The WASP Question Revisited With Professor Andrew Fraser

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I’m Ready To Move To Sydney

I’m making a list of pros and cons for my move.

It’s my first time in Australia since June of 2014 and my first time in Sydney since June 1985.

Not bad with an Australian passport 30 years out of date! Aussie customs held back for half an hour to verify my citizenship and I got told if I wanted to come again without a visa, I needed to get an up to date Aussie passport.

A friend imagines: Luke’s nephew: ‘Uncle Luke is here from America! Wow Uncle Luke, do you have a Lakers shirt or a Dodgers hat?’
Luke: ‘I was going to bring you one, but decided to give you a gift with much higher monetary value. You get up to one hour Alexander technique lesson for half price.’

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Sydney Here I Come!

I’m flying into Sydney Thursday afternoon. My… just asked what is my aussie tax id # so he can employ me in manual labor. I told about him about the riches that come from my emotional revelations on youtube. Burn! I’m not flying to Australia for two months to work. I’m flying to Australia for two months to journal about my feelings while eating mangos and watching cricket. I don’t think I’ve fully unpacked my deepest yearnings yet. Stay tuned! OTOH, if John Updike could write about azaleas, maybe this seminal blogger could broaden his perspective from himself to other forms of life.

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Freud and Beyond: A History of Modern Psychoanalytic Thought

Here are some highlights from this 2016 edition:

* Freud once proposed that normality is defined by an ability to love and to work… an ability to love and to work (Erikson, 1950, p. 264). By this criterion, Mr. Z’s initial analysis might be claimed a success. In listening to Mr. Z five years later, however, [Heinz] Kohut was struck by a crucial missing element in Freud’s formula: the ability to feel joyful and proud of these capacities. Without this inner vitality, the victory seemed a hollow one. Psychoanalysis had offered Mr. Z a more “realistic” orientation, a recognition that his fantasies of specialness were unrealistic, but gave him nothing to replace the spark and the excitement the now-abandoned fantasies of narcissistic grandeur had provided. And, from Kohut’s perspective, the existing theory of psychoanalysis seemed to offer no real way to conceptualize this particular problem.
Freud’s theory of libidinal development—the inverse relationship between self-love and love of others—seemed to Kohut to be in need of reformulation. Is love of self really fundamentally inimical to love of others? