, and the one buyer he could never reach was time, which took the partners, then the format, then the morning itself.
The light above the door goes dark. That is the last EGBOK. It does not promise anything past the end of the hour, and it never did. The gift was always the hour.

The Beat on the Eights

Randall Collins (b. 1941) argues that the smallest engine of social life is the interaction ritual, and that it runs on four things present at once. Bodies in one place. A boundary that keeps others out. A single focus of attention all parties share. A mood that climbs as they share it. When the four lock and find a rhythm, the ritual throws off three products. Solidarity in the group. A charge in each person that Collins names emotional energy. And a symbol that stands for the whole and holds its charge as long as the group keeps handling it. Profane the symbol and the group turns on the offender with righteous anger. Starve a man of the ritual and his emotional energy drains toward flatness and retreat. Men go where the charge is. They return to the rooms that fill them and avoid the rooms that empty them, and the sum of those returns, run forward across years, is a life and a society both.
A booth at KABC at a quarter to six meets the four conditions before a word goes out. Two men sit at a board. Headphones on. A cough button under the thumb. Cart machines racked and loaded, the jingles cued. A clock with a sweep hand on the wall and a red bulb above the door. Bodies in one place, the first ingredient, met in the most literal way the medium allows. The glass and the closed studio make the boundary, the in-group of two against the dark hall. The clock and each other hold the focus. The mood begins to climb as the second hand comes around toward the top of the hour.
Then the rhythm. Ken sets a line and Bob takes it on the half beat, dry, and the timing is the whole of it. The listener at home hears two men who seem to read each other’s breath. Collins gives that feel a hard name. Rhythmic entrainment. Two nervous systems falling into a shared cadence, turn and answer, the micro-coordination of bodies that no script supplies and no memo installs. Chemistry is this and nothing more occult than this. When the entrainment runs clean the charge flows both ways and out the transmitter. When it stutters the charge dies in the room. Ken and Bob entrained, and the entrainment is the reason a city said their slogan back to them for a generation.
A problem sits inside the praise. Collins is strict about bodies in one place, and he is skeptical that a ritual carries far through a wire. The booth holds two men. The audience is half a million strangers scattered across freeways that never see each other. How does a ritual built for a dyad become a ritual for Los Angeles? The morning form solves the distance with two devices, and the solution is the craft.
The first device is the clock. Everyone tuned to 790 hears the same traffic on the eights at the same instant, the chopper over the Cahuenga Pass, the slowdown at the Sepulveda Pass, the count read out while a thousand men sit in the same backup. The simultaneity manufactures an imagined assembly. No one is in the room, and yet everyone is in the hour, focused on one point at one moment, which is most of what Collins asks of a shared focus. The freeway becomes a dispersed congregation that never learns it is one.
The second device is the portable sacred object. EGBOK leaves the transmitter and rides in the listener’s mouth. He says it at the gas pump to a stranger filling the next car, and the stranger nods and says it back, and the two of them run a small ritual on the concrete with the symbol Minyard handed them at six. The charge does not stay in the booth. It recharges off-air, in micro-rituals between people who never met the man, and it comes back primed the next morning when they return to hear the voice that minted the coin. A sacred object lives by circulation. EGBOK circulated through a metropolitan area for seventeen years, and every gas-pump exchange paid a little energy back up the chain.
Cut to the man in the car. He drives to a job where he takes orders and gives none. Collins has a cold finding here. The order-taker loses emotional energy across his day, drained by every instruction he receives and cannot refuse, while the order-giver gains it. The morning voice reaches that man before the draining starts and lends him a charge to carry in. The companion does not lecture him and does not sort him. The companion entrains him, gentles him into the hour, sends him onto the off-ramp fuller than he merged. The product is not information. The product is emotional energy, delivered on a schedule, and a man will defend the source of his charge the way he defends little else. That is why a habit becomes a thing men grow fierce about, why grown listeners brought Minyard back to KABC twice and say to this day that they were raised on Ken and Bob. They are not recalling content. They are crediting the source of a charge they felt every working morning of a decade.
The partnership ledger reads clean once emotional energy is the unit of account. Bob fused because the entrainment held. Roger Barkley fused for the same reason and from deep stock, a man who had run the morning rhythm with Al Lohman for twenty-five years and brought a trained sense of cadence to the chair in 1990. The booth synchronized again and the books stayed high. Peter Tilden ran cold. Satire keeps a different beat, sharper, angled at the listener rather than alongside him, and the two men never settled into a shared cadence the audience could entrain to. The ritual went flat. The charge thinned. The ratings fell, and KABC released both men in 1998. The pairing with his son ran colder still, and the format explains the chill before any question of talent arises. An afternoon syndicated slot has no morning clock, no metropolitan simultaneity, no freeway congregation focused at one instant. Strip the clock and you strip the imagined assembly, and a ritual with no shared focus throws off no charge. The slot could not entrain a city because the city was not assembled to be entrained.
Then the chain broke at the root. FM multiplied through the early 1990s, and the audience that had faced one point at one moment came apart into a hundred private streams. The listener stopped sharing a focus with the man in the next lane. He began to listen alone, and soon he began to listen sorted, tuned to the station that flattered his team. Collins lets us see what replaced the morning ritual, because the new talk runs a ritual too, a different one. Its charge comes from righteous anger at an out-group, the power ritual that bonds a crowd by naming an enemy and profaning him together. That ritual needs no shared metropolitan focus and no warmth. It needs a target. Minyard’s morning ran on the opposite supply, on a mood the whole dial once held in common, and once the dial fragmented the common mood had nowhere to form. He could not out-anger the angry, and he would not try. He had called himself a Bobby Kennedy liberal and kept the talk on traffic and food and the small repairs of the day, which was the right craft for a ritual of solidarity and the wrong weapon for a ritual of contempt. He saw the engine failing and said so in the plainest terms the trade allows. Talk radio is tough. You won’t work forever. Read through Collins, that is a man watching the chain that fed him come apart link by link.
On October 15, 2004, after thirty-five years, Minyard told the morning audience he was done, and the red bulb above the door went dark. The ritual ended with the man, and the form ended close behind him, the companionable local morning giving way to the syndicated anger that needed no city to assemble. One thing outlived the transmitter. The sacred object kept its charge. People who never sat in the booth and cannot name a single thing the man said still say everything’s gonna be OK to each other at gas pumps and breakfast counters, a coin minted at a board at dawn and still in circulation, a charge running down a chain whose first link is long off the air.

The Boulevard Star

Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002) holds that cultural life takes place in fields, structured spaces of position where players compete for a capital the field alone makes valuable. Each field runs between two poles. At the autonomous pole stand the producers who work for the regard of other producers, who honor craft and treat the chase for money as a kind of disgrace, where the man who refuses the market wins the only prize that counts inside the house. At the heteronomous pole stand the producers who serve outside demand, who measure themselves by sales and audience size and take the market’s verdict as the verdict. Most fields tilt one way or the other. Commercial radio tilts hard toward the heteronomous pole, since the books rule and the advertiser pays, and the ratings book is the field’s hard currency. The interesting players are the ones who hold an autonomous position inside a heteronomous field, who win craft honor in a house built for the cash register. Minyard is one of these.
Two poles ran through Los Angeles morning radio, and Minyard took one by declining the other. At the craft pole stands the companion, the man whose value lies in a respect that other broadcasters extend, who is called civil and intelligent by the trade and treated as a practitioner of something hard to do well. At the attention pole stands the transgressor, the shock jock, who serves raw demand and takes audience size as the whole of the argument. Both men fight for the same band and the same dollar. They are not doing the same job by different means. They occupy opposed positions in one space, and each position defines itself against the other. The companion is everything the transgressor refuses to be, and the field needs both poles to exist, since the warmth reads as warmth only against the offense, and the offense reads as daring only against the warmth.
Habitus comes first in any Bourdieu reading, the set of durable dispositions a man carries in his body from where he started, the feel for the game that looks like nature and is history. Minyard’s warmth presents as habitus. It does not present as technique. The voice carries an unforced small-town ease that no program director installs by memo and no consultant teaches in a seminar, the disposition of a man who seems to have been formed somewhere plain and kind and to be giving it away without effort. The field reads that ease off the voice and credits it as native. Here the record turns useful by staying blank. Minyard’s origins sit close to undocumented, the birthplace contested, the childhood unrecorded. The field consecrates a habitus the biography cannot confirm. Bourdieu would press exactly there, because the naturalization of an arbitrary thing is the field’s signature move. A disposition that might have been cultivated reads as a gift of birth, and the reading is the value. The warmth works because it does not look like work.
Now the capital. Minyard accumulates the kind Bourdieu calls symbolic, the recognition and prestige that the field’s authorities confer, and he accumulates it at the craft pole where the transgressor cannot reach. He holds social capital too, the durable relations that produce returns, the bond with Arthur and then with Barkley, the bench of contributors, the traffic man and the auto man who give the morning its furniture of trust. And he holds, for most of his run, the field’s hard currency, the ratings, the top of the book for the better part of twenty years. For a long stretch the two capitals move together. The craft honor and the numbers point the same way, and a man who holds both looks unassailable.
The position itself is a stance, a thing Bourdieu calls a position-taking. Minyard calls himself a Bobby Kennedy liberal and then declines to spend the label, keeps the morning on traffic and food and the small repairs of the day, refuses to sort the audience into teams. Read as a stance in the field, the refusal is a bid for the autonomous pole, a disavowal of the cheap heteronomous play that would trade craft honor for a hotter number. The disavowal earns him symbolic capital. The trade reads as integrity, and integrity is the autonomous pole’s coin. The trouble waits in the convertibility. Symbolic capital banks well when the field holds steady. It converts poorly into the field’s hard currency once the field restructures and the hard currency is all the station will accept.
The body enters as capital that depreciates, and the field shows its hand on the aging man. Arthur is pushed out in 1990 by management convinced he has aged past use. Barkley is removed over a weekend in 1996, the city tuning in on a Monday to find him gone at the station’s demand. Read these as the field withdrawing consecration from bodies that have lost their market position. The heteronomous pole prizes the demographic the advertiser will buy, and an old voice depreciates against it no matter how clean the craft remains. The men’s symbolic capital, the respect and the long service, cannot stop the withdrawal, because symbolic capital does not pay the advertiser. Minyard outlasts both partners and survives on the same terms they failed, an autonomous-pole player kept on only so long as his number still serves the heteronomous demand. He is living on borrowed convertibility.
FM multiplies through the early 1990s and the audience fragments. The single dominant position that a top morning man once held breaks into a hundred contested slots, and the heteronomous logic intensifies as the competition sharpens. The dominant currency shifts toward the pole Minyard refused. Attention by provocation becomes the winning play, and the craft honor he banked at the autonomous pole loses its rate of exchange. He cannot out-attract the transgressor and will not try, since trying would spend the symbolic capital that is the point of his position. KABC pairs him with Peter Tilden, the books slip, and the station releases both men in 1998. A man rich in respect and short on the only currency the restructured field will spend gets moved off the board.
He comes back. KABC returns him to the morning in November 2001 beside Dan Avey, and the return reads as the field acknowledging a consecration it could not quite retire, a value the audience refused to let lapse. On October 15, 2004, after thirty-five years, Minyard leaves on his own terms, a thing the field rarely grants and a sign of capital held to the end. The clearest fixing of that capital sits in the concrete of Hollywood Boulevard, the star he won beside Arthur in 1986, the field’s institutions stamping his value into the ground where it cannot be revised. A star is consecration made permanent, prestige set in terrazzo, the autonomous pole’s prize in its most literal form. It marks a man whom the field judged worthy by its own internal measure of craft.
The boulevard fixes Minyard’s value at the craft pole at the moment the field is abandoning the craft pole for the pole of pure attention. His consecration is real and his capital is real, and the field that issued both moved on to a place where neither would trade. The companion holds his star on a street walked by tourists while the morning he practiced gives way to the syndicated transgressor, the heteronomous pole victorious across the band. He kept his honor and lost the exchange rate. That is the position he chose, and the choice was sound by the only measure he respected, and it cost him the field.

Nothing to Pass On

The obituaries might reach for magic. They might say Ken Minyard had a gift, an ear, a feel for the morning that no one could teach and no one could replace. They might call the thing between him and Bob Arthur chemistry, and they might leave the word there, unexamined, as if it named a substance the two men shared and carried into the booth. The trade tells the same story about itself. Warmth cannot be taught. Timing cannot be installed. A man either has the morning in him or he does not, and the ones who have it hold a knowledge that lives below speech, passed from veteran to veteran by proximity and never by rule. This is the romance of tacit knowledge, and Stephen Park Turner (b. 1951) spent a career taking it apart.
Turner’s target is the idea that a group shares a hidden content, a set of tacit rules or skills or presuppositions that sits beneath the surface and gets handed around. In The Social Theory of Practices he presses one question against the whole tradition, from Durkheim through the readings of Wittgenstein, and the question is fatal. By what route does the shared thing travel? If a practice is real and held in common, there must be some way the same content gets from one head into another, and Turner finds that no account supplies it. There is no collective store from which men download a common skill. What the romance calls shared tacit knowledge has no path by which to become shared. So Turner draws the deflationary conclusion. The shared object does not exist. What exists is individuals, each one habituated by his own history, each carrying his own dispositions built from his own long feedback, and the habits of different men sometimes mesh well enough to throw off the appearance of a common practice. The sameness is imputed after the fact. It was never downloaded, because there was never anywhere to download it from.
Turn that on the chemistry of Ken and Bob and the substance dissolves. The two men did not share a thing. Each arrived at the board with his own habits, formed over years Turner would call individual and uncopyable, Arthur the newsman with his dry economy, Minyard with whatever ease his undocumented life had laid down in him. Across seventeen years they calibrated to each other, each adjusting his own habits in answer to the other’s responses, a million small corrections running both ways until the two separate sets of dispositions interlocked so tightly that a listener heard one fused thing. The interlock is real. The shared substance is not. Two nervous systems, each habituated alone, learned to mesh through feedback, and the mesh is the only thing the word chemistry ever named. Take one man out and the mesh is gone, and nothing transfers to the next chair, because the interlock lived in the fit between two particular histories and not in either man’s possession.
This is why no program director could install the morning by memo, and Turner explains the failure better than the romance does. The romance says warmth is too deep to teach, a sacred knowledge that resists words. Turner says there is no content to teach in the first place. A man cannot hand another man his habits, because habits are the causal residue of one life and do not detach from it. The new host does not lack a secret the veteran withholds. He lacks the history that built the veteran’s dispositions, and history does not transmit. You can copy a script and a format clock and a jingle package. You cannot copy the thing that made the copy land, because that thing was never an object sitting somewhere available to be moved.
Arthur fused because two long-habituated professionals calibrated to each other over a long time. Barkley fused for the same reason and faster, a man who had run a morning interlock with Al Lohman for twenty-five years and brought a set of dispositions already trained to adjust, so that when he sat down with Minyard in 1990 the mutual calibration found its fit. Then Peter Tilden ran cold, and the romance reaches again for the loss of magic. Turner needs no magic and no loss. Tilden’s habits, built for satire, angled at the listener and primed for the sharp turn, never settled into a mesh with Minyard’s habits, which were built to run alongside the listener and to soften. Two histories that did not interlock. No blame in it and no mystery, only the contingent failure of two separately formed habit-sets to fit. The pairing with his son ran colder, and the same account holds without any judgment of the men. There was no shared craft that the son failed to inherit, because there was no shared craft to inherit. There were only Minyard’s habits, his own, fitting some partners and not others, the way one man’s gait falls into step with one walking companion and not the next.
EGBOK gives the romance. The slogan looks like tacit social knowledge made audible, a reassurance Minyard performed by following rules he could not state. Turner denies the rules. Minyard followed no buried code that told him how to comfort a city. He had a habit that produced a reassuring effect, laid down by years of doing the morning and noting what came back, and the listener met it with his own habit of uptake, formed by his own years of listening. The meaning they are said to share is an imputation laid over two separate habituations that happen to fit. Minyard’s everything’s gonna be OK was his. The listener’s was the listener’s. Nothing passed between them but sound, and the fit between his habit of saying it and their habit of hearing it did the rest.
The blank record turns useful one more time, and against the grain of every prior reading. The childhood undocumented, the start in radio unconfirmed, the origin a hole in the page. The romance treats such a gap as a lost key, the missing biography that would explain the gift. Turner treats it as beside the point. Even a full record of the feedback that built Minyard’s habits would show a unique causal path and not a transferable content. Knowing exactly how the dispositions formed would not let anyone install them in a second man, because the knowing and the having are different things, and only the having does the work. The missing childhood hides no secret, because there was no secret of the transmissible sort to hide.
So the format’s end reads without elegy. The standard account mourns a lost art and a man no one could replace. Turner removes the art and keeps the man. Nothing was lost when Minyard left the chair on October 15, 2004, because there was no stored possession to lose, no skill-object that died with the practitioner. There were habits, his, exercised for thirty-five years in a particular room against a particular clock beside particular partners, and when FM fragmented the audience and the format dissolved, those habits had nowhere left to interlock. They did not die. They stopped being exercised, the way a key stops turning when the lock is gone. The competence the obituaries call irreplaceable was never the kind of thing that could be replaced or kept, because it was never a thing at all.
One item did pass on, and the contrast carries the whole argument. EGBOK survives. People who never sat in the booth say it to each other still, and they can say it because a phrase is a copyable object and travels with no trouble at all. The phrase moved through a city and outlived the man. The skill that made the phrase land moved nowhere, sat in no store, transferred to no successor, and ended when its conditions ended. Turner tells us why the slogan lives and the craft does not. The slogan was always an object. The craft never was.

The We Without the They

A city wakes in the dark to a sound that should not be there, the ground gone liquid under the bed, the power dead, the phone dead, and a man reaches for the one thing in the house that still works, a radio running on batteries, and turns the dial toward a voice he knows. Jeffrey C. Alexander (b. 1947) gives us the apparatus to see what happens in that moment, when a frightened man in the dark finds Ken Minyard already talking, already calm, already telling him the city is still there. The moment is the high payout of this frame, and it also marks the frame’s edge, because Minyard spent thirty-five years performing the thing Alexander says a society reaches for only in crisis, and he performed it without the engine that Alexander says drives the reaching.
Alexander begins from a refusal. An event does not carry its own meaning. Facts do not speak. A break-in at a hotel sits inert for two years and then becomes the gravest peacetime crisis in the republic’s history, and the facts barely change across that span. What changes is the telling. Society tells the event, and the telling runs along a ladder Alexander takes from Parsons. At the bottom sits the level of goals, the mundane traffic of interest and power, the profane in Durkheim’s sense. Above it sit norms. Above those sit values, the sacred and elemental commitments that hold the order together. Routine life stays at the level of goals, and stays there precisely when no one feels the goals threatening anything higher. A crisis begins when attention jumps the ladder, when a man stops thinking about his goals and starts fearing for his values, and the whole public climbs with him. Alexander calls the climb generalization, and he names it the center of the ritual process.
Set Minyard’s ordinary morning against that ladder and the craft comes clear. He keeps the morning at the level of goals on purpose. Traffic on the eights. The chopper over the pass. Food, the kids, the small repairs of the day, the auto man and the traffic man and the weather. He keeps it profane, in the exact technical sense, because a city that feels its values threatened every morning cannot merge onto the freeway and go to work. The deliberate smallness of the ordinary morning is the gift. He holds the talk at the bottom of the ladder so the listener does not have to climb.
Then the ground moves before dawn, or the city burns in the spring of 1992, and the listener climbs whether he wants to or not. Attention jumps from goals to values, from the commute to the question of whether the city itself will hold. Here Minyard’s role changes, and the morning form turns, for a few hours, into the thing Alexander studies. The voice creates what Victor Turner called communitas, a sudden shared belonging that erases the ordinary separations, and it does so through a wire, across a metropolis of strangers who cannot see one another. The hours become sacred time. The man in the dark stops being one frightened person and becomes part of a we, and the voice that assembles the we is the voice that has talked to him at six every working morning for a decade. He believes it because he already knew it. Minyard performs solidarity, and the city fuses around the performance, and then, when the aftershocks fade, he walks the city back down the ladder to goals, to the report on which freeways have reopened and which markets have power. He is a master of controlled generalization. He takes the city up only as far as the crisis demands and brings it back before the climb does harm.
The going up is easy in a crisis, because shared fear fuses an audience to a speaker on its own. The hard work is the ordinary morning, and that is where Alexander’s theory of performance pays the most. A modern performance, he argues, runs on parts that have come apart. The actor, the script, the staging, the means of production, the audience, all separated, all visible as machinery in a way they never were in the face-to-face rituals of small societies. Success means fusing the parts back together so completely that the audience forgets the machinery and reads the performance as sincere. Fail, and the audience sees acting, sees manipulation, sees a man working an angle. The morning booth is machinery laid bare. A board of faders. Cart machines loaded with jingles and sold spots. A format clock. Two men reading breaks between commercials a salesman placed. The achievement is that none of it reads as machinery. EGBOK leaves the transmitter and lands in the car as a friend’s reassurance, not as a slogan a station manufactured to sell a Cadillac dealer in Glendale. The fusion is so total the listener never suspects a performance is underway. That invisibility is the whole of the craft, and it explains the partnership ledger one more time. Peter Tilden’s satire angled at the listener rather than alongside him, and satire shows its own seams, points at the gap between the line and the truth, and the pointing breaks the fusion. The audience saw a performance. With Bob Arthur and with Roger Barkley the fusion held, and the city saw two friends.
Alexander’s civil ritual runs on conflict. Watergate generalizes because a center is felt to be polluted, because countercenters mobilize against it, because the public sorts the actors onto a grid of pure and impure and then purges the impure through a long rite. The trauma process runs the same engine. A carrier group projects a claim of injury, names the pain, names the victim, names the enemy who caused it, and broadcasts the claim until a wider public takes the wound as its own. Pollution drives the climb. The binary code, the sacred set against the profane, the clean set against the unclean, is the thing that generates the heat. And Minyard refused all of it. He performed the solidarity and skipped the pollution. He gave the city the we and never supplied a they. He called himself a Bobby Kennedy liberal and then declined to spend the label, declined to name an enemy at the center, declined to sort his audience into the pure and the impure. He ran, in effect, perpetual reaggregation, the calm that Alexander says comes after the rite, the national healing that Gerald Ford performed when he told the country its long nightmare had ended. Minyard performed that healing every morning for thirty-five years, the reaggregation with no crisis of pollution before it, solidarity at room temperature, a we that needed no enemy to cohere.
This made him decent and it doomed his form. The broadcasters who displaced him are carrier groups in Alexander’s exact sense. They perform a trauma every morning. They name a polluted center, code an enemy as impure, project a claim of injury to an audience already primed to feel it, and run permanent generalization at the level of a values war that never descends to the calm of goals. Partisan talk is the pollution ritual turned into a daily format, the binary code stamped out hour after hour, and it runs hot because pollution is the engine of heat. Solidarity against a named enemy generates more of it than solidarity against nothing. Minyard could bind a city in a real crisis because the earthquake or the fire supplied the threat from outside. He could not manufacture a threat on a calm Tuesday, and he would not. The successors manufacture one every Tuesday. Alexander ends the Watergate essay with a line that reads, against Minyard, as an epitaph for his whole kind of morning. Scandals are not born, they are made. So are the daily enemies of the talk that replaced him. Minyard made friends and refused to make enemies, and the field went to the enemy-makers, because the enemy-makers ran the engine and he had unplugged it.
He left the chair on October 15, 2004, a civil performer in a medium turning toward permanent trauma. His true civil sphere was the rare morning when the ground moved and a frightened city in the dark needed a voice to tell it the we still held. He gave it that, and the giving was real, the solidarity unforced, the communitas not manufactured but found in the shared fear of an actual crisis. The rest of the time he performed the same belonging at low heat and hid the performance inside an old friend’s warmth. He built a we that never required a they, which is the reason it was good, and the reason, once the they-makers arrived with their daily pollution and their hot binary code, that it could not hold the morning against them.

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Dennis Prager Health Update: June 2026

On June 19, 2026, PragerU says: “Dennis Prager’s son David joins Marissa with the latest health update on Dennis. After a difficult few weeks and some medical challenges, Dennis is again beating the odds and is on the road to recovery. He’s even able to enjoy watching the World Cup. Enjoy a personalized voicemail from Dennis as he expresses his gratitude for the prayers he has been receiving.”

David Prager watches his father suffer and says so. But the segment does more than report on a sick man. It raises money and moves a message.

Watch the turns. Marissa Streit thanks the audience for prayers, declares the prayers are working, then pivots to a Father’s Day campaign, asks young men to marry and have children and “build our nation,” and closes by playing an ad and asking viewers to share it. Dennis Prager (b. 1948) becomes the occasion for PragerU’s messaging calendar. He is “America’s grandpa,” so his body and the org’s Father’s Day push land on the same page.

The recovery gets told as miracle. Doctors wear grim faces and Dennis defies them. “I don’t think they realize who they’re dealing with.” Streit assigns the turnaround to prayer and love. A clinical sequence, infections then a bronchoscopy then time back on a ventilator, converts into spiritual proof. The Christian press picks up that exact frame and runs it as a headline. Streit said Dennis continues to be an absolute miracle, and that the miracles are happening because of the prayers and the love and the blessings he is receiving. The audience receives the illness as testimony.

Now the part the segment leaves out. In March 2026 Prager sued Cedars-Sinai and other providers for malpractice and elder abuse, accusing them of failing to properly treat his spinal injury and causing costly complications. The complaint alleges staff failed to turn him, that he developed pressure ulcers, and that his medical costs have exceeded five million dollars over thirteen months. He says he has been unable to get off the ventilator long enough to hold even one three-hour conversation. A reporter called the lawsuit’s account a dire picture. The June broadcast paints a miracle. Same patient, two narratives, two audiences. The gap between them is the story.

The Jerry Springer anecdote does brand work. David tells it as a parable: his father turned down a national TV show that wanted bikini-clad women and dysfunctional families, flew the family coach to New York, and passed Springer in the aisle. The story sets Dennis as the moral inverse of trash television and ties that virtue to the PragerU product. Whether it happened as remembered counts for less than its job, which is to sanctify the father’s choices.

The voicemail shows the machine. The hospital granted about three minutes of voice for a test. David chose to spend that window on a message that the prayers are working, because “people need to hear” it. A speech test became content. The scarcity, back on the vent in a few minutes, sharpens the emotional load.

PragerU runs the family grief through its donor pipeline, and the cheerful “miracle” story sits beside a lawsuit that describes neglect and a body in crisis.

MyCharisma.com reports:

“Every time that he’s there, he completely beats the odds,” he said.

David reported that Dennis has returned to good spirits, smiling, following sports and steadily progressing toward recovery. While his ability to speak remains limited due to medical precautions, the family has witnessed what they describe as a dramatic turnaround.

Listeners were given a glimpse of that progress when a voicemail recording from Dennis himself was played during the interview.

“I had a very rough two weeks,” Dennis said. “After a bronchoscopy, things changed 180 degrees.” He thanked supporters for their prayers and encouragement, noting that while he still required ventilator assistance, he was grateful to briefly regain the use of his voice.

Streit pointed out that what is happening with Prager is nothing short of a miracle.

“Dennis continues to be an absolute miracle. And I think the miracles are happening because of the prayers and the love and the blessings that he is receiving,” she said.

For David, hearing that voice was especially meaningful.

“Hearing his voice felt impossible a week ago,” he said.

Throughout the conversation, both David and Streit pointed to the overwhelming support Dennis has received from people around the world. David specifically encouraged supporters to continue praying, saying those prayers have been a source of strength and encouragement throughout the ordeal.

As Prager continues his recovery journey, his family’s message remains simple: keep praying.

The latest update serves as a reminder that while doctors may assess the facts before them, God still has the final word. It is through perseverance, faith and prayer that we can be sustained through even the darkest valleys.

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Ken Dito: A Life in Bay Area Radio

Ken Dito spent more than four decades on Northern California radio, and his career tells us something about how local broadcasting worked before national syndication and the internet flattened it. He moved among the major San Francisco stations, called and discussed games for three professional franchises, and ran a nightly call-in show that a generation of Bay Area sports fans grew up listening to. In 2020 the Bay Area Radio Hall of Fame inducted him. His record sits inside an older model of the trade, one built on local credibility rather than celebrity, and that model is most of what makes him worth describing.

He grew up in San Francisco’s North Beach and attended St. Ignatius College Preparatory School, where he starred in baseball. He carried the game into college, first at City College of San Francisco, where he earned All-Conference honors, and then at the University of California, Berkeley. The athletic background mattered for what came later. Sports broadcasters of his era drew authority from having played, and Dito built his on-air manner on the assumption that he understood the work from the inside.

He did not enter radio directly. After Berkeley he taught in the San Francisco Unified School District. One biographical account also places him as an athletic director at a Bay Area junior high school during these years, though the Hall of Fame profile records only the teaching. Radio came as a second career, reached through local experience rather than through a journalism program or a network training pipeline. That route was common among broadcasters of his generation and uncommon now.

Dito’s name became fixed in Bay Area memory through one program above the others. He hosted Sportsphone 68 on KNBR, a nightly sports call-in show that aired on 680 AM through the late 1970s and into the station’s transition toward an all-sports format. Two listeners who later wrote about those nights describe the same scene. Callers proposed trades. Dito argued back. The columnist John Canzano, who tuned in as a boy with a transistor radio under his pillow, credits the show with showing him that other fans thought nothing like he did, and he traces his own feel for callers to those broadcasts. Another listener recalls the ritual of phoning in a doomed trade idea and getting it dismantled live, then told to turn down his radio. The show ran on the participation of ordinary fans, and Dito’s job was to keep that conversation honest and moving. He held the room. Before social media handed every fan a megaphone, a program like Sportsphone supplied the only nightly forum many of them had.

His broadcast work reached beyond the studio. Dito did air work tied to the Oakland Raiders, the San Francisco Giants, and the Oakland Athletics, the three franchises that anchored Bay Area sports radio in those decades. A biographical summary credits him with pregame and postgame hosting during the Athletics’ strong run in the late 1980s and with color commentary on Stanford football, the latter a notable assignment for a Cal man. The Hall of Fame profile confirms the team broadcast work without itemizing those particular roles.

After KNBR he turned up at the other major San Francisco stations: KSFO, KFRC, and KGO. At KSFO he hosted a program called “Baseball Tonight” and delivered afternoon sports reports within the show fronted by the disc jockey Wolfman Jack. The pairing put him beside one of the most distinctive radio personalities of the period and let him fold information, humor, and personality into short segments. KGO, during its long stretch as a dominant talk station, gave him a wider canvas. By one account he stepped beyond sports there and filled in as a general talk host, handling local affairs and guests. The claim fits the career but rests on the secondhand summary rather than the Hall of Fame record.

He also held sports director posts at major stations across these years, a managerial layer of the business that rarely reaches the public ear. A sports director shapes coverage, assigns voices, and decides what a station’s audience hears about its teams. That Dito did this work, by the biographical account at KFRC among others, places him on both sides of the microphone during a period when local radio was still the primary channel for sports news in the region.

The names around him measure his standing. Dito worked alongside Hank Greenwald (1935-2018), Bill King (1927-2005), and Lon Simmons (1923-2015), three broadcasters whose reputations carried well past Northern California and who entered the same Hall of Fame. He did not imitate them. He built a plainer voice keyed to access and preparation, the voice of a man who treated the audience as fellow students of the game rather than as an audience to be performed for.

Late in his career, by the biographical account, he kept working as Bay Area radio fragmented under pressure from cable, satellite, podcasts, and streaming. That summary places him as a sports director and morning host on KTRB‘s sports format around the time the station carried Stanford and the Athletics, roughly 2008 to 2010. The detail is plausible given KTRB’s sports era but does not appear in the Hall of Fame profile. The same summary describes him coaching youth baseball and mentoring young players, an extension of the community footing his on-air work always rested on.

The Bay Area Radio Hall of Fame inducted Dito in 2020. The honor recognized a career that had earned regional respect without national fame. He never syndicated, never became a household name beyond Northern California, and never built his work on the ideological combat that came to define much of talk radio. He stayed local, learned his region, and became one of its trusted voices. The arc is a small argument about what local radio was for. It worked best, on the evidence of his career, when the host belonged to the place he covered.

Ken Dito and the Permanence of Air

A boy lies on the floor of his parents’ bedroom in San Jose with a clock radio tuned to 680 on the AM dial. The year falls somewhere in the late 1970s. He has a trade to propose and he has rehearsed it. He dials KNBR. An operator drops him into the queue. He waits, holding the receiver, listening to the show leak out of the clock radio a few feet away, and then the voice picks him up. Sportsphone 68, you’re on the air. The boy hears his own held breath come back out of the radio a few seconds late, and the delay undoes him. He stammers. He offers the Warriors’ leading scorer for a rebounder. The voice, Ken Dito’s (b. 1938), answers without heat. He calls the boy son. He asks why a man would want to make that trade. He thanks him for calling. He tells him to turn the radio down next time, because the delay is the thing knotting his tongue.

Then the voice is gone. It was gone the instant he spoke it. Sound on the AM band does not keep. It rides the carrier wave out at the speed of light and dies in the air of ten thousand kitchens and cars and bedrooms, and nothing remains except whatever lodged in a listener’s head. A man who builds a life in that medium builds in the most perishable stuff there is.

Ernest Becker (1924-1974) held that a man cannot stand to live inside the plain knowledge that he will die and rot and be forgotten, so he does not live inside it. He builds a hero system instead, a scheme of value that lets him feel he counts in some order larger than his own body and longer than his own life. The language comes from The Denial of Death (1973) and Escape from Evil (1975). The hero system tells a man what significance is and how to earn it. His self-esteem keeps the running tally. The vehicles vary. One man reaches for a son to carry the name. Another reaches for a fortune, a temple, a doctrine, a flag, a book. Each is a bid for a sliver of permanence, a way of saying I was here and some part of it held after me.

Almost all of these vehicles reach for hard, lasting material. Stone. Gold. Scripture. Blood. The whole argument of the pyramid is that it will not move. Dito reached for air.

His hero system was local, and the locality was the whole of it. He could have chased the national signal. The men he came up beside became names well past Northern California, and the path out stayed open to anyone with the voice for it. He stayed. He worked one region for forty years and let it know him. The route to counting, in his system, ran through belonging: through being the man whose voice a city set its evenings by, who knew the names in the box score and the order of the bullpen, who put a stranger on the air and let him talk. He earned his significance the way a parish priest earns his, by staying long enough to become part of the permanent furniture of a place. Becker might call this a clean and ancient bid. You transcend your own death by sewing yourself into a community that goes on after you. The man dies. The town remembers the voice. For a while the town is his afterlife.

Here is the strange part, the part that pulls Dito out of the ordinary run of hero systems. The bid half worked, and it worked through the very weakness of the material. Radio goes in through children. It goes in late at night, under the covers, through a speaker the size of a coin, while the adults think the boy is asleep. It lodges there and does not come out. Two grown men, one of them a working sports columnist, sat down decades later and wrote what Dito said to them when they were eleven. The transistor under the pillow turned into a relic. A hall of fame put his name on a wall. The voice that vanished the moment he made it got fifty years of borrowed life inside other people’s childhoods. Stone weathers. The voice in the boy’s head does not, until the boy does.

The word at the center of his system is voice. Hand it to Dito and it means one settled thing: the instrument of company, the sound that keeps a city’s lonely hours from being silent. Hand the same word to other men inside other systems and it comes apart in your hands.

Give it to the hazzan at the front of the synagogue on the eve of the Day of Atonement. For him the voice carries the prayer of the whole congregation up where it needs to go, and the melody in his throat is not his own. He took it from the man who stood there before him, who took it from the man before that, back along a chain that does not break. His system grants no credit for invention. The glory runs the other way, toward fidelity, toward singing the line as it came down so it can go down again unbroken. He wins his permanence by adding nothing and losing nothing. His voice points up and back. It does not point at him.

Give it to the muezzin in the loudspeaker at the top of the minaret, five times in the day, before light and after dark. His voice summons a city to bow, and the whole worth of it lies in pointing past the man who owns it, toward Him. The finest muezzin is the one you never think about, whose call runs so clean that the self behind it disappears into the act. Where Dito spent his voice making himself a familiar presence, the muezzin spends his erasing himself inside a larger one.

Give it to the auctioneer working a cattle ring or an estate sale, and voice turns into an engine of price. The chant runs so fast the uninitiated hear a river of syllables with numbers riding on top. Every syllable does work. It pulls the next bid out of a reluctant room, holds two buyers against each other, and brings the gavel down at the highest figure the air will bear. His system measures a voice in dollars cleared and records broken. The bid-calling has its own championships and its own honored old masters. The voice is a tool for moving money, and the better the tool the more it moves.

Give it to the playback singer of Bombay cinema, who stands in a booth and sings what a famous face will later mouth on screen. Millions know the voice and could not pick the body out of a crowd. The face on the poster collects the fame. The voice collects something stranger and longer. It goes on selling, playing at weddings forty years on, outliving the singer and the actor both, a disembodied thing the country keeps. This is Dito’s near cousin, the faceless voice that beats the body to permanence, except that the singer reaches a subcontinent and Dito reached a region, and the singer aims at the immortal record while Dito aimed only at tonight.

Then give the word to a man who has had his larynx taken out by the surgeon. He speaks now through a device pressed to his throat, in a flat buzz he works to be understood through, or by swallowing air and shaping it on the way back up. For him voice is no instrument of transcendence. It is the daily labor of being understood at the counter, of saying his grandson’s name so the boy turns around. The romance the other systems pile on top of the voice, the cantor’s chain and the auctioneer’s record and Dito’s company, shows up from here as a luxury, the kind a man affords only while his throat still works. Becker said the body is the thing every hero system tries to climb out of, and the body always reasserts the claim. The failing throat is the creature returning the bill. It corrects the men who forgot they were animals with a voice on loan.

Becker did not stop at the comfort hero systems give. In Escape from Evil he turned to the cost. Hero systems collide, because each one needs the others wrong. My scheme of significance cannot feel solid while yours stands as a live alternative, so men spend their lives, and sometimes the lives of others, proving the rival systems false. Much of human cruelty, Becker argued, is this bill, paid by whoever stands in the way of another man’s bid for permanence.

Set Dito against this and a quiet thing stands out. The radio that came after him learned that the surest way to make a listener feel real was to hand him something to hate, a rival tribe, a villain in the other party, a name to boo every night at the same hour. That radio runs on the war of immortality projects and turns a fair profit on it. Dito ran the older kind. He asked the city for nothing more than its company. He put the unhinged caller on the air beside the shrewd one and let the audience hear that other men did not think as they did, and he needed no one destroyed to feel his own hours counted. His system asked a small bill of the world. In Becker’s ledger that is no minor entry.

So return to the boy on the bedroom floor, who is an old man now if he is anything. Did the voice beat death? In part, and only in other people. Dito’s permanence sits in no stone and no scripture. It sits in the heads of men who were boys with radios under their pillows, and it will go out when the last of them goes out, the way his voice went out every night the second he stopped speaking. He spent his life in the one material no one can keep, and he got it to hold a little while anyway, in the only vault that ever takes sound, which is a child who was told to turn the radio down and left it on.

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Lowell Cohn and the Stories he Didn’t Write

Lowell Cohn (b. 1945) wrote sports columns in the San Francisco Bay Area for close to forty years, first at the San Francisco Chronicle and then at the Santa Rosa Press Democrat, and he arrived at the work sideways, from literature rather than from the police blotter and the high school box score. He held a doctorate in English from Stanford University. He had read Conrad, James, and Austen before he filed a game story. He came to the press box already formed as a reader and a stylist, and that formation set him apart from the reporters around him, men who had climbed the trade in the orthodox way and who, at the start, resented him for jumping the line. In the introduction to his 2020 memoir Gloves Off, he reports that for years his colleagues called him a name unprintable in a family newspaper, and he grants that the name fit. He had done none of the standard things. He had never studied journalism, never covered high schools, never paid the dues. He walked in and became a columnist, the elite job, and he understood why the men who had served their time wanted to throw him out.

He grew up in the Flatbush section of Brooklyn in the 1950s, in a middle-class Jewish home where two questions hovered over everyone he met: Is he Jewish, and is he smart? His mother, Eve, taught elementary school. His father practiced law in lower Manhattan and later lost his sight, and the boy read to him and helped prepare his cases, an apprenticeship in language and argument that no school assigned. The family ran on type. As Cohn told me in a 2008 interview, his older brother Robert (1941–2018) occupied the doctor slot, his younger sister the teacher slot, and Lowell the lawyer slot. His father offered more than once, well into Lowell’s thirties, to pay for law school. Lowell declined every time. He wanted to write, and he would admit no impediment to that, though he liked to add that he never committed murder to get where he wanted to go.

The Jewish formation runs through everything he made. He described his cast of mind as argumentative, drawn to fine distinctions, alert to the absurd, and quick to cause verbal trouble, and he named that mind as a Jewish inheritance. His humor he called New York Jewish, ironic and self-deprecating and sarcastic. The writers he carried in his head when he sat down to work were Bernard Malamud (1914–1986), whose Brooklyn Jewish sound he heard in his own sentences, and Philip Roth (1933–2018). His sense of who belonged and who stood outside came from his parents, first-generation Americans who had lived through the years of the Holocaust and who saw Jews as a people apart. Every spring, before he taught a creative writing class at the University of San Francisco, he scanned the roster for Jewish names. He called the habit a stereotype and said he was a stereotype for it.

The road to writing ran first through the academy and then away from it. He attended Lafayette College in Easton, Pennsylvania, an all-men’s school where a sheltered nerd could thrive and where the wealthy WASP students from the Main Line let him understand, without ever saying a word to his face, which fraternities a Jew could and could not enter. He went west to Stanford for graduate study in English and stayed six years, earning a doctorate in 1972 with a dissertation on Joseph Conrad (1857–1924). For a while he looked headed for a professorship. He taught, he read, he steeped himself in narrative and character, and he discovered that the deathly stillness of the seminar room and the library held no action and that he craved action. At the Modern Language Association job market in 1971 no one wanted to hire him, and instead of crushing him the rejection freed him. He decided that if they did not want him, he did not want them, and he would be a writer.

He began as a film critic at the Palo Alto Times, which paid him ten dollars a review and, after a strong first year, raised him to twelve-fifty. He sold a few pieces to Sports Illustrated and, on the advice of the New York Times writer Leonard Koppett (1923–2003), telephoned the magazine cold and asked for a job. The episode became one of his best stories, recounted in Gloves Off. A senior editor, Jeremiah Tax, invited him east, bought a story about Brooklyn street games and Homer for five hundred dollars, and told him he was too green for staff but might prove himself on assignment. Cohn left the building so elated that he vomited on the platform of the DeKalb Avenue station, and he decided his nerves could not tell the difference between extreme upset and extreme joy. Years later he learned why the magazine’s managing editor, Gilbert Rogin (1929–2017), never warmed to him. A mutual acquaintance confessed it: Rogin disliked Joseph Conrad, and so he disliked the young man who had written a doctorate on Conrad. Cohn, who could no more write like Conrad than fly, found the verdict comic and kept it.

The Chronicle hired him in 1979 for the very reason the other writers held against him. The managing editor wanted an outsider with fresh eyes, a man who would see sports without the genre’s pieties. Cohn obliged. His first column asked why teams played the national anthem before games and argued that professional sports had nothing to do with patriotism, a position that drew outraged mail and pleased his bosses, who wanted noise. He wrote that the Oakland Raiders looked soft out of their uniforms, that one of them had a pencil neck, and he asked athletes about their haircuts and what they read and ate. He wrote in scenes, built dramatic tension, gave his subjects dialogue, and treated coaches and players as characters rather than as performers. He took hard stands and criticized local teams when he judged they deserved it, which the Bay Area writers, considered soft beside the blunt New York men among whom he had been raised, rarely did. He needed the splash. He was on a six-month trial, and a background hum got dropped. Readers hated him and read him, and the paper put his face on the sides of city buses.

No relationship marked his career more than the one with Bill Walsh (1931–2007). Walsh coached the 49ers to greatness, demanded excellence, and prized intelligence, all of which drew Cohn to him; Walsh also bruised easily and brooded over criticism, which guaranteed conflict. When Cohn questioned in print whether the coach had lost his edge, Walsh stopped speaking to him for a stretch. The friction sharpened rather than dulled the portrait. Cohn refused to render Walsh as a lone genius and drew instead a brilliant, anxious, perfectionist man driven by insecurity as much as by gift. Out of unlimited access to Walsh’s return to the Stanford program for the 1992 season came Rough Magic (1994), a book that does not topple the genius myth so much as replace it with a working man who labors over detail, struggles to motivate, doubts himself, errs, and recovers. Their bond outlasted a real rupture. When the book appeared, Walsh told a television audience he had not been a party to it, a claim Cohn knew to be false, since the two had signed an agreement and Walsh had taken a share of the proceeds. They did not speak for two years. Cohn stayed angry. They reconciled before Walsh died, and in the fall of 2006, when Walsh was dying of leukemia, Cohn and his old colleague Ira Miller were the only writers who knew, and they sat on the news because Walsh asked them to. As Cohn puts it in Gloves Off, you sometimes judge journalists by the stories they do not write.

That line names his ethic. He held to a small set of moral absolutes, fewer than his religious friends held but firm where he held them. Walsh had told him, on tape, about an affair, and Cohn left it out of the book and said leaving it out cost him the millions a scandal would have earned, because he did not think an honorable man did that to another man. He found outing repugnant and never did it. He believed a married man’s private life was his wife’s business and not a columnist’s, and he extended the courtesy even to people who had given him cause. He drew the line at hatred. When the Oakland A’s manager Billy Martin (1928–1989), angry over something Cohn had written, told two other writers it was a shame Cohn had not been killed with the other six million, Cohn confirmed the slur with both men and answered it not with a frontal column but with a compare-and-contrast piece that set an unnamed Manager One against an unnamed Manager Two, every reader in the Bay Area knowing which was Martin and which was Frank Robinson (1935–2019). He came to think he had handled it as a young man would, and that a mature man would have gone to the team’s Jewish ownership. Decades later, when the 49ers signed a player who had tweeted that the Jews killed Christ, Cohn went to the team’s chief executive, Jed York, gave him the chance to disown the words, and held his own column in reserve. The player deleted the tweets. York never issued a statement and never acknowledged the gravity of the thing, and Cohn judged that for York the affair never rose above a public-relations nuisance.

The toughness was learned young and consciously kept. In Gloves Off he traces it to a Brooklyn playground on Avenue L, where two older boys, Big Sal and Little Sal, routinely put him in a headlock and where he learned to stand his ground and take what came, after which the Sals defended him against outsiders. He calls sports writing a conflict trade built on intimidation and says he learned to face athletes the way he had faced the Sals. He stared down Kevin Mitchell at the batting cage, reminded him that a punch would cost him his house, and won the man’s respect and then his affection. He shouted a question at a contemptuous coach until the coach, startled, answered fully, and the cowed Los Angeles writers thanked him afterward. He understood that you rip a man in print and then show your face, walk up to him, and ask whether he has anything to say, because the ones who hide are marked as punks and can never do business again. He did it with sweaty palms and a churning stomach, hating the confrontation and knowing it had to be done.

His years at the top did not last without cost. After seven or eight strong years he fell out with the Chronicle’s management, in part over money he thought meager and in part over his own political clumsiness, and a long decline followed in which editors second-guessed his columns until his writing turned tentative and, by his own account, deserved the demotion it received. The Santa Rosa Press Democrat, owned then by The New York Times Company, called in 1995 and offered him a good salary, autonomy, and a life he could keep intact sixty-five miles from the newsroom. His wife, Dawn, told him to take it. He did, and the writing came back in a day. He had learned, in his forties, that being the man bought nothing he valued. Food tasted no better and his wife kissed him no differently for the clout, and what he wanted was to sleep with a light heart. He married Dawn at thirty-nine; she had a son from a first marriage, and together they raised Grant (b. 1988) Jewish though Dawn is not, in a home with Friday candles and a Christmas tree.

His aesthetic stayed steady across the moves. He prized the basic. Asked why he loved boxing, a sport his educated friends found ungentlemanly, he answered that it was basic, and that basic is the best drama. In Gloves Off he defends the sport against its moralizers by pointing out that swimming and cycling kill far more people than the ring, that football trains men to inflict maximum harm and leaves them with degenerative brain disease, and that boxers, like gladiators, choose their trade as free men whose choices he declines to police. He loved boxing for the same reason he loved a clean sentence: nothing stands between the two men and the act. His models came from fiction and not from newspapers. He admired Red Smith (1905–1982), Jimmy Cannon (1909–1973), and Jim Murray (1919–1998), but he placed Conrad and Greene and Austen and Eliot above any sportswriter, himself included, and he located his meaning in the act of composition, in planning a first sentence, hearing the alliteration in his head, and working toward an ending that lands.

He retired at the end of 2016, after nearly forty years, and described his last season as a slow detachment, the good student turned at last into the bad kid staring out the window. He never said goodbye to the men he had covered for decades, Steve Kerr (b. 1965) and Bruce Bochy and Billy Beane and the rest, because, as he writes, saying goodbye seemed beside the point given that he had never said hello. Retirement did not end the work. He found a second life beside his son, who built a large following covering the 49ers across YouTube, podcasts, and digital platforms, and the two host a regular program together, Lowell the historical voice drawing the line from Montana and Walsh to the present. He keeps a Substack. In June 2026 he and Grant were still arguing on the air about the coming season, the father a measured optimist, the son a half-game more cautious, the old columnist’s voice intact.

The career argues a single proposition, which he made in many forms over four decades: the best sports writing is never only about sports. It is about pride and fear and loneliness and ambition, about men under pressure, and about the writer’s first obligation, which is never to be boring. Steve Young (b. 1961), who as quarterback spent half a decade inside Cohn’s coverage and hated some of it, put the case for the prosecution and the defense in a single line in his foreword to Gloves Off: the medicine did not taste good, but it was good for you. Cohn would take the verdict. He wrote in joy, not in anger, with music playing to seal off the world, and he believed, against the religious certainties of his friends, that men who confront the same world will arrive on their own at the few absolutes worth keeping. He kept his. He did not out the unfaithful. He did not let a dying man be ambushed. He did not let an anti-Semite pass. And he never, not once, backed down from the Sals.

Pure Action: The Hero System of Lowell Cohn

He bought the tie at the Macy’s in the Stanford Shopping Center, a thick dark-blue wool that went with the one blazer he owned, and he wore it to Manhattan to meet a senior editor at Sports Illustrated. The editor bought a story off him before he sat down. Five hundred dollars for a piece about Brooklyn street games and Homer. Lowell Cohn walked out onto the street with a byline coming in the only magazine that counted, and he could not think what a sophisticated man did at such a moment, so he did what he knew, grabbed a sandwich at a grubby luncheonette and got on the subway home. The old D train strained up over the Manhattan Bridge with the dirty East River below, and his lunch rose in his throat. He fought it down. He made the platform at DeKalb Avenue, ran to the far end, leaned over the tracks, and let it go. When he straightened up the new blue wool was streaked orange. He took the tie off and dropped it in the trash and rode the rest of the way to Avenue M and told his father about the sale and never mentioned the tie. He decided, on that platform, that his nerves could not tell the difference between extreme upset and extreme happiness. The alarms ring the same either way.
That platform holds the whole man. Ernest Becker (1924–1974) built an anthropology on the split it shows. We are the animal that knows it will die, the angel housed in a body that defecates and decays, and we cannot live inside the knowledge, so we build hero systems, schemes by which a man might count, might earn a worth the grave cannot cancel. Self-esteem, in this reading, is the feeling that one is a hero in a scheme of things that outlasts the flesh. The immortality project is the labor of a lifetime, the work that says I was here and will remain. On the DeKalb platform the project soared and the creature heaved, and the two could not be told apart. The byline on the shiny paper was the angel. The vomit was the anus. Cohn, who had a doctorate and a stomach, supplied both.
Begin with what he fled. He trained as an academic, took the Ph.D. in English at Stanford, and found at the end of it a world with no pulse. He has described the room he ran from with a precision worth keeping: a deathly still library, dust motes floating in half-light, a polite seminar in Henry James. Becker would recognize that stillness as a small rehearsal of the grave, the quiet a man’s whole being recoils from once he has felt the recoil. Cohn felt it. He turned from the seminar toward what he called, then and for forty years after, action.
The word organizes him. He says he needed action and craved it, that sports writing was pure action and the academy none. The press box gave him the hurricane: the game live in front of him, the deadline closing, the column due four times a week, the rush of seeing the thing in print the next morning and the rush of readers cursing it. He took to the arena the way a man takes to the one place he feels real. He needed the gratification of the artifact in the paper the following day, and he needed the noise it made, and he called both the action and meant by it the opposite of the dust and the half-light.
The arena charges an entry fee, and the fee is toughness. He learned it before he learned anything else, on a Brooklyn playground on Avenue L, where two older boys put him in headlocks until he gave up and then defended him against outsiders. He stood his ground, took the beating, came back. He stood five foot seven and faced men twice his size, and he carried the lesson into the press box, where he told Kevin Mitchell at the batting cage that a punch would cost him his house and won the man’s respect and then his friendship. To flinch in that arena is to die a little, to become a punk, a wimp the players can boss, a writer who does not count. So toughness here is no brute thing. It runs by a code. You rip a man in print and then you show your face, walk up to him, ask whether he has anything to say, because the man who hides has confessed he is nothing. Cohn did it with sweaty palms, hating it, knowing it had to be done. The toughness buys him standing, and standing, in his hero system, is the near cousin of significance.
Watch the word action, though. It looks like a solid thing and it is not. Each hero system fills it with a different content, and each filling makes plain sense from the inside and reads as folly from any other vantage.
A Cistercian rises at three in the morning into the Great Silence and takes his place in an unheated choir stall and chants the Office to a God he will spend his life emptying himself toward. The deathly still room Cohn ran from is, to the monk, the holy place. Action, for him, is the world’s noise, the distraction that pulls the soul off its center, the thing a man kills in himself to make room for grace. His immortality runs through the emptied self and the eternal Word. Cohn’s arena, to the monk, is a bright loud hell.
A proprietary trader sits down at a desk before the open with the screens already lit and puts size on. Action, for him, is the live position, capital exposed, the number moving against him or for him in real time. Flat means no position, and flat is a kind of death, a day with no pulse. Where’s the action, he asks, and he means where can I be at risk. The trader’s monument is the figure at the close and the figure at year end. To him the monk’s silence is a flatline a man chose on purpose.
A kollel scholar in Lakewood takes his seat at the shtender before the same folio his great-grandfather bent over, and learns it the way it was learned a thousand years before him, and will hand it down unchanged. Here action is nothing. Here action is waste, the squandering of hours owed to the page. The sacred is the unmoving text and the unbroken chain of men who carried it, and a man’s immortality runs through the transmission, link by link, into a future he will not see. Cohn’s column, gone with tomorrow’s trash, lining a birdcage by Wednesday, would strike the scholar as vanity dressed as work.
A Marine remembers that he saw action and means a firefight, the test no drill reproduces, the half hour that told him what he was. The action he craved as a younger man came and made some of his friends and unmade others, and the ones it unmade carry it home and cannot put it down. His arena ran the other way from Cohn’s. In Cohn’s arena the violence is mediated through a ball, the worst wound a player suffers becomes a story Cohn files, and the writer drives home intact and pours a glass of wine. The Marine paid in the body for what Cohn collected in the notebook.
These are not one word with four shadings. They are four cosmologies, and Becker drew the hard conclusion from the clash. The monk’s holiness is the trader’s living death. The trader’s vitality is the scholar’s vanity. The scholar’s faithfulness is, to the man on the desk, a flatline chosen on purpose. One man’s road to counting is another man’s evidence of damnation, and evil enters the world at the seam where the hero systems touch, each certain the other has wasted the only life there is.
Take a second word from Cohn’s own creed and the seam shows again. He prizes the stories he did not write. He and Ira Miller knew Bill Walsh (1931–2007) was dying of leukemia and held the news because the dying man asked them to. Walsh told him about an affair, on tape, and Cohn left it out of the book and said the omission cost him the fortune a scandal would have paid, because an honorable man does not do that to another man. He thought outing a low and bottom-feeding act and never did it. His father, a lawyer who lost his sight and whose cases the boy read aloud to him, had given him the law: act so you can live with yourself. In Cohn’s hero system the killed story is the heroism. The thing he refused to write is the proof that he counts as the honorable man his father described. Carry the same act to the tabloid desk and the verdict flips. There the scoop is the heroism and the spiked story the cowardice, the failure of nerve, the betrayal of the reader. Carry it into the beis medrash and the unwritten story becomes the commandment itself, lashon hara, the law against the evil tongue. Carry it to the muckraker and exposure is the law and silence is complicity in the crime. One restraint. Four cosmologies. Each man sure the others have lost their souls.
The collision turns lethal when a man stands inside it. Billy Martin, angry at something Cohn had written, told two writers it was a shame Cohn had not been killed with the other six million. Here two hero systems met at the seam, the Jewish writer who counts by facing up and keeping the code against the manager who reached for the gas chambers to settle a press-box grudge. Cohn took the wound and made it into an artifact. That is the move under all his moves.
Because action, his sacred thing, is the most perishable thing there is. The game ends at the final gun. The player retires. The body fails. Walsh died of his leukemia. Steve Young (b. 1961) took a hit that ended his career. The men Cohn covered carry degenerative disease in their skulls from the collisions he watched and described. A man cannot build an immortality project on the live position, the firefight, the game, because all of it dies the instant it happens. So how does Cohn, who fled the still library straight into the most perishable arena in the culture, get anything to last? His answer is the voice. The byline. The recognizable self pressed onto the world, four times a week, in a tone no other man owns. Becker called the deepest version of the project the causa sui wish, the dream of fathering oneself, of being one’s own author. Cohn began as That Asshole to the writers who had served their time, and he ended, by his own account, as just plain Lowell Cohn. The name became the achievement. He authored the man who carried it.
He tells you he never wanted posterity, only the action, the daily hit, the rush four times a week. Becker might answer that the renewable hit is the immortality project taken in installments, significance drawn down a day at a time so the man never has to sit still long enough to feel the half-light closing. And note what the man who disclaimed the monument did with his hands. He wrote Rough Magic, and a quarter century on he wrote Gloves Off, the book whose first commandment is never to be boring, the volume that gathered the perishable columns and the untold stories and fixed them between covers with a spine and a copyright and a year. The hedge against the trash can. The thing that does not line the birdcage on Wednesday.
Return to the platform. The byline soared and the body heaved, and the orange streaks ruined twenty dollars of blue wool, and he dropped the tie in the trash and rode home and said nothing to his father about it. He had given the right account of himself without knowing it. The made thing on the shiny paper was the part of him the D train and the grave could not reach. His stomach, which knew only that the alarms were ringing, could not tell which kind they were.

The Voice

The signature is collision. High diction and gutter diction in the same breath, and the joint between them doing the work. He took a doctorate on Conrad and he writes “schlubs” and “doinkers” and “pissed off.” He sets Homer beside punchball, Saul Bellow (1915–2005) beside a 215-pound quarterback getting crushed from behind, the Marquess of Queensberry beside a guy getting knocked down while the ref counts to ten. The man who can hear Malamud’s Brooklyn cadence in his own sentences also names a manager’s tantrum a tantrum and a slur a slur. He does not modulate from the literary register down to the vulgar one. He keeps both live at once, and the friction is the joke and the seriousness both.
Under the diction sits a hard, stripped syntax. Short declaratives. Fragments deployed on purpose, never by accident. “Whispering now.” “An admission.” “Schlubs.” “Really?” He told me his Stanford professor once marked a Dickens paper to say the sentences ran too short and too abrupt, and that years later the same man wrote to say he loved the prose. The abruptness the academy faulted became the instrument. Brian Murphy, his colleague at Santa Rosa, says he read Cohn and wondered why his own sentences came out longer and more cluttered. Cohn strips. He cuts to the bone and trusts the bone. When he wants weight he gets it by withholding, not by adding, the way a fighter sets up the knockout by jabbing.
The rhythm is New York, and he says so. He grew up where people were verbally assertive, where you stood your ground or you were a punk, and the page keeps the playground in it. He likes antithesis. The set piece he is proudest of, the Billy Martin column, is built as a compare-and-contrast, Manager One against Manager Two, a form he names as the high-school English exercise it is, and he runs it straight, one clean parallel after another, the bubble-gum crisis, the balanced diet, the food table thrown over, each line a left and a right. He thinks in oppositions. He stages them.
He thinks like his father’s son, which is to say like a lawyer building a case. Watch the boxing chapter. He does not assert that boxing is safer than the genteel sports. He marshals it. Five hundred ring deaths since 1884. Thirty-five hundred drownings a year. Eight hundred dead on bicycles in 2016. The CTE numbers, the suicides, Duerson, Easterling, Seau. He stacks the evidence and then turns to the do-gooder and asks why he picks on boxing. The rhetoric is forensic. He read cases aloud to a blind attorney and learned to win an argument by burying it in fact, then closing with a question the other man cannot answer.
The withholding is structural, not only verbal. He builds suspense and springs it. The Conrad story sits on a ten-minute meeting whose meaning arrives years later in a press box, when a friend confesses that the editor disliked him because the editor disliked Joseph Conrad. The dying-Walsh chapter sits on a phone ringing on a coast highway. He plants the reveal and walks you to it. And the deepest version of the move is the unsaid itself, the stories he refused to write, a whole ethic built on apophasis, on the power of what a man declines to put on the page.
He ends on the kicker. He told me the pleasure of the work is planning the first sentence and then working toward an ending he hopes is a zinger, and he means it as craft, not vanity. The endings land like a closed fist. Iggy, after the whole tender afternoon with Steve Young, says, “I wish Steve was my dad.” Frank Robinson, looming over him in a dead-quiet clubhouse, demands to know whether he is Manager One or Manager Two, then throws back his head and laughs, and Cohn tells you the laugh meant one thing about Billy Martin and lets you supply the word. He trusts the reader to take the last step. The kicker works because the prose before it stayed flat and plain, so the turn has somewhere to turn from.
Repetition is his hammer when he wants no subtlety at all. A reporter must never call the man he covers by a nickname. “Never. Never. Never.” He repeats to foreclose argument, the way a man raises his voice not to persuade but to end the discussion.
Now set the spoken voice next to the written one, because they rhyme. On the phone in 2008 he was fluent, fast, organized, a man who says there is a cause-and-effect machine in his head, ask a question and the answer comes. He performs the persona he describes for radio and television: verbal, colloquial, passionate, funny, informed. But the same instincts run underneath. He makes fine distinctions in conversation the way he makes parallels on the page, the reporter against the columnist, the connected columnist against the stylist, categories drawn with a debater’s care. He frames experience as moral question. He hedges where honesty requires it, “this is a hard one and I’ll do the best I can,” and then he gives the unflattering answer about himself, calls his younger self shmucky, admits his own complicity in his fall. The self-deprecation is the Jewish move he names as his inheritance, the irony turned first on the self so it can be turned on everyone else with a clear conscience.
And the toughness in both registers comes with the tell. He stares down Kevin Mitchell, he shouts the question at the rude coach, he rips a man and shows his face, and then he tells you his palms sweat and his stomach turns and he hates it and does it anyway. That is the whole voice in one gesture. The hard surface, and one honest line admitting the cost underneath. He buys the right to the wallop of feeling, as Murphy puts it, by being so unsentimental everywhere else. The economy is the ethic. He earns the soft moment by refusing it almost every other time.

The Buffered Columnist: Charles Taylor’s Frame and the Disenchantment of Lowell Cohn

He keeps saying it, and the insistence is the data. He tells me he burned off his love of sports by twenty and has not been a fan since his early twenties. He keeps sports out of the house. There is a football game on tonight and he is talking to me instead, not watching, because watching is what he does all day for work. He is passionate about writing, he says, and he would be passionate writing about anything. Not the Niners. Not the Giants. The sentence. He covered the 1985 World Series and felt nothing about who won. The question for him was never which team but whether the assignment gave him room to write.
Charles Taylor (b. 1931) gives us the language for what Cohn is announcing. In A Secular Age Taylor draws the contrast between two ways a self can stand in the world. The porous self lives open to forces outside it. Meaning comes at it from without, from spirits, from charged objects, from a cosmos that can enchant or possess or bless. The line between inside and outside runs thin, and the world can get in. The buffered self has sealed that boundary. Meaning lives inside the mind, conferred by the self, and the world out there is disenchanted, neutral, a field of objects the buffered self surveys from behind glass. Taylor’s claim is that the modern West underwent a long migration from the first condition to the second, and that the buffered self is the achievement and the loss of that passage. The buffered man is invulnerable to the old enchantments. He is also cut off from them.
The stadium is the last enchanted ground in secular life. This is the thing to hold onto. When the churches emptied, the charged feeling did not vanish; it went looking for somewhere to live, and it found the arena. The fan is the porous self preserved in amber. He paints his face. He believes the result turns on whether he wears the jersey. He grieves a loss in his body and carries it for a week. The team is the totem, the crowd is the congregation, and the meaning floods in from outside, from the field, from the charged event, exactly as Taylor says meaning once flooded the porous self from a cosmos full of spirits. Mike Singletary stands at his introduction and says God will lead him where he needs to go. That is a porous man speaking, a man who feels the sacred running through the game and into his own fate.
Cohn sits in the press box and feels none of it. He has built the wall. He approves, in print, when Bill Walsh (1931–2007) answers Singletary’s piety by saying God has more important things to attend to than a football team. The remark is buffered to the bone. It re-draws the boundary the fan keeps dissolving, sets the game back out there as a neutral object, and refuses to let the transcendent leak in through the scoreboard. Cohn relishes it because it is his own posture given by another man. The thing on the field is just a thing. Meaning is what the writer brings to it from inside.
Cohn’s buffering is not the default modern condition. It is labor. He achieved it, and he can name the year. The boy in Flatbush was porous. New York held the Yankees, the Dodgers, the Giants, the football Giants, the Knicks, the Rangers, and it appealed to the child and the adolescent the way enchantment appeals, from outside, taking him over. He wanted to be a Brooklyn Dodger and play at Ebbets Field. The world got in. Then the Dodgers left for Los Angeles, and he was not much of a ballplayer, and the love burned off by twenty, and the wall went up. Taylor’s grand civilizational migration runs in miniature through one man’s twenties. Cohn disenchanted himself. He performed on his own sports the thing modernity performed on the cosmos, and the insistence you keep hearing, I am not a fan, I feel nothing, is the buffered self guarding the boundary it paid to build.
He even tells you what the wall is for. He covers sports, he says, because the stakes are simple, so there is nothing he cannot understand, and he can give his whole attention to the writing. Disenchantment is the precondition of the craft. The fan cannot see the game because the meaning pouring in from outside blinds him; he is too possessed to observe. The buffered columnist sees everything because he is sealed against the flood. He watches Walsh not as a genius to be worshipped but as an anxious, perfectionist man under pressure, a character to be rendered. Worship would fog the glass. Cohn keeps it clean. The price of the clear sight is the dead feeling, and he pays it gladly, because for him the feeling was never the point. The artifact was the point.
Taylor’s second move is the one that complicates the man. The buffered self, he argues, secures its invulnerability at a cost, and the cost is a haunting. Sealed against the enchanted world, the modern self feels at times that something has been lost, that the disenchanted field is flat, and it goes looking, often without admitting it, for re-enchantment by other doors. Watch where Cohn’s sealed-off feeling goes. It does not disappear. It migrates. It leaves the team and reattaches to the writing, and there the language turns frankly sacred. He throws up on the DeKalb platform from sheer happiness over a byline. He calls the lobby of the Niners’ headquarters a cathedral and means it. He describes the act of composition in terms a porous man would use for prayer: the first sentence, the alliteration heard in the head, the working toward an ending, the exhilaration at the artifact. The enchantment he evicted from the stadium took up residence at the desk. He is not a fan of the Niners. He is a devotee of the sentence. The porous opening did not close. It moved.
He is buffered against the team and porous toward one tribe. Every spring he scans the class roster for Jewish names. Of every man he meets he asks, is he Jewish. The us-and-them his parents inculcated runs in him still, an identity that comes from outside and takes him in, a belonging he did not author and cannot wall off. He feels nothing when the Royals beat the Cardinals. He felt the Billy Martin slur in his body, phoned the second writer, confirmed it, carried it. The buffering is selective. He sealed the boundary against the enchanted arena and left one gate open to the enchanted people. Taylor would say this is how buffering tends to work in practice. The wall is never total. The modern self chooses where the world may still get in, and Cohn chose his blood and his craft and locked out the rest.
Now run the word across the hero systems, because feeling nothing for the team means one thing in the press box and another everywhere else, and the porous-buffered axis is exactly what separates them.
The supporter on the Kop at Anfield would hear Cohn’s confession as a kind of soullessness. For him porousness is the whole good. You are born to the club, you do not choose it, you cannot leave it, your father stood on the same terrace and your son will, and the meaning floods up from the pitch and binds the crowd into one body. To be buffered against that is to be dead to the only thing the game is for. He would pity Cohn. A man at the match who feels nothing has missed his life.
The professional gambler sits at the other wall entirely. He is more buffered than Cohn, and proud of it. The fan’s porousness is, to him, the mark he preys on. Feeling is leakage, and leakage is how you lose money. He wants no team, no jersey, no totem, only the number and the edge. He would hear Cohn’s “I feel nothing” as the beginning of wisdom and then ask why Cohn stopped halfway, why the man let the sentence enchant him when the disciplined move is to be sealed against that too.
The Carthusian in his cell is porous in the direction Cohn refused. He has buffered himself against the world precisely so that he may be open to the one thing Cohn locked out, the transcendent itself. He has emptied the self of the world’s noise to let God in. He and Cohn perform the same gesture, the sealing of the boundary, toward opposite ends. Cohn seals out the sacred so the work stays clear. The monk seals out the work so the sacred stays clear. Each would find the other’s wall built backward.
The political organizer needs the porousness and engineers it. He knows the buffered citizen, surveying the world from behind glass, will never march. He wants the crowd that feels the cause flood in from outside and take it over, the very condition the fan reaches at the stadium, redirected at power. To him Cohn’s detachment is not a craft virtue but a civic failure, the disease of the man who watches and will not be moved, who files the column and drives home and pours the wine while the world he reported on stays exactly as it was.
So the same flat sentence, I am not a fan, I feel nothing for the teams I cover, fans out into four verdicts. To the supporter it is soullessness. To the gambler it is half-finished wisdom. To the monk it is a wall built toward the wrong eternity. To the organizer it is the citizen who will not rise. Taylor’s point holds under all of them. The buffered and the porous are not two readings of one experience. They are two ways of standing in the world, and a man’s whole estimate of another man’s life turns on which one he has built himself into.
Cohn built the wall young, on purpose, and can date it. He keeps the receipts and shows them to anyone who asks, because the buffering is the thing he is proudest of, the discipline that lets him see what the worshippers cannot. He is not a fan. He severed that line by twenty. But the feeling he cut off the team did not die. It went to the sentence and to the tribe, the two gates he left open in the wall, and through them the enchanted world still gets in. He keeps sports out of the house. He cannot keep the writing out, and he never tried to keep out the question, asked of every stranger, the oldest porous reflex he owns: is he one of us.

Showing Your Face: Erving Goffman and the Performances of Lowell Cohn

He tells you the backstage. That is the first thing to see, because it breaks the frame before the frame can settle. Erving Goffman (1922–1982) built his account of social life on a wall between two regions, and the wall is supposed to hold. In The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life he gives us the front region, where a man stages a performance for an audience and sustains the impression the part requires, and the back region, the place behind the scenes where the performer drops the role, repairs the costume, and prepares the next show. The whole apparatus of social order depends on the audience never getting back there. The waiter who is gracious at the table curses in the kitchen, and the restaurant works because the two rooms stay sealed. Cohn unseals them. He stares down Kevin Mitchell at the batting cage, tells him a punch will cost him his house, wins the man’s respect, and then he turns to the reader and says his palms were sweating, his stomach was churning, he hated it, he did it anyway. He walks you into the kitchen on purpose. The performer narrates his own backstage, which means we are dealing with a man who has read the script Goffman wrote and decided to perform the reading of it.
Start with the front he built, because he can describe it from the outside, and that exteriority is itself the tell. Ask him what he learned from radio and television and he hands you the persona as a finished object: verbal, colloquial, passionate, funny, informed, bright. He says there is a cause-and-effect machine in his head, ask a question and the answer comes. A man does not describe his own spontaneity as a machine unless he has stepped outside it and watched it run. Goffman’s term is dramatic realization, the work a performer does to make the part legible, to project the self the situation calls for so the audience reads it without effort. Cohn is a master of dramatic realization who can name the technique while he uses it. The press-box persona, the tough fair guy looking for no favors, is a front in Goffman’s exact sense, a standardized expressive equipment he puts on to do the job, and he knows it is equipment.
The Sals are where he learned the dramaturgy, though he files it under courage. Reread the playground. Big Sal and Little Sal put him in a headlock, he gave up, and then they went back to stickball, and when outsiders came around the Sals defended him. What did the beating teach? Not how to win. He always lost. It taught him how to perform not-flinching in front of an audience whose regard was the only prize. Standing your ground is a show staged for witnesses. He says so without saying so when he describes the adult version. You rip a man in print, and then, this is the load-bearing part, you make yourself available, you show your face, you walk up to him and ask whether he has anything to say. The ripping is not the performance. The showing of the face is the performance. Anyone can write the hard column from a safe desk. The honor is dramaturgical, enacted in the body, in the press box, in front of the other writers and the player, because a front that is never tested in person reads as a bluff. He tells you the athletes and writers know who does it and who doesn’t. They are the audience grading the performance, and the grade is your standing in the house.
And here Goffman shows us the distinction between the self as performer and the self as character. The character is the tough guy the audience sees, coherent, unafraid, the man who fronts Kevin Mitchell down. The performer is the nervous creature backstage who assembles that character at the cost of sweat and dread. Most men want the audience to believe the character is the whole truth, that there is no performer behind it, no labor, no fear. Cohn does the opposite. He exhibits the performer. He shows the seams. The sweaty palms are not a confession that slipped out; they are the second act of the same performance, and they raise the value of the first. Anyone can be fearless if he feels no fear. To feel the fear, name it, and show your face anyway is a harder and higher role, and Cohn knows the harder role plays better. The backstage disclosure is front-region work. He has turned the dressing room into part of the stage.
The Manager One column is the purest case, a front built to be seen through. Billy Martin said it was a shame Cohn had not been killed with the other six million. Cohn answered not with a frontal column but with a compare-and-contrast piece, an unnamed Manager One against an unnamed Manager Two, the bubble-gum crisis, the balanced diet, the food table thrown over. Goffman would call the anonymity a piece of stagecraft that lets two incompatible definitions of the situation coexist. The surface front, this is a tidy high-school essay about two managers, preserves the decorum of the page. The real performance runs underneath, legible to every reader in the Bay Area, who knew which manager threw the food and which kept his dignity. Cohn maintains the line of the polite front while delivering the unmistakable hit, and the pleasure for the reader is precisely the seeing-through, the shared knowledge that the front is a front. Then he stages the payoff in person. Frank Robinson walks fast across a dead-quiet clubhouse, looms over him, demands to know whether he is Manager One or Manager Two, and Cohn, instead of answering, tells him to work it out for himself. The room is the theater. The team is the audience. And Robinson’s laugh, when it comes, is the audience ratifying the performance, the loudest laugh filling the clubhouse, which Cohn reads for us as one verdict on Billy Martin. The scene works as theater because everyone present is performing for everyone else, and Cohn narrates it as a man who knows he is both in the play and reviewing it.
Now his central professional distinction, reporter versus columnist, which Goffman lets us see as a difference in what self each man is licensed to perform. The reporter, in Cohn’s account, gets the facts, lands the scoop, delivers what goes on behind the scenes. His front is impersonality. The performance the role demands is the suppression of self, the reporter as a clear pane the news passes through, and his standing rises with his sources and his accuracy, not his voice. The columnist performs the opposite self. The whole license of the role is the imposition of a self onto the material, the voice, the tone, the having of one’s say. Cohn says it plainly: he became a columnist rather than a fiction writer because what comes naturally is his voice imposed on life. Two roles, two grants of permission, two definitions of what a working self may show. He locates himself, with a debater’s care, inside the small elite category where personality is not a leak but the product. The reporter who let his self show would be failing his role. The columnist who hid his self would be failing his. Goffman’s point is that there is no neutral self underneath, only the role and its license, and Cohn has chosen the role whose license matches the performer he wants to be.
The frame also catches the thing he is proudest of concealing, the doctorate. He took a Ph.D. on Joseph Conrad (1857–1924) and the other writers called him an impostor for it. Goffman wrote about exactly this, the discrediting fact a performer must manage, the stigma backstage that would spoil the front if it got loose. Cohn’s stigma was prestige in the wrong currency, the seminar room in a trade that honored dues paid covering high schools. So he manages it. He does not flaunt the degree. Nobody calls him Doctor, he says, and it almost never comes up. He keeps the Conrad backstage and performs the plain tough guy out front, and the management is so deft that the discrediting fact becomes, in Gloves Off, a charming story rather than a liability, the man who didn’t get the Sports Illustrated job because an editor disliked Conrad. He has taken the spoiled identity and restaged it as an anecdote. That is impression management at the highest level, the performer converting his own backstage stigma into front-region material.
Run the key term across the hero systems, because showing your face means one thing in the press box and something else entirely wherever the stage is set differently, and Goffman insists the meaning lives in the staging.
The geisha performs a self so refined that the performer must vanish without trace. Her whole art is the seamless front, the years of training spent erasing every seam, so that the character holds and the labor never shows. To her, Cohn’s exhibition of the backstage, the sweaty palms, the named dread, would be a botched performance, the artist letting the audience see the work. Where Cohn raises his value by showing the seams, she would lose everything by it. The disclosure that reads as integrity in Brooklyn reads as failure in Gion.
The Method actor goes further than Cohn in one direction and disappears in the other. He wants no line at all between performer and character; he summons real grief to play grief, he lives the part backstage so there is no backstage. To him the press-box tough guy who can describe his own persona as a cause-and-effect machine is a mere technician, a man doing indication rather than living truthfully. Cohn’s exteriority, the very thing that lets him manage his front so well, would strike the Method man as the proof that Cohn never really felt any of it, that the whole performance is calculation. What Cohn calls craft, the actor calls lying.
The trial lawyer, Cohn’s blind father among them, performs for a jury under rules that forbid certain backstage disclosures absolutely. He may never show the jury his doubt about his own client. The front of conviction is mandatory, and a glimpse of the performer behind it can lose the case. He would admire Cohn’s command of the room and recoil from the self-exposure, because in his theater the showing of the backstage is not honor but malpractice. The father who taught the son to act so he could live with himself worked a stage where the second self must stay hidden by law.
The confessional poet stages the reverse of all of them. For her there is no front worth keeping; the backstage is the only material; the performance is the public display of the raw interior the others labor to conceal. She would hear Cohn’s sweaty-palms disclosure as too controlled, too instrumental, a tough guy releasing exactly one calibrated drop of vulnerability to buy credibility for the hard surface, withholding the rest. To her the honest move is to tear the front down entirely. To Cohn that would be dancing naked for no purpose. He shows the seam, not the wound, and shows even the seam on his own terms.
So the same act, showing what is behind the performance, fans into four verdicts. To the geisha it is a botched front. To the Method actor it is proof the feeling was fake. To the lawyer it is malpractice. To the confessional poet it is cowardice dressed as candor. Goffman holds them together by refusing to ask which self is real. There is no self under the performance to be real or fake. There is the role, the license it grants, the audience that grades it, and the region where the man prepares. Each of these performers stands in a different theater, and the same gesture changes meaning entirely when the house lights are arranged differently.
Return to the batting cage. Cohn fronts Kevin Mitchell down, and Jeffrey Leonard, the witness, runs over grinning and says he loves this. Cohn agrees he loves it. Goffman would note that Leonard is the audience and the line is the review, the player certifying that the writer played the scene correctly, after which the two can do business. But hold onto the deeper move, the one that makes Cohn unusual as a subject. He does not give us the scene as a participant who felt it. He gives it as a man who staged it, watched himself stage it, and is now restaging it for us a third time on the page, with the backstage piped in, the sweat and the five-foot-seven and the memory of the Sals folded into the account. He is the performer, the character, and the critic at once. Cohn built the stage, set the wall between the regions, and then opened a door in it and invited the audience to look through, because he understood before any theorist told him that a man who shows you his backstage on his own terms has performed the most convincing front of all.

That Asshole: Pierre Bourdieu and the Field Position of Lowell Cohn

He arrived with the wrong money. Pierre Bourdieu (1930–2002) taught that every social world is a field, a structured space of positions organized around a stake the players agree is worth fighting for, and that a man’s place in the field depends on the capital he holds and whether that capital is the kind the field recognizes as legitimate tender. Capital comes in species. Economic capital is money. Cultural capital is the learning, the credentials, the acquired competence a man carries in his head and his manner. Social capital is the network, the people who will take your call. And each field sets its own exchange rate, decides which species buys position and which counts for nothing. Cohn walked into sports journalism in 1979 holding a Stanford doctorate in English literature, a fortune in one currency and counterfeit in this one. The field had no window where he could change it at par. So the other players named him, and the name was That Asshole.
The name is not an insult. It is a ruling, and Bourdieu lets us read it as one. The journalistic field of that era had a settled law of legitimate accumulation, a recognized path by which a man earned the right to a position. You studied journalism. You covered high schools. You worked the beat, the features, the long apprenticeship, and you rose, and the rising itself certified you. The dues were the entry fee, and paying them was how you acquired the specific capital the field honored, which Bourdieu would call the field’s own consecrated competence, a thing distinct from talent and prior to it. Cohn paid none of it. He converted academic capital straight into the elite slot, the columnist’s chair, the position the lifers spent decades climbing toward. He short-circuited the legitimate path of accumulation. That Asshole is the field defending its conversion rules against a man who found a side door. He grasps this with a clarity that should embarrass the theorist. He says that if he met someone like himself he would think him an asshole too. He concedes the verdict was correct by the field’s own law. He had made a mockery of the system, and the system answered.
The hiring itself shows the field’s structure, because the editor who let him in did it on a logic that only makes sense inside Bourdieu’s account of position-takings. The managing editor hired Cohn for the very deficit the other writers held against him. He wanted an outsider with fresh eyes, a man whose capital came from outside the field, because such a man would write what the consecrated insiders could not. This is the strategy of the heterodox newcomer, the player who cannot win by the field’s established rules and so tries to change the rules, to import an outside standard that revalues his own holdings. The paper was buying disruption. Cohn supplied it, the first column attacking the national anthem, the Raiders called soft and pencil-necked, the questions about haircuts and reading. Each was a position-taking against the field’s orthodoxy, and each made the splash he needed, because he was on a six-month trial and a player with illegitimate capital who fails to disrupt has no other claim to the chair. The face on the city buses is the field rewarding the disruption it hired.
Now the internal map, because Bourdieu insists a field is not one ladder but a space of opposed positions, and Cohn draws the opposition himself with a structuralist’s precision. The good job, the elite category, is the columnist. Below sits the reporter, and Cohn is careful to mark the boundary as one of honor and not merely of function. But within the elite category he splits the position again, and the split is the heart of the field’s economy. There is the columnist who is connected, the man with the sources, who delivers news in his own voice, and Cohn names the holders, Tim Kawakami, Glenn Dickey. That man’s capital is social, the network, the people who leak to him. And there is the columnist who is a stylist, the man whose claim rests on the writing itself, and Cohn names Scott Ostler and locates himself near him. That man’s capital is cultural, the voice, the craft, the literary competence. Two species of capital, two routes to the same elite position, and Cohn knows which one he holds. He says he is not the connected kind. He says he is not good at reporting. He stakes his whole claim on the cultural capital, the style, because it is the capital he actually possesses and the connected man’s social capital is the capital he lacks. The map he draws of his profession is a map of where his own holdings can buy position and where they cannot.
What he does next is the move Bourdieu would call the importation of capital from a dominant field into a dominated one. Sports writing sits low in the larger field of cultural production, a trade looked down on by the literary world Cohn came from. He spends his career hauling the prestige of that higher field down into this lower one. He sets Homer beside punchball. He compares Muhammad Ali to Beowulf and tells you it was not his best. He carries Joseph Conrad (1857–1924) and Bernard Malamud (1914–1986) and Philip Roth (1933–2018) into the press box in his head and lets their cadences run through his game stories. He says the models for his writing never came from newspapers, never, and names instead Conrad, Greene, Austen, Eliot. Bourdieu would read this as a strategy of distinction, the dominated player raising the value of his position by annexing the consecrated capital of the dominant field. Cohn is trying to revalue sports writing upward by writing it as literature, and trying to revalue his own position within it by being the man who can. The doctorate that counted as counterfeit at the hiring window becomes, once he is inside, the very thing that lets him claim the stylist’s chair, because the literary capital nobody would exchange at the door turns out to buy the highest position in the house, if only he can get the field to accept the new rate.
But the deepest of Bourdieu’s tools is habitus, and here the frame reaches the part of Cohn the credentials cannot explain. Habitus is the system of dispositions a man acquires from his earliest conditions, laid down in the body before he can name them, a feel for the game that operates below thought. It is how a class, a place, a childhood gets inside a man and becomes his reflexes, his taste, his sense of what is done and not done. Cohn’s habitus is Brooklyn, and he tells you so without the word. New York made him verbally assertive, he says, a whole population short and tall who stood their ground and talked back, and he fell in with them and it became him. The Sals laid down the bodily disposition on the Avenue L playground, the standing of ground, the taking of the beating, the refusal to be a punk, and Cohn says no class at Lafayette or Stanford ever taught him this, that there is no course in it. Exactly. Bourdieu’s point is that the habitus is precisely what is not taught in courses, what is acquired through practical immersion in a way of life and carried in the body as a second nature. The doctorate is cultural capital, learnable, certifiable. The toughness is habitus, the Brooklyn dispositions that no credential contains.
The habitus turned out to fit the field. Bourdieu says a player thrives when his habitus matches the demands of the game, when the dispositions laid down in childhood happen to be the dispositions the field rewards, so that what feels to the man like nature feels to the field like mastery. Cohn says it himself, in his own language, when he realizes that being with big-league ballplayers was just like being on the playground with the Sals, only a different playground. The recognition is the whole thesis in one line. Sports journalism is a conflict trade built on intimidation, he says, where you stand your ground against athletes and other writers. The Brooklyn habitus, useless for the seminar room he fled, was the perfect equipment for the press box he entered. His feel for the game was literally a feel for a game, transposed. The boy who could not change his academic capital at the door brought a second inheritance the field valued more, a body trained to take a headlock and come back, and that inheritance bought him the standing the doctorate could not.
Run the field’s master concept across the hero systems, because legitimate capital means one thing among sportswriters and something incommensurable wherever the stakes are set differently, and Bourdieu’s whole point is that each field consecrates its own.
The tenured medievalist holds the exact capital Cohn fled, and in her field it is the only money that spends. The doctorate, the monograph, the citation, the peer’s regard, these buy position, and a popular voice buys nothing, may even discredit, because legibility to the crowd reads as the absence of rigor. She would see Cohn’s whole career as a man who cashed out his real capital for the counterfeit of fame, abandoned the field where his Conrad was worth something for a field that called it an embarrassment. What he calls importing literature into sports she would call squandering a scholar on the sports page.
The street rapper accumulates a capital Cohn would recognize from the playground and could never hold himself. The currency is authenticity certified by origin, the credibility of having come from somewhere and survived it, a thing that cannot be bought with credentials and is destroyed by them, because the schooling that builds the medievalist’s capital subtracts from the rapper’s. He and Cohn share the structure, the body trained in a hard place becoming the feel for the game, but the rapper’s field punishes the very doctorate Cohn carries. To him, Cohn’s importing of Beowulf would not raise the work; it would expose the writer as a tourist in toughness, a man performing a street habitus he annotated at Stanford.
The career diplomat trades in pure social capital refined to an art, the network, the discretion, the call that gets returned, the position earned by never making the splash. His field consecrates exactly what Cohn’s field, in its disruptive mode, rewards the opposite of. The diplomat rises by smoothing, by the unwritten understanding, by being background. Cohn rose by attacking the anthem and calling the Raiders schlubs. To the diplomat, Cohn’s whole accumulation strategy, the provocation, the hard column, the made splash, is the squandering of relationships, the burning of the only capital that lasts. What Cohn’s field paid him for, the diplomat’s field would have ended him for.
So the same word, capital, the thing a man accumulates to claim his place, fans into incommensurable currencies. The medievalist’s monograph, the rapper’s origin, the diplomat’s network, Cohn’s voice. None converts cleanly into another. Bourdieu’s hardest lesson is that there is no universal capital, no gold standard behind the local currencies, only fields, each printing its own money and each certain its money is the real one. Cohn felt the truth of this at the hiring window, where a fortune in one currency would not buy a sandwich in the other.
Return to the name. That Asshole was a sentence passed by a field on a man who held the wrong capital and took the right chair anyway, and Cohn accepts the sentence as just. But watch what he says happened after. He established his bona fides, he says, and became just plain Lowell Cohn to the other writers and the players, no longer That Asshole, and then he adds, I think. Bourdieu would seize on the addendum. The transformation from illegitimate interloper to consecrated incumbent is the deepest thing a field can confer, the moment the position-holder is accepted as having always belonged, his irregular entry forgotten, his capital retroactively legitimized. Cohn won that, the field revalued his holdings, the doctorate that read as counterfeit at the door became the stylist’s distinction inside. And still he says, I think. The hesitation is the man who knows the consecration is never final, that a field can withdraw what it grants, that he remains, somewhere in the body that took the Sals’ headlocks, the kid who jumped the queue. The honest note, in your register, is that Bourdieu fits Cohn almost too well for the same reason Goffman did. Cohn is a sociologist of his own field. He drew the map of positions, named the species of capital, located himself among the stylists, and traced his own habitus to the playground, all before any theorist arrived. He did the analysis. What the frame adds is the word for the thing he already saw, that the game he was so good at was a game, and that his gift for it was an inheritance he could no more take credit for than the accent he never lost.

Act So You Can Live With Yourself: Philip Rieff and the Last Honor Man in the Press Box

His father gave him the law, and the law was not therapeutic. Act in ways that are honorable, the blind attorney told the boy who read his cases aloud to him, and live with yourself. Philip Rieff (1922–2006) spent his career charting the moment that sentence stopped making sense to the culture that produced it. In The Triumph of the Therapeutic he argued that the West had passed through a great change in the kind of man it trained, from what he called the man of commitment, formed by a moral order he did not invent and could not negotiate, to what he called psychological man, the late modern self organized around well-being, freed from inherited prohibitions, managing his impulses rather than submitting to a code. The older self lived inside a structure of demands, things a man does and does not do because the doing of them is who he is. The newer self lives inside a structure of options, where the demands have softened into preferences and the question shifts from what is required of me to what works for me. Rieff thought the change was the deepest in the moral history of the West, and he did not think it was progress. Cohn is a man of commitment stranded in the therapeutic age, and he knows exactly where he stands, and he pleads guilty.
Begin with the code, because Rieff insists the man of commitment is constituted by interdicts, by the things forbidden, and Cohn’s code is a structure of absolute prohibitions he did not author. You do not flinch. You do not become a punk. You stand your ground and take the beating and come back. You rip a man and then you show your face. These are not strategies he selected for their results. They are the contents of an inherited order, laid down on the Avenue L playground and in his father’s study, and they bind him whether or not they serve him. Watch the tell: he obeys them at a cost he names. He fronts Kevin Mitchell down with his stomach churning. He shows his face to men he has savaged with his palms wet. The therapeutic self would ask why a man submits to a demand that makes him miserable, and would counsel him to release it, to set a boundary, to choose his own well-being over an archaic script. Cohn cannot hear the question. The demand is not his to release. It is what he is.
The reporter-must-never-say-KD passage is the code in its purest, most archaic, most useless form, and that uselessness is the proof. A reporter must never refer to an athlete he covers by a nickname. Never. Never. Never. When a writer asks Steve Kerr (b. 1965) about Kevin Durant, the writer must say Kevin Durant or Durant, never KD, because KD is too familiar, a presumption of intimacy the reporter has not earned. There is no consequence to the breach. No source dries up, no story dies, nothing in the therapeutic ledger of outcomes moves. The prohibition serves nothing but itself, which is precisely what marks it as an interdict in Rieff’s sense rather than a tactic. It draws a line between the man who keeps faith with the proper distance and the man who collapses it for cheap warmth, and the keeping of the line is its own and only reward. Cohn knows it dates him. He says if this proves he is an old fogey, an old-style man, he pleads guilty and does it happily. The plea is the whole frame in a sentence. He has heard the verdict of the therapeutic age, that his prohibition is a rigidity, a relic, a fussiness about nothing, and he accepts the charge and keeps the prohibition anyway, because to a man of commitment the relic is the self.
Now the moral absolutes, which is where Rieff explains the thing the buffered-self essay had to set down. Recall the problem that frame left open. Cohn sealed himself against the enchanted arena, felt nothing for the teams, relativized the worship the fans poured onto the field. Taylor’s wall accounted for the detachment but not for the one place the wall did not hold, the law he would not relativize and the tribe he would not. Rieff names that place. There are things Cohn will not put to a vote, and they cluster exactly where the man of commitment keeps his interdicts. He left Bill Walsh’s affair out of the book and said the omission cost him a fortune, because an honorable man does not do that to another man. He calls outing a bottom-feeder’s act and never did it. He held the news of Walsh’s leukemia because the dying man asked. These are not preferences he weighed for their consequences. He weighed the consequences and obeyed the prohibition against them, left the fortune on the table, because the interdict outranks the outcome. The therapeutic self has no category for leaving the money on the table out of honor. It would call the refusal a hang-up, a failure to optimize, a man held back by an internalized rule he ought to examine. Cohn examined it. It is a moral absolute. He keeps it.
He even stages his own difference from the therapeutic age and does not see that he is staging it. A friend from Stanford wrote a book arguing that the world had gone morally relativist and that there are absolutes men no longer perceive. Cohn has read it, talked it through with him, and he says he has never once been in a press box where men argued moral absolutism against moral relativism. The remark is meant as a comment on the press box. Read it as a comment on Cohn. He lives among men who never raise the question, in a trade and an age that have dissolved it, and he carries inside him a friend’s whole argument that the absolutes are real and merely unseen. He is the man of commitment who knows he is surrounded by psychological men and who keeps, half-privately, the conviction that there is a moral order they have stopped being able to see. Rieff would say this is the condition of the last commitment-men, not that they have arguments against the therapeutic order, but that they retain, like a faith, the sense that something binding is there, even as the culture around them loses the organs to perceive it.
Cohn is a thoroughly secular man. He says he is not sure he believes in God, that the concept has little resonance in his life, that he works on Yom Kippur and puts up a Christmas tree to please his wife. Rieff’s full account ties the man of commitment to a sacred order that grounds the interdicts, a culture of faith from which the prohibitions descend, and that ground Cohn has largely lost. So he is a partial case, and the partiality is the interesting thing. He keeps the interdicts without the theology. He holds the absolutes and locates their source not in God, whom he doubts, but in the experience of men who confront the same world and must formulate certain rules to live in it. This is the man of commitment surviving into an age that has cut away the sacred root, holding the fruit after the tree is gone. Rieff thought this could not last across generations, that interdicts without a sacred order eventually thin into mere taste. Cohn is the generation where it still holds, where the father’s law still binds the son though the son no longer believes the God who might have stood behind it. He inherited the honor and let the faith go and kept the honor anyway.
The therapeutic age dissolves the tribe along with the interdict, teaches the self to belong by choice and to hold its memberships lightly, available for revision. Cohn’s membership is not chosen and not light. It was inculcated, his word, by a mother and father who had lived through the years of the Holocaust and who handed their son an us and a them he did not select and cannot examine his way out of. Rieff would call this the remnant of the communal self inside the individualized one, the inherited belonging that the therapeutic order is supposed to have freed him from and has not. The man who feels nothing when the Royals beat the Cardinals is bound, before thought, to a people. He kept the one tribe for the same reason he kept the one law. Neither was his to release.
Run the central term across the hero systems, because to live with yourself means one thing to a man of commitment and something unrecognizable to the selves the therapeutic age has trained, and the phrase changes its whole content with the order that gives it.
The wellness coach has built a self on the opposite of the interdict. To live with yourself, in her vocabulary, means to accept yourself, to release the inherited shoulds, to set boundaries against the demands others place on you, to honor your own needs. She would hear Cohn’s father’s law as a sentence of bondage, a man chained to an archaic code that makes his stomach churn, and she would counsel him to examine where he learned that he must show his face to men who frighten him, and to consider that he is allowed to choose peace. What Cohn calls honor she calls an unprocessed wound. What he calls a moral absolute she calls a limiting belief. The same phrase, live with yourself, means submit to the code for him and forgive yourself the code for her.
The jihadi martyr is a man of commitment more total than Cohn, and his totality exposes how far Cohn’s secularism has thinned the type. For him the interdicts descend from a sacred order entire and unquestioned, and to live with yourself means to stand right with God and the community of the faithful, to the point of ending the self for the order. He would recognize Cohn’s structure, the binding law, the prohibition that outranks the outcome, the belonging that is not chosen, and he would find Cohn’s version hollowed at the center, a man who keeps the form of submission while doubting the God who alone could justify it. To him Cohn’s absolutes, grounded in nothing more than men confronting the same world, are absolutes resting on sand, honor without the holiness that makes honor make sense.
The startup founder lives by a code that looks like Cohn’s and inverts its content. He too has interdicts, move fast, take the risk, never coast, and he too holds them against comfort. But his order is therapeutic at the root, organized around growth, optimization, the self as a project to be scaled. To live with yourself, for him, means to have maximized, to have not played small, to have left nothing on the table. And there is the exact line. Cohn left the fortune on the table out of honor and called it living with himself. The founder would call that the cardinal sin, the failure to capture the value that was his to capture, a man who had the scoop of a lifetime and spiked it. What Cohn experiences as the proof he is honorable, the founder experiences as the proof Cohn never understood the game.
So the phrase the father pressed into the son, live with yourself, fans into incommensurable laws. For the coach it means release the code. For the martyr it means die for the order. For the founder it means leave nothing uncaptured. For Cohn it means keep faith with the interdict though it costs you the money and turns your stomach. Rieff’s hard claim is that these are not four readings of one moral life but the wreckage of a great transition, the man of commitment and the psychological man and the variants between them, speaking words that no longer translate, each certain the others have either enslaved themselves to a dead code or freed themselves into nothing.
Return to the law and the man who kept it. Cohn doubts God, works on the Day of Atonement, puts up the tree, and holds, against all of it, a structure of prohibitions he obeys at a cost no therapeutic accounting could justify, traceable to a blind father and two older boys on a Brooklyn playground. He calls himself an old fogey and pleads guilty, and the plea is not rueful. It is the last move available to a man of commitment in the therapeutic age, the open acknowledgment that the culture has a name for him, relic, rigid, old-style, and the refusal to be talked out of the code by the name. Cohn chose, knowing the cost, the smaller and harder life, the chair at Santa Rosa over the clout he had lost, the spiked story over the fortune, the proper distance over the cheap KD warmth. Rieff watched the man of commitment vanish from the culture and mourned him. Cohn is one of the ones still standing, in a press box full of men who never argue the question, keeping a father’s law whose God he cannot find, living, by the only definition he was ever given, with himself.

No Ought Under the Honor: Stephen Turner and the Righteousness of Lowell Cohn

The righteousness comes off the page like heat off a sidewalk. Read Gloves Off and you meet a man who knows what is right, who left a fortune on the table because an honorable man does not do that to another man, who held a dying man’s secret because it was the dying man’s to tell, who answers a slur and keeps a code and pleads guilty to being old-fashioned without conceding for one second that the code might be optional. He does not present these as his preferences. He presents them as oughts, as demands that hold whether or not he feels like meeting them, as a moral order he serves. Stephen Turner asks a flat and unwelcome question of every such order. What is there? And his answer, worked out across Explaining the Normative and the essays around it, is that there is nothing there, nothing of the kind the righteous man believes is there, no binding obligation hanging in the social air above the individuals, no genuine ought over and above the ordinary facts about what particular people have been trained to do and have come to expect and believe will happen. The normative dissolves on inspection into the empirical. Turner would take Cohn’s righteousness not as evidence of a moral order but as the thing to be explained away, and the explaining-away is the essay.
When a man says I am bound by an obligation, the social theorist usually grants that something binds him, some shared norm, some collective ought, and then asks where it came from and how it works. Turner declines the grant. He treats the binding as the report of an experience, not the detection of a fact, and he asks what produces the experience. The answer is always at the level of the individual: dispositions laid down by training, habits of response, beliefs about cause and effect, expectations about how others will react. These are facts. They are the only facts. The further thing the righteous man posits, the obligation itself, the ought that stands behind the disposition and justifies it, Turner says is a postulate, an explanatory entity we do not need and cannot find, smuggled in because the language of obligation flatters us and the language of conditioning does not. Strip the postulate and nothing is lost but the dignity. The behavior remains, fully explained, by the habits and the beliefs alone.
Now run it on Cohn, beginning where his certainty is loudest. An honorable man does not expose another man’s private life. Cohn says this as a moral absolute and stakes the fortune on it. Turner asks what is there. He finds, first, a disposition, a trained reluctance acquired in a particular home from a particular father who told a particular boy to act so he could live with himself, a habit of response laid down before the boy could weigh it, now firing automatically when the situation of exposure arises. He finds, second, a set of causal beliefs, beliefs about what happens to a man who betrays a confidence, what it does to his standing, what it does to his sleep, what kind of man it makes him in the eyes of the men whose regard he was raised to need. And he finds, third, the experience of bindingness, the felt sense that this is not a choice but a law. Turner’s claim is that the first two facts produce the third experience, and that the experience is not a perception of any additional thing. There is no obligation that the disposition tracks. There is the disposition, the belief, and the feeling the disposition generates, which the man then narrates as obedience to a law. The law is the story. The conditioning is the fact.
Take the purest case, the one that should embarrass any account that grants the ought, the prohibition on the nickname. A reporter must never say KD. Never, never, never. Here there is no consequence at all, no source lost, no story killed, nothing in the world that changes if the line is crossed. Cohn experiences the prohibition as absolutely binding precisely where it can point to no result. The Rieff essay took this as the signature of a genuine interdict, an ought that serves nothing but itself and is therefore pure. Turner reads the same fact in the opposite direction and the opposite reading is harder to escape. A prohibition with no consequence is the clearest evidence that there is no ought under it, because there is nothing for the ought to attach to. What is there is a man with a strongly trained disposition of proper distance, formed in an era and a place that drilled formality between writer and subject, firing in a situation that no longer carries the stakes that once trained it, and a feeling of violation when the disposition is crossed. The intensity Cohn brings to KD, the triple never, is not the measure of how binding the norm is. It is the measure of how deeply the habit was laid down. Turner would say the man is reporting the strength of his conditioning and mistaking it for the authority of a law.
The righteousness itself, the heat off the page, becomes under Turner a particular kind of mistake, and naming the mistake is the cruel part. The righteous man feels his oughts as objective, as facts about the world that others are also bound by, which is why he can be indignant when others breach them, why Billy Martin’s slur and Jed York’s silence and the writers who say KD all draw Cohn’s judgment. Indignation is the giveaway. It treats a violated obligation as a violated fact, as if the offender had denied that water runs downhill. But Turner’s deflation says there was no shared fact to deny. There were Cohn’s dispositions and Billy Martin’s dispositions, two differently trained men with different habits and different beliefs about what a man may do, and no normative order standing over both to which Cohn’s indignation could appeal. Cohn experiences Martin as having broken a law. Turner says there was no law, only two conditionings in collision, and Cohn’s sense that the universe itself was offended is the projection of his own trained response onto the world. The righteousness is the conditioning misrecognizing itself as cosmology.
Asked about moral absolutes, Cohn says he is not sure he believes in God and does not know where absolutes would come from, and then he reaches for a ground anyway: men confront the same world, are born and live and die in it, and so they would formulate certain rules to get along, and the Chinese and the Indians and the West would arrive at them independently. This is a man trying to rebuild the authority of the ought after he has knocked out its supernatural footing, and Turner would say the rebuild fails on its own terms. What Cohn has described is not a normative order. It is a convergence of dispositions, an account of why differently situated people might be trained into similar habits because they face similar conditions, which is an empirical story about the production of behavior, not the discovery of a binding law. Cohn thinks he has located the source of the absolutes. He has located the source of the conditioning and called it the source of the absolutes. He doubts God, who might have grounded a real ought, and then grounds the ought in human universals that can only deliver more facts about what people do. The honest reading is that Cohn felt the floor give way under his righteousness and built a second floor out of the same material the first was made of, and did not notice it was the same material.
The Rieff essay let Cohn be a man of commitment, a figure with a moral spine, keeping a real law in a faithless age, and granted him the gravity that picture carries. Turner takes the gravity back. Under Turner there is no commitment in the dignified sense, because there is nothing to be committed to, no order whose demands the man is heroically meeting at a cost. There is a man running a deeply ingrained behavioral program, well adapted to the press box, and experiencing the program as honor because honor is the idiom his formation gave him for describing his own dispositions. The fortune left on the table is not a sacrifice to a higher law. It is the output of a disposition strong enough to override the disposition toward money, two trained tendencies, the stronger winning, narrated afterward as nobility. Turner would call Cohn mistaken about what he is, a thoroughly conditioned man who believes he is a principled one, sincere in the belief and wrong in it.
Run the contested term across the hero systems, because the binding ought means one thing to the righteous man and nothing at all to several of his neighbors, and Turner’s point is that the disagreement is not about the content of a shared norm but about whether there is a norm.
The Kantian moral philosopher would defend against Turner from the opposite side of Cohn, insisting the ought is exactly the thing Turner denies, a demand of reason itself, binding on any rational agent, grounded in the structure of the will and not in anyone’s conditioning. To him Cohn’s honor and Billy Martin’s malice are not two equal dispositions; one conforms to the moral law and one violates it, and the law is real, discoverable, universal. He would hear Turner’s deflation as the abandonment of morality as such, the reduction of duty to habit, and he would hear Cohn’s “men confront the same world” as a clumsy gesture at the universality he could give a proper ground. Cohn the doubter and the philosopher the believer are closer to each other than either is to Turner, because both think there is an ought to be found. Turner thinks they are both hunting a postulate.
The behaviorist stands with Turner and goes past him. To him there was never anything but the conditioning, in Cohn or anyone, no inner law, no felt obligation worth taking seriously as evidence of anything but reinforcement history. He would find Cohn’s whole vocabulary of honor a verbal overlay on a schedule of rewards and punishments administered first by two boys on a playground and then by a profession, and he would not even grant the experience of bindingness the dignity of being an interesting mistake. Where Turner explains the ought away and still attends to how the man narrates it, the behaviorist would discard the narration entirely. Cohn would be a set of trained responses with a talking habit attached.
The mafioso holds a code as fierce as Cohn’s and as consequence-bound where Cohn’s is empty, and he shows what the deflation does to the very idea of a shared honor. Omertà is binding, he will tell you, an absolute, a law a man dies for. Turner asks what is there and finds the same answer, dispositions and beliefs about consequences, much harder consequences than a sportswriter’s, but facts all the same, not a normative order. To the mafioso, Cohn’s honor is a soft and self-flattering thing, talk about confidences and nicknames, no blood behind it. To Cohn, the mafioso’s honor is criminal loyalty mistaking itself for virtue. Each treats his own code as the real ought and the other’s as a counterfeit, and Turner stands outside both saying neither is an ought, that they are two conditionings with different reinforcement and different stakes, each man’s certainty a report of how hard his own training took.
So the binding ought, the thing Cohn was sure he served, fans into incompatible readings that are not even readings of the same object. For the Kantian it is a real law of reason. For the behaviorist it is reinforcement with a story on top. For the mafioso it is a rival code certain of itself. For Cohn it is the absolute he doubts the ground of and obeys anyway. Turner’s hard claim is that the righteous man and the philosopher are chasing something that is not there, and that the honest description of all of them runs through individual dispositions and individual beliefs and stops, with no normative residue left over to explain.
Return to the heat off the page. You read the 2020 memoir and you feel the boil of the man’s righteousness. What Turner adds is the suggestion that the righteousness is the most explicable thing in the book and the least what it claims to be. It is not the radiance of a man in contact with a moral order. It is the felt intensity of a conditioning laid down early and reinforced for forty years, in a man articulate enough to give that intensity the grandest possible name. Cohn would reject the analysis, and his rejection would itself be a disposition firing, the trained refusal to let his honor be called anything less than honor. The truthful close is that Turner does not prove Cohn wrong, because Turner does not deal in proof of that kind; he offers a redescription under which everything Cohn does remains exactly as it was and means something smaller. The fortune still gets left on the table. The face still gets shown. The secret still gets kept. Only the ought behind them goes missing, and the man who staked his life on its being there never feels it leave, because the disposition to feel it there is the very thing that was trained into him, and it fires, righteous and certain, to the end.

The Guild

The set is sportswriters, and the first thing to see is that they are a guild before they are a profession. Cohn names the members and the ranks with a precision that tells you the hierarchy is real to the men inside it. At the top sits the columnist, the elite slot, the man permitted a voice. Below him the beat reporter, the feature writer, the news man, honorable but lower, valued for the scoop and the source rather than the sentence. And inside the elite slot itself a further split that organizes the whole status order: the connected columnist against the stylist. Cohn places the names. Tim Kawakami and Glenn Dickey are the connected men, the ones who always know the day’s real story, who deliver news in their own voice. Scott Ostler is the stylist, the humorist, the man whose claim rests on how the thing is written. Cohn locates himself near Ostler and tells you flatly he is not the connected kind and not much of a reporter, which is both a confession and a status move, since in his private ranking the stylist holds the higher ground.

What they value is dues. This is the guild’s deepest sacred thing and Cohn violated it, which is why they called him That Asshole when he walked into the San Francisco Chronicle in 1979 with a Stanford doctorate and no time served. The honored path runs through journalism school, high school sports, the slow climb, the apprenticeship, and the climb itself confers the right to the chair. A man who skips it has stolen something. Cohn grants the verdict was just by the guild’s own law. The dues are not training in any practical sense; they are initiation, the thing that marks you as one of us, and the resentment of the man who skipped them is the resentment of any closed order toward the interloper who got in the side door.

Their hero system runs on action and the byline. The action is the live event, the deadline closing, the column due four times a week, the rush of the thing in print the next morning and the noise it makes. The byline is the renewable proof that a man counts, his name on the shiny paper, his face on the side of a city bus. Red Smith (1905–1982) sits at the top of their pantheon as the writer’s writer, the short-story man working in sports columns, and Cohn got to sit beside him at the 1981 World Series and asked him what to do when the column would not come on deadline, and Smith told him the Lord provides. Jim Murray (1919–1998) is the West Coast god, the unique voice everyone copied to their own detriment. Jimmy Cannon (1909–1973) is the New York forebear. These are the saints of the guild, and a man’s standing rises as he is measured against them.

The status games run on toughness and access, and the two are different currencies. Access is the connected man’s coin, the sources, the player who leaks to you, the executive who takes your call, and it buys the kind of standing Kawakami and Dickey hold. Toughness is the other coin, and Cohn’s whole account of the press box is an account of how it is earned and spent. You ask the hard question and persist when the room goes quiet. You rip a man and then show your face, walk up to him, ask whether he has anything to say, because the man who hides is marked a punk and can never do business again. Cohn names Tim Kawakami as the other writer known for asking the toughest questions and persisting, which is how you can read the status order off the page: the men Cohn respects are the men who put themselves out there, and the men he quietly does not are the ones who write the rude coach’s contemptuous answers in their notebooks and accept the humiliation. The athletes and coaches grade this game too. They admire the writer who faces up to them and despise the one who can be bossed, and the bond that forms after a confrontation, the respect Kevin Mitchell gave Cohn after the batting-cage standoff, is the currency changing hands.

There is a smaller, internal status game around money and beat-sweetening that reveals the guild’s moral grammar by its taboos. The beat sweetener, the writer who over-praises the people on his beat so they keep feeding him, is the despised type, the man who has sold his independence for access. Cohn is proud he never had a beat long enough to develop one. The independence is the boast. And there is a real prohibition against certain kinds of access-seeking and a real contempt for the writer who is soft because he is angling for something. The Bay Area guild, Cohn says, was considered soft compared to the blunt New York men, and softness here is the cardinal vice, the writer who protects the local team, cultivates friendships, pulls the punch.

Their normative claims are loud and they sit mostly around the unwritten rule. The reporter must never call the athlete he covers by a nickname, never say KD for Kevin Durant or Mooch for Steve Mariucci, because it presumes an intimacy the writer has not earned and collapses the proper distance. The writer must make himself available after he rips a man. The writer must not write the private affair, must not out a man, must not break the confidence, must judge himself by the stories he does not write. These are presented as obligations binding on any honorable practitioner, and the indignation when they are breached, Cohn’s at the writers who say KD, is the indignation of a man who thinks a law has been broken and not merely a taste offended.

Their essentialist claims cluster around two things, the writer’s nature and the political type. On nature, the guild believes some men are reporters and some are columnists, that these are different kinds of men with different gifts, and that the columnist who tries to report or the reporter who reaches for voice is working against his grain. Cohn says reporting is a wonderful thing he is not particularly good at, as if it were a fixed endowment rather than a skill. On the political type, Cohn states the guild’s self-understanding plainly: sportswriters are left-liberal, almost to a man, because they come out of universities and the middle class and the liberal intellectual formation, and a Republican sportswriter is so rare he cannot name one and would never ask. He treats the liberalism as an essential property of the type, a thing that comes with the background, not a set of positions individually arrived at.

The moral grammar, finally, is an honor grammar wearing secular clothes. The vocabulary is standing, respect, facing up, paying dues, not being a punk, not being soft, showing your face, balancing the scales. It is a grammar of reputation among peers and adversaries, of debts that must be settled in person, of a self that is constituted by how it conducts itself under pressure in front of witnesses. It is conspicuously not a grammar of consequences or outcomes; the prohibition on the nickname serves nothing, the story left unwritten costs a fortune, and the men keep both anyway, because the grammar measures a man by his conduct and his independence rather than by what his conduct produces. The deepest term in it is the one Cohn got from his blind father rather than from the guild, act so you can live with yourself, but it translates cleanly into the guild’s own idiom, because the press box is finally a room full of men watching to see which of them will stand his ground and which will write the contemptuous answer in his notebook and call it a day.

My Interview With Lowell Cohn, Nov. 7, 2008

Luke: “How was writing your book?”

Lowell: “The book on Bill [Walsh]. It was exciting because I got to be inside a football team for a season. He was the head coach and he was great. He and I got to know each other very well. I loved writing it. I’m proud of that book.

“When the book came out, he objected to. He felt I had over-exposed him. He said things about me on TV and to other reporters that got reported which burned me up. We did not speak for two years. He wanted a detente but I’m a New York guy and I was pissed off and I did not want to speak to him. After two years, we gradually made it up and were quite cordial by the time he passed away.”

Luke: “What did he say about you?”

Lowell: “He went on the halftime of a football broadcast and they asked him about the book. He said, ‘That book that had been written, I was not a party to it.’ He washed his hands of it. What burned me up is that we signed a legal agreement. He got part of the proceeds. He was a millionaire. I wasn’t. To say you weren’t a party to it wasn’t true.

“He didn’t like confrontation, but I went down to Stanford and I told him we had to talk and I think I yelled at him. I was really angry. He wrote me a note apologizing and I think he apologized because I think he was afraid I’d sue him because what he said was a lie, but of course I never did that.”

Luke: “Did Walsh’s affair with Kristine Hanson hit the news media when it was going on [mid 1980s]?”

Lowell: “Yes. Everyone knew about it.”

Luke: “Was it written up in newspapers?”

Lowell: “No.”

Luke: “Why not?”

Lowell: “Because it was not relevant. His private affair had nothing to do with him as a coach. I know players and coaches all the time who are having extra-marital sex and I never write about it. If I were having extra-marital sex, I wouldn’t think it would be anybody’s business but my wife’s. I’m not having extra-marital sex but it’s a personal, private thing and it is not my business to write about it.

“When I wrote my book on Bill, he used to talk to me about Kristine Hanson. I didn’t put it in my book. I didn’t think it was appropriate. What burned me up about Bill was that he felt I had over-exposed him because I had him three or four times in the book saying ‘F—‘.’ He didn’t like that. He didn’t like being perceived as someone who said ‘F—‘. He was a football coach. He said it all the time. He criticized certain teams, that was in the book, and he didn’t think that was OK. But my God, he told me all about Kristine Hanson on tape and I never put that in. I protected him because I didn’t think it was what an honorable man would do to do that to another man, even if he was stupid enough to say it. If I had put it in my book, I’d probably be a millionaire today because I would’ve broken that news in 1994.

“I haven’t read [David] Harris’s book but I hear he talked to Kristine and it’s in there. Maybe Bill gave him his blessing to do it? But I never wanted to do it because it was not relevant to his going back to Stanford. I just didn’t think it was morally a proper thing to do. So that was a moral absolute.”

Luke: “Why haven’t you read Harris’s book?”

Lowell: “I feel like I’ve read and dealt with Bill’s life a lot. I don’t want to go over his life again.

“Harris never involved me in the book. He called a lot of my friends and asked them questions about Bill, but he never called me about it. He didn’t reach out to me, which I thought was odd considering I know more about Bill than any other sportswriter. So I guess maybe that turned me off. Not maybe, that did turn me off.”

“I almost never read sports books.”

Luke: “What do you think about outing?”

Lowell: “I never have done it…and I thought it morally repugnant.”

“I have to be able to live with myself and think that I am a good guy. That’s what my father always said, you have to act in ways that are honorable and you have to live with yourself. Even if Bill was stupid enough to tell me about Kristine, I was not going to write about it. Sometimes I think, did he want me to write about it? Was there some sort of weird thing going on whereby he thought he could put it in my book, he could show it to his wife and that would be it. I have no idea. I’m not that complicated. But I wouldn’t touch it. The idea of outing seems like a bottom feeder thing to do.”

“If someone is cheating on a marriage, you don’t know the reasons. Why would I get in the middle of that marriage?”

Luke: “Have you covered any court cases starring athletes?”

Lowell: “I don’t think so. One of the things I like about sports is that if you want, it can be a pretty simplified endeavor.”

Luke: “How come you haven’t written more books?”

Lowell: “My dad died in 1988. I wrote a memoir about boxing, my dad and I, but I couldn’t publish it. Then I wrote the Bill Walsh book and for ten years I’ve been writing a novel. It’s a lot of fun to write a novel but it’s hard for me. In addition, I do a lot of writing. I write four columns a week. That takes up a lot of time. Maybe if I weren’t doing that, I might’ve written that but I’m happy to write the columns. I like that kind of work. I like the action.”

The Model and the Obstacle: René Girard and the Walsh Problem

He would not read the book. David Harris had written a life of Bill Walsh, had called many of Cohn’s friends to ask about the coach, and had never once called Cohn, who knew Walsh better than any sportswriter alive. Cohn noticed the omission and let it turn him off, and then he gave a second reason that is stranger and more revealing than the slight. He did not want to go over Walsh’s life again. He had dealt with that life enough. Hold both halves of that, because together they open the relationship. A man does not refuse to revisit a subject he feels neutral about. The refusal is the residue of something heavy, and the pique at not being consulted is the residue of something proprietary. Cohn behaves, around Harris’s book, like a man guarding a wound and a claim at once, and René Girard (1923–2015) gives us the structure that makes the wound and the claim the same thing.
Girard’s argument, set out across Deceit, Desire, and the Novel and Things Hidden Since the Foundation of the World, is that desire does not run in a straight line from a subject to an object. It runs through a model. We want what we want because someone we admire wants it or embodies it, and the model teaches us the desire by having it first. Desire is borrowed, mimetic, caught from another. And the structure carries its own poison, because the model who shows me what to want stands between me and the thing by the same act that reveals it. He is guide and obstacle together. Admiration and rivalry are not two feelings that happen to share a room; they are one relation seen from two sides, and the nearer the model, the faster the admiration curdles toward rivalry. The pair can lock into what Girard calls a double bind, each becoming the obstacle the other must surmount, the two growing alike in their antagonism until the difference that once separated them collapses.
Walsh was Cohn’s model in the exact sense, and the word that proves it is the word both men’s worlds reached for: genius. The football world called Walsh a genius. Cohn’s whole work as a writer was to be the one man who saw through the word to the anxious, perfectionist, insecure creature beneath it. But see what that work requires. To penetrate the genius, the writer must stand close enough to claim a knowledge no one else holds, must cast himself as the intelligence equal to the coach’s intelligence, the only writer subtle enough to render the only coach worth rendering subtly. Walsh prized intelligence and demanded excellence, the very qualities Cohn prizes in himself. The coach became the writer’s measure. To write Walsh truly was to prove himself Walsh’s match in penetration, and so the admiration was never separable from the competition. Cohn wanted to be the man who understood the genius, which is a way of wanting to stand level with him, which is a way of wanting the recognized supremacy in a hard craft that the genius already had.
Now the rupture, where the triangle tightens into the double bind. Cohn questioned in print whether Walsh had lost his edge. Walsh stopped speaking to him. Then Rough Magic came out, built from unusual access, and Walsh went on television and said he had not been a party to it, washed his hands of it, a claim Cohn knew to be false, since the two had signed an agreement and Walsh had taken a share of the proceeds. They did not speak for two years. Read the structure under the grievance. Model and disciple have become rivals over a single object, the truth about Walsh, the authority to define him. Cohn’s book claims that authority. Walsh’s denial tries to revoke it, to say this portrait is not me and you do not hold the standing you claimed. Each is now the other’s obstacle. Walsh blocks Cohn’s claim to have rendered him whole; Cohn blocks Walsh’s claim to govern his own image. The symmetry is the Girardian signature, two proud men each insisting on his version, each refusing to give way, coach and columnist grown so alike in stubbornness that the gap in their stations stops mattering. Cohn says he stayed angry because he is a New York guy. The New York is a costume on the deeper thing. He could not let the model revoke the recognition the disciple had spent fifteen years earning the right to confer.
The reconciliation runs through the rivalry’s own terms, which is what Girard would attend to most. They made it up gradually, were cordial by the time Walsh died, but the peace Cohn describes is not a softening of the heart. He went to Stanford, told Walsh they had to talk, and yelled at him, and Walsh wrote a note of apology that Cohn believes was driven by fear of a lawsuit, since the on-air denial was a lie and the agreement was on paper. The double bind resolves not by the dissolving of the rivalry but by its settlement, the model backing down before the disciple, the apology extracted, the scales balanced in the press-box idiom Cohn carries into every room. Even the making of peace is a confrontation won.
And here is the strand that complicates the picture in Cohn’s favor, the place the frame meets a limit and should admit it. The unwritten story. Walsh told Cohn about an affair, on tape, and Cohn left it out of the book and said the omission cost him a fortune. Set aside the standard rivalry reading, the one where a man ruins his rival, and look at what Cohn did. He held the weapon and would not use it. Girard’s account of rivalry tends toward escalation, blow answering larger blow, the mimetic spiral pulling both men toward mutual ruin. Cohn broke the spiral. He had the means to annihilate the model’s image and chose the model’s dignity over the disciple’s triumph. Something in him, the father’s law to act so he could live with himself, interrupted the escalation the relationship otherwise ran on. The frame lights the rivalry and then strikes, in the spiked story, a thing it cannot absorb, a move rivalry does not predict.
Resist the press-box generalization, because this is where Girard flattens into a template the moment you relax. It is true and shallow to say the press box runs on mimetic rivalry, that the elite columnist’s chair is the object every writer’s desire converges on, that men want it because other men want it, that conferred prestige is structurally scarce and so a permanent engine of rivalry. All of that holds and none of it is about Cohn in particular. His rivalry with the other writers was ordinary, and he won it by the strange route of skipping the dues. His rivalry with Walsh was the one that organized his deepest desire, because Walsh, not the other columnists, was the model who taught him what supremacy in a hard craft looked like. The other writers wanted the same chair he wanted. Walsh embodied the thing he wanted to be. Those are different triangles, and only the second produced two years of silence and a refusal, decades on, to read another man’s version.
Run the borrowed object across the hero systems, because the model means one thing to a man who builds himself by rivalry and something incompatible to men formed otherwise, and the mimetic structure that organizes Cohn reads as disease or as nonsense from a different vantage.
The Zen student is trained to dissolve the very triangle Cohn lives inside. The teaching aims at desire without a model, at wanting that has stopped borrowing, at the self that no longer measures against another and so no longer breeds rivalry. The koan exists to exhaust the comparing mind. To him Cohn’s relation to Walsh is the disease itself, a man bound to another man’s excellence, his sense of his own worth hostage to a rival’s regard, unwilling even to read a book because the comparison would start again. What Girard calls the structure of all desire, the Zen student calls the structure of suffering, the thing to be unlearned. Cohn’s lifelong measuring of himself against the genius would look, from the cushion, like a man who never set the burden down.
The medieval guild apprentice wants exactly what Cohn wants and carries no shame about it, because his world is built to aim mimetic desire at the master without letting it curdle. He apprentices himself precisely to catch the master’s desire, to want what the master wants and make what the master makes, and the system disarms the double bind with time, the orderly succession in which the apprentice becomes a master and the rivalry discharges into a new generation. To him Cohn’s trouble with Walsh is the trouble of a man with no guild to absorb it, a disciple with no sanctioned path to surpass his model, so the rivalry went private and personal and hardened into a silence. The structure Girard finds destructive the workshop finds manageable, given the institution to route it through.
The romantic individualist, the figure Cohn half presents himself as, denies the triangle outright. He told you the conviction had to come from within, that he needed no one to tell him he was good, that he would be a writer on no one’s permission. He believes his desire is his own, original, governed by no model, and he would take the Girardian reading as an insult, would call his admiration for Walsh simple appreciation of a great man and his rivalry a separate matter of professional disagreement. Girard’s reply is that this denial is the romantic lie the great novels exist to expose, the subject’s refusal to see that his most personal desire was borrowed from a model he will not name. Cohn the self-made man is the exact figure Girard says is most deceived about the source of his wanting, and the refusal to read Harris is the lie protecting itself, a man declining to meet, in another’s prose, the model whose hold he cannot acknowledge.
So the model, the borrowed thing at the center of desire, fans into incompatible readings. To the Zen student it is the root of suffering, to be dissolved. To the apprentice it is the proper channel of growth, to be institutionalized. To the romantic it is an illusion he indignantly denies. To Cohn it is the unnamed structure of his deepest professional relationship, the coach who taught him what he wanted to be and stood between him and being it. Girard’s claim is that the romantic denial is the most common and the most false, and that the men who admit the triangle at least see the thing the individualist cannot afford to.

The Charged Room: Randall Collins and the Interaction Rituals of Lowell Cohn

He writes with music playing, and the music is the tell. Cohn says he puts it on to seal himself off from the world, Mozart or the Ramones depending on the column, and that he writes in the morning, alone, in joy. Set that beside the other Cohn, the man who needs the action, who craves the hurricane, who lives for the press box and the deadline and the rush of the thing in print the next morning. Two scenes, two sources of energy, and Randall Collins gives us the tools to see that they are the same economy run in two directions. In Interaction Ritual Chains Collins builds a sociology from the ground Goffman left, from the encounter rather than the structure, and he makes a hard wager about what drives human beings. We are not, at bottom, pulled by ideas or values or interests. We are pulled by emotional energy, and we go where we can get it. The whole of a life, on this account, is a chain of encounters, each one charging the man up or draining him down, and a man moves through his days steering, mostly without knowing it, toward the situations that fill his battery and away from the ones that empty it.
Collins specifies the ritual that does the charging. An interaction ritual fires when bodies are physically assembled, when a boundary marks insiders from outsiders, when the assembled attention locks onto a common object so that each person knows the others are focused on it too, and when a shared mood builds and feeds on itself. Get those ingredients running and the encounter produces four things: a current of emotional energy in each participant, a feeling of solidarity in the group, symbols that come to stand for the group and carry the charge afterward, and a standard of moral rightness that makes defending those symbols feel like defending the good. The key term, mutual focus and shared emotion building through the bodies in the room, is the engine. When it runs high the participants leave lit up, confident, full. When it fails they leave flat. And Collins’s deepest claim is that the energy is not metaphorical. It is the real currency of social life, and individuals are, in his phrase, emotional-energy seekers, drawn down the chain toward the encounters that have charged them before.
The press box is an interaction-ritual machine, and Cohn describes its operation without the vocabulary. Bodies assembled, the writers packed in together. A hard boundary, the credential, the working press, the room civilians cannot enter. A common focus locked tight, the game below, every man in the box attending to the same event and knowing all the others attend to it too. And a shared mood that builds through the long afternoon and crests at the finish. Then the ritual extends past the game, to the restaurant on the road, the bottles of wine, the talk that runs ninety percent on what just happened, why the coach did what he did, the story about the tight end in the hotel. Collins would point at that dinner and say there is the ritual completing itself, the assembled insiders recharging on the shared object, the solidarity of the guild getting renewed over the wine. Cohn felt the charge and the solidarity both, and he also felt, with his usual honesty, the moments the ritual failed, the player giving rote bored answers, the day he calls slumming, the wasted article and the wasted day. In Collins’s terms a failed ritual, attention present but mutual focus and shared emotion never igniting, leaves the participant drained, and drained is exactly the word under Cohn’s slumming.
Now the confrontations, which look like the opposite of solidarity and are, in Collins’s scheme, a higher-energy ritual still. The batting-cage standoff with Kevin Mitchell. The shouted question at the contemptuous coach until the coach, startled, gives the full answer. The walk into the clubhouse where Frank Robinson looms over Cohn and demands to know whether he is Manager One or Manager Two. Collins wrote a whole book on conflict as interaction ritual, and the insight is that an antagonistic encounter, bodies focused on each other, attention total, emotion high, generates enormous energy precisely because the focus is so complete. The fight is the most absorbing ritual there is. And watch what it produces in Cohn’s telling: not lasting enmity but a bond. After the standoff Mitchell and Cohn got along great. Jeffrey Leonard runs over grinning, says you love this, and Cohn agrees he loves it. The LA writers thank him after the shouted question. Collins explains the paradox that puzzles the honor-culture reading. The confrontation bonds the men because it is a successful ritual, a moment of total mutual focus and shared high emotion, and what such a moment leaves behind is solidarity and a charge, even between adversaries, even though the content was hostile. Cohn says conflict often leads to a bond, a way of comparing horsepower, a form of communication. He has described an interaction ritual and called it horsepower.
The Sals are where the chain begins, and Collins lets us read the playground as the first link rather than as the source of a code. The standard reading, the honor reading, says the Sals taught Cohn a rule, stand your ground. Collins would say they trained a disposition by charging it. The boy took the headlock, fought back, and the Sals liked him for it and defended him, and the encounter, total focus, high emotion, bodies locked, left the boy with energy and standing and a place inside the boundary. The ritual rewarded the not-flinching with the charge, again and again, until the response was laid down and the situations that triggered it became situations the boy sought, because they were the situations that filled him. By the time Cohn reaches the press box he is, in Collins’s sense, an energy-seeker tuned to a particular ritual, the confrontation, and he finds in big-league sports a lifelong supply of it. He says being with the ballplayers was just like the playground, a different playground. Collins would say it was the same ritual, the same engine, drawing the same man down the chain toward the encounters that had charged him since Avenue L.
The other frames took action as a value or a flight from the academy’s stillness. Collins reads it as emotional energy, named in the only idiom Cohn had for it. The academy drained him, and reread his description of the drain in Collins’s terms: the deathly still library, the dust motes in half-light, the polite seminar in Henry James. That is a portrait of failed ritual, of a place where bodies assemble but mutual focus never ignites and shared emotion never builds, where the encounters leave a man flat. The seminar is low-energy by design, attention dispersed, mood subdued, no crest. Cohn fled it not because he disliked ideas but because the room would not charge him. And he ran to the highest-energy ritual the culture offers, the live event watched by an assembled, bounded, totally focused crowd, where the shared emotion builds for three hours and breaks at the gun. Action is Cohn’s word for the encounter that fills the battery. No action is his word for the encounter that empties it. The whole arc of his vocation, the turn from the library to the press box, is in Collins’s terms a man steering off a dead ritual chain and onto a live one, toward the situations that gave him the energy the seminar withheld.
Collins distinguishes the energy of the crowd from the energy a man can carry alone, and he has a particular account of the solitary intellectual, the writer at the desk, who runs interaction rituals in his head with absent partners, with the dead, with imagined readers, with the great voices he has internalized. Cohn writes alone and seals the room with music, and who is in the room with him? Conrad. Malamud. Roth. The voices he says are in his head when he writes. Collins would call this an internalized ritual, the solitary man charging himself by mutual focus with the symbols and the dead masters he carries, the music a device to close the door on the actual world so the internal ritual can run undisturbed. The press box charges Cohn through live bodies. The desk charges him through internalized ones. And the second is the one he says gives him the most, the meaning in the act itself, the first sentence planned, the alliteration heard, the artifact at the end. The energy-seeker found, past the crowd, a private ritual that charged him higher than the crowd could, and built a life that ran on both, the live ritual of the arena feeding the material and the internalized ritual of the desk turning it into the thing that lasts.
Run the central currency across the hero systems, because emotional energy gets harvested from incompatible rituals, and the encounter that fills one man flattens the next.
The festival-circuit raver builds a self on the purest mass ritual Collins describes, ten thousand bodies, total mutual focus on the drop, shared emotion engineered to crest together, the boundary of the gates and the wristband, the charge so high it needs no content at all beyond the collective effervescence itself. To him Cohn’s solitary morning with the music and the dead novelists is not a ritual at all but a man alone in a room, the opposite of energy, isolation mistaken for work. The encounter Cohn calls his deepest charge, the raver would call the absence of the only thing that charges, the crowd.
The cloistered contemplative runs the inverse and would indict both of Cohn’s rituals. Her practice aims at the encounter with God in solitude and silence, and she has renounced the crowd’s effervescence as a lower and distracting energy, the very high Cohn chases in the arena. She might recognize the solitary desk as closer to her own condition, the sealed room, the absent partner, but she would name Cohn’s internal partners, the novelists, the symbols of a literary vocation, as the wrong company, the self charging itself on worldly glory rather than emptying itself toward the only worthy focus. Cohn’s whole battery, crowd-charge and desk-charge alike, runs on energies she has trained herself to refuse.
The trial lawyer harvests the same confrontation energy Cohn harvests and inside an institution that licenses it. The courtroom is Collins’s ritual perfected, bodies assembled, boundary absolute, focus total, the adversary across the room, the jury as the charged audience. He would recognize Cohn’s batting-cage standoff instantly, the energy of total antagonistic focus, the bond that can follow combat, the horsepower compared. But his confrontation produces a verdict, a consequence in the world, where Cohn’s produces a column and a bond and a charge and nothing more. To the lawyer, Cohn is an energy-seeker who found the ritual and skipped the stakes, a man who gets the high of the fight without the weight of the outcome.
So emotional energy, the thing every one of these men is finally seeking, gets pulled from rituals that do not convert into one another. The raver needs the crowd, the contemplative needs the silence, the lawyer needs the adversary and the verdict, Cohn needs the arena and then the desk. Beneath the values each of these men professes, the real motor is the same hunt for the charge, and that what looks like a clash of moral worlds is, underneath, men tuned by their histories to different rituals, each drawn down his own chain toward the encounters that have filled him before, each calling the encounter that fills him meaning and the encounter that empties him waste.
Return to the morning and the music and the man writing alone in joy. Collins would resist the honor reading and the commitment reading and the buffered reading and say something flatter and stranger about Cohn. Here is a man whose life can be mapped as a chain of encounters sorted by their charge. The seminar that drained him, abandoned. The playground that lit him, internalized as a lifelong tropism toward confrontation. The press box that charged him through the crowd, sought for forty years. The confrontations that bonded him to the men he fought, repeated by design. And at the center, the sealed room where he ran the highest ritual he had, alone with the dead masters and the music against the door, generating, out of the absent company he carried in his head, the energy he could not get from any room full of living bodies. He told you he writes in joy. Collins would say joy is the name a man gives to the encounter, real or internal, that fills him to the top, and that Cohn spent his life, with more honesty than most, going exactly where the charge was.

The Great Delusion

In his 2018 book, The Great Delusion: Liberal Dreams and International Realities, John J. Mearsheimer wrote:

My view is that we are profoundly social beings from the start to the finish of our lives and that individualism is of secondary importance… Liberalism downplays the social nature of human beings to the point of almost ignoring it, instead treating people largely as atomistic actors… Political liberalism… is an ideology that is individualistic at its core and assigns great importance to the concept of inalienable rights. This concern for rights is the basis of its universalism—everyone on the planet has the same inherent set of rights—and this is what motivates liberal states to pursue ambitious foreign policies. The public and scholarly discourse about liberalism since World War II has placed enormous emphasis on what are commonly called human rights. This is true all around the world, not just in the West. “Human rights,” Samuel Moyn notes, “have come to define the most elevated aspirations of both social movements and political entities—state and interstate. They evoke hope and provoke action.”
[Humans] do not operate as lone wolves but are born into social groups or societies that shape their identities well before they can assert their individualism. Moreover, individuals usually develop strong attachments to their group and are sometimes willing to make great sacrifices for their fellow members. Humans are often said to be tribal at their core. The main reason for our social nature is that the best way for a person to survive is to be embedded in a society and to cooperate with fellow members rather than act alone… Despite its elevated ranking, reason is the least important of the three ways we determine our preferences. It certainly is less important than socialization. The main reason socialization matters so much is that humans have a long childhood in which they are protected and nurtured by their families and the surrounding society, and meanwhile exposed to intense socialization. At the same time, they are only beginning to develop their critical faculties, so they are not equipped to think for themselves. By the time an individual reaches the point where his reasoning skills are well developed, his family and society have already imposed an enormous value infusion on him. Moreover, that individual is born with innate sentiments that also strongly influence how he thinks about the world around him. All of this means that people have limited choice in formulating a moral code, because so much of their thinking about right and wrong comes from inborn attitudes and socialization.

Start with the sentence Cohn might say about himself, because it is the sentence Mearsheimer says no man can truthfully say. I needed no validation from outside. The conviction had to come from within. I would be a writer and admit no impediment, and I needed no one to tell me I was good. This is Cohn’s self-portrait, the romantic individualist, the self-made man, the writer who authored himself out of his own will against a world that had no use for him. John J. Mearsheimer (b. 1947), in The Great Delusion, calls this portrait the founding error of liberal anthropology, and his quarrel is not with Cohn but with the picture of the human being Cohn has absorbed and turned on himself. We are profoundly social beings from start to finish, Mearsheimer writes, and individualism is of secondary importance. We are not atomistic actors who reason our way to our values. We are born into groups that shape our identities before we can assert anything, subjected to an enormous value infusion in a long childhood when our critical faculties are not yet built, and by the time a man can reason for himself the work is largely done. Reason ranks last of the three sources of our preferences, behind innate sentiment and behind socialization, and socialization is the heaviest of the three. If Mearsheimer is right, the man who needed no one is the most thoroughly made man in the room, and the independence he prizes is the last thing about him that is actually his.
Take the value infusion. He grew up in Flatbush in a home where two questions hovered over every encounter, is he Jewish and is he smart, and he says the questions were inculcated in him by his mother and father. Inculcated is his word, and it is Mearsheimer’s mechanism exactly, the value infusion imposed in childhood before the critical faculties can resist. The us-and-them was not a position Cohn reasoned his way to. It was poured into him by first-generation parents who had lived through the years of the Holocaust and who saw Jews as a people apart, and it set before he could weigh it. Watch how deep it runs. Every spring, a grown man, a doctor of philosophy, scans the class roster for Jewish names. Of every stranger he asks the silent question. He calls himself a stereotype for it and says he cannot help it. Mearsheimer would say this is what a socialized preference looks like from the inside, not a belief a man holds but a disposition that holds the man, installed too early and too deep for reason to reach. The independent self that admits no impediment carries, at its center, an attachment it did not choose and cannot examine its way out of, which is precisely Mearsheimer’s claim about all of us.
The toughness is the second infusion, and Cohn names the agents of it. The Sals. The Brooklyn population, short and tall, verbally assertive, who stood their ground and talked back, the people he fell in with until their way became his way. He says it plainly: no class at Lafayette or Stanford taught him this courage, there is no course in standing your ground. Right, says Mearsheimer, because it was not taught as doctrine; it was infused as socialization, absorbed from the surrounding society in the long unguarded childhood, laid down in the body before the reasoning self arrived. Cohn experiences the toughness as his character, the core of who he is, the thing that makes him him. Mearsheimer would say the toughness is Brooklyn in him, the local society’s value infusion wearing the mask of personal nature. The man thinks he is being most himself when he stands his ground, and he is being most his place, most his people, most the social animal Mearsheimer insists we are under the individualist story we tell.
Cohn presents his life as a series of reasoned choices by a sovereign will. He decided to be a writer. He chose action over the academy. He selected his code. Mearsheimer reverses the causation. The choices Cohn narrates as the free acts of an autonomous self are downstream of an infusion that had already set his preferences, and the reasoning came after, to dress the disposition in the language of decision. He did not reason his way to needing action; the restless, assertive Brooklyn temperament needed it, and he reasoned afterward about libraries and dust motes. He did not choose the honor code; it was infused on the playground and in his father’s study, and the philosophy came later to justify what was already installed. Even the great refusal, leaving Walsh’s affair out of the book at the cost of a fortune, which Cohn renders as a reasoned act of honor, Mearsheimer would trace to the value infusion of a father who told a blind man’s son to act so he could live with himself. The fortune left on the table is not the verdict of a sovereign conscience. It is the output of a socialized sentiment strong enough to override the socialized desire for money. Reason did not decide. Reason narrated.
Here the frame meets the moment Cohn nearly becomes a Mearsheimerian and flinches, and it is worth dwelling on because it shows the man reaching the truth and pulling back. Asked about moral absolutes, Cohn doubts God, doubts where absolutes could come from, and then grounds them not in reason and not in revelation but in this: all people confront the same world, are born and live and die in it, and so the Chinese and the Indians and the West would each arrive at certain rules to get along. He is trying to locate the source of morality outside the individual will, in something shared and prior. Mearsheimer would say he got close and named the wrong universal. The rules do not come from men independently reasoning from common conditions, which is still the liberal picture, individuals deducing morality from experience. They come from socialization, from the group’s value infusion, which is why a man’s morality looks so much like his people’s and so little like a conclusion he could have reached alone. Cohn senses that the absolutes are not the products of his private reason. He attributes them to a thin universal humanity. Mearsheimer hands him the thicker and less flattering source, the tribe, the family, the Brooklyn home, the society that infused the values before the boy could think.
Cohn relativized the teams, felt nothing for them, sealed himself against the arena’s enchantment, and would not relativize the Jews. Why does the buffered, detached, self-made man hold exactly one attachment as absolute and inborn? Because, Mearsheimer would say, the tribe is the deepest infusion of all, the survival unit, the group a man is born into and develops strong attachments to and will sacrifice for, and the attachment to it is closer to innate sentiment than to socialized preference, harder still for reason to touch. The teams were a late and optional enchantment, and a buffered modern man can disenchant them. The people was an early and non-optional one, installed at the root, and no amount of secular detachment reaches it. Cohn works on Yom Kippur, doubts God, puts up a Christmas tree, and still asks of every man whether he is one of us. The doubt operates at the level of reason, which Mearsheimer ranks last and weakest. The belonging operates at the level of tribe, which he ranks first and strongest. Of course the belonging wins. It was never up for a vote.
The Ayn Rand individualist is the pure case of the anthropology Mearsheimer attacks, the self as a sovereign reasoning ego that chooses its values and owes the group nothing. To him Cohn’s tribal attachment, the roster scanned for Jewish names, is a collectivist residue, a failure of the self to become fully autonomous, exactly the thing a free man burns off. Mearsheimer would say the Randian is the most deluded of all, a man whose fierce individualism is itself a socialized creed absorbed from a particular subculture, who reasoned his way to anti-tribalism inside a tribe of fellow individualists, proving the point in the act of denying it. Cohn at least knows he is a stereotype. The Randian thinks he escaped.
The career anthropologist who has lived among a people knows in his bones what Mearsheimer argues and would find Cohn’s self-made story quaint. He has watched identity get installed in children, watched the value infusion happen in real time, watched men make great sacrifices for the group and call it choice. He would read Cohn correctly and gently, the Brooklyn boy carrying Brooklyn, the independence a local style of being dependent. But he would also press Mearsheimer where Mearsheimer is weakest, on whether the determination is as total as the order of three sources implies, since the anthropologist has also seen the deviants, the apostates, the ones the infusion did not take, and Cohn, the man who left the academy and the religion and skipped the dues, is partly one of those. The infusion set his tribe and his toughness. It did not set everything. He defected from enough to make the strong reading too strong.
The convert, the man who left the faith of his fathers and chose another, is the living counterexample the strong thesis must explain, and Cohn is a mild convert, secular where his parents were observant. Mearsheimer’s order of three sources has to account for the man who overrode his infusion, and his answer is that conversion is rarer and shallower than the convert believes, that the infused identity persists under the chosen one, that the lapsed man keeps the structure while changing the content. Cohn proves the answer. He dropped the observance and kept the people. He doubts the God and keeps the us-and-them. The convert thinks he chose his way out. Mearsheimer would point at Cohn and say the tribe survived the apostasy intact, that the man changed his beliefs by reason, the weak third source, and kept his belonging by socialization, the strong first one, and that this is what every conversion actually looks like under inspection, a swapped surface over a constant root.
So the social nature of the self, the thing Mearsheimer puts at the center, fans into incompatible verdicts. The Randian denies it and calls Cohn’s tribalism a failure of autonomy. The anthropologist affirms it and calls Cohn’s independence a local style. The convert thinks he overrode it and Mearsheimer says the override was partial. And Cohn lives it without a theory, the self-made man carrying a self his people made, narrating in the idiom of free will a life that ran, if Mearsheimer is right, mostly on infusion and sentiment with reason trailing behind to explain.
What does it mean for Cohn, then, if Mearsheimer is right? It means the romance has the causation backward. The independence Cohn is proudest of, the needing no one, is not the foundation of the man but a style laid over a deeper dependence he did not author. The toughness he calls his character is Brooklyn speaking through him. The code he calls his reasoned honor is his father’s infusion firing on schedule. The one attachment he holds as absolute, the people, is the strongest infusion of all and the truest thing about him, more truly his than the autonomy he claims, because it goes deeper and reason cannot reach it. The self-made writer who admitted no impediment was made, thoroughly, by a Flatbush home and an Avenue L playground and two first-generation parents counting the Jews at the high holy days, and the proof is the grown man at the University of San Francisco, doctorate and all, running his eye down the roster every spring for the names, helpless before a question his parents put in him before he could think, the social animal entire, certain to the end that he had built himself.
Mearsheimer’s order of three sources is a claim about the average weight of the causes, not a law that abolishes the deviant, and Cohn is in part a deviant, the boy who left the synagogue and the seminar and the orderly trade, who took the side door and the strange path, who burned off the one enchantment his whole city shared. The infusion set his tribe and his temper and his code. It did not write his sentences, and it did not make him the rare man who skipped the dues and survived the contempt. If Mearsheimer is right, most of Cohn is socialization with reason trailing.

‘A Big Misunderstanding’

The premise to refuse, Pinsof would say, is the one that makes Cohn sympathetic. Read the bio and the memoir and you find a tempting story underneath them: a man of honor in a fallen trade, a stylist among hacks, a truth-teller who left the fortune on the table because he understood something the beat-sweeteners did not. The story flatters Cohn and flatters the reader who admires him, and David Pinsof would treat that double flattery as the first clue that something self-serving is running the projector. His argument, in “A Big Misunderstanding” and the work around it, is that intellectuals explain the world by misunderstanding, and that this is a racket, because it makes the people who understand things the heroes who fix things. His deeper claim is the one that bites here. Stop confusing stated motives with actual motives. The mission statement is not the goal. Men are hierarchical, coalitional, self-deceiving primates who generally understand what they have an incentive to understand, who pursue status and allies and resources others are deprived of, and who narrate all of it in the language of honor and truth and craft because the narration is itself a weapon in the competition. Run that on Cohn and the man of honor does not vanish. He gets re-described as exactly what natural selection would build, a savvy animal who understood his incentives all too well and dressed the understanding in a code.
Take the thing Cohn is proudest of, the spiked story, because it is the hardest case and therefore the test. Walsh told him about an affair, on tape, and Cohn left it out and says the omission cost him a fortune, and he offers the act as proof of honor, an honorable man does not do that to another man. The sympathetic frames took this at face value as commitment, as interdict, as the father’s law. Pinsof would ask the rude question. What did Cohn actually buy with that restraint, and was it really a fortune forgone? Look at what he purchased. He kept his access to Walsh, the most valuable source in Bay Area football, the relationship that produced his book and his standing as the one writer who knew the genius. He bought a reputation among athletes and coaches as a man who could be trusted with the tape running, which is the most valuable asset a sportswriter owns, because it is what makes powerful men talk to him rather than the next guy. And he bought, decades later, the moral capital of telling the story about not telling the story, the honor of the forgone fortune, banked and spent in a memoir that sells partly on that honor. The scandal would have paid once. The restraint paid for thirty years. Pinsof would say Cohn did not sacrifice the fortune; he made the shrewder investment and then collected the returns in the currency intellectuals prize most, the appearance of being above currency.
The honor code reads, under Pinsof, as a status technology, and the tell is that it tracks Cohn’s interests with suspicious fidelity. Consider which prohibitions he holds absolute. You must show your face after you rip a man. You must never call the athlete by his nickname. You must judge yourself by the stories you do not write. Notice that every one of these is a rule that raises the standing of the man who keeps it and costs his rivals who do not. Showing your face is the move that wins the players’ respect and the other writers’ deference, the horsepower compared, the bond formed, all of it accruing to Cohn’s position in the press-box hierarchy. The nickname taboo marks him as the writer of proper distance against the familiar hacks who say KD, a distinction that elevates him at their expense. The unwritten-story ethic certifies his trustworthiness to sources, which is his competitive edge. Pinsof’s question is whether a code so perfectly aligned with a man’s status interests is a code he reasoned his way to or a code his interests selected for him, and his answer is that we generally understand what we have an incentive to understand, and Cohn had every incentive to understand honor as the precise set of behaviors that made Lowell Cohn formidable.
The righteousness displayed in the memoir, the heat off the page, Pinsof would read as the signature of the self-serving bias operating exactly as designed. Cohn attributes his successes to character and his troubles to others. The decline at the Chronicle was the managing editor who underpaid him and the rivals brought in to diminish him, with a small honest concession of his own complicity quickly folded back into a story of editorial persecution. The independence is innate, the courage is his nature, the standing was earned by facing up. Pinsof catalogs this as the most predictable thing a primate does, the attribution pattern that makes us look like the deserving heroes of our own lives, and he notes that it is not a malfunction but a function, because a man who believes in his own superiority projects the confidence that wins money and status and the benefit of the doubt. Cohn’s certainty that he was the best writer in the press box, the one who brought wisdom and style the others could not, is overconfidence that helps us gain status and convince people we know what we are doing. It worked. The face went on the buses.
Now the buffered-self detachment, the I-am-not-a-fan insistence, which the sympathetic frame treated as hard-won disenchantment. Pinsof would strip the romance and find a competitive asset. The fan is the mark. The fan’s porousness, his enchantment, his loyalty, is the leakage Cohn does not suffer, and the absence of it is what lets Cohn see the players as characters to be rendered rather than heroes to be served. But render to what end? To produce the column that wins the argument about who Walsh really was, that demonstrates Cohn’s superior penetration, that elevates the stylist over the connected man and the columnist over the reporter, every distinction a rung Cohn is climbing. The detachment is not a spiritual achievement. It is the clear eye of the operator who has declined the enchantment that would compromise his product. Pinsof would point out that Cohn tells you the detachment is functional in almost so many words, that he covers sports because the simplicity lets him concentrate on the writing, which is to say on the thing that builds his status. The disenchantment serves the career. The man who feels nothing for the team feels a great deal for the byline.
Cohn relativizes the teams and will not relativize the Jews, scans the roster every spring, asks of every man whether he is one of us, felt the Billy Martin slur in his body. The buffered frame called this the one gate left open in the wall and could not say why. Mearsheimer called it deep socialization. Pinsof would call it coalition, and he would say it is not a sentimental residue but the most strategically rational thing about Cohn, because we are coalitional primates and the in-group is the alliance that protects and advances us, and tracking who is in it is among the savviest things a social animal does. The roster-scanning is not a charming tic. It is allegiance-mapping, the constant low-level computation of who is on my side, run by a mind built to run exactly that computation. And the Martin episode shows the coalitional logic firing hot, an attack on the group experienced as an attack on the self, answered, the scales balanced. The us-and-them is Cohn’s coalition instinct working as natural selection built it, and the fact that he can name it as a stereotype and keep doing it is not honesty defeating bias; it is a savvy animal who understands his own coalitional incentives and has no reason to override them.
Run the contested thing across the hero systems, because the misunderstanding myth means one thing to the intellectuals who profit from it and something incompatible to the men who have no use for it, and Pinsof’s claim is that the believers are running a racket.
The reform-minded journalism professor is the pure carrier of the myth Pinsof attacks, and he would read Cohn as a problem to be corrected. The hacks who write soft, the beat-sweeteners, the writers who say KD, all of it is misunderstanding, a failure of professional norms that better training and stronger ethics codes could fix. Teach the reporters independence, vaccinate them against the capture of access, and you get a healthier press. Pinsof would say the professor has it backward, that the soft writers understand their incentives perfectly, that beat-sweetening is the rational purchase of access in a competition for scoops, and that Cohn’s hard independence is not the norm the others failed to reach but a different competitive strategy that happened to suit a man with literary capital and no beat to protect. There is no misunderstanding in the press box. There are men with different positions playing different hands, and the professor’s reform program is a status play, the educator casting himself as the fixer of a trade that is not broken.
The poker professional shares Pinsof’s anthropology and would recognize Cohn instantly as a fellow operator who tells a better story about himself than the game warrants. He knows that the fan’s loyalty is the leak, that detachment is the edge, that confidence wins pots whether or not it is justified, that the table runs on reading other men’s incentives and concealing your own. He would admire Cohn’s restraint with the Walsh tape as a long-game bluff of the highest order, the player who folds a winning hand once to be trusted with the table forever. But he would laugh at the honor language. To him there is no honor at the table, only expected value, and Cohn’s code is a set of moves with positive expected value that the player has flattered into virtue. What Cohn calls living with himself, the poker pro calls running good and narrating it well.
If there is anyone who truly pursues not-status, who has actually renounced the hierarchy rather than climbing it under a moralistic pretext, it is the man who walks into the desert where no one will see the renunciation and therefore no one can award status for it. Pinsof’s framework predicts he is rare to the point of nonexistence, that even the ascetic is usually signaling holiness to a coalition of the holy. But the category matters because it is the one place the misunderstanding myth might not be a myth, the one self whose stated motive might be the actual motive. And the relevance to Cohn is the contrast. Cohn is not that man. Cohn renounced the fortune in public, in a book, where the renunciation could be seen and admired and bought. The desert father renounces where it cannot be banked. By that test Cohn’s honor is the kind that pays, and the ascetic is the measure that shows it.
So the misunderstanding myth, the intellectual’s flattering story that the world’s troubles come from bad beliefs a clever man could fix, fans into incompatible uses. The professor believes it and sells reform. The poker pro discards it and reads incentives. The ascetic might be the one man it does not apply to, and he is gone into the desert where no frame can follow. And Cohn sits in the middle, a man whose every honorable act, examined for its returns, paid him in the coin Pinsof says we pursue, status and allies and the moral superiority of seeming above all three.

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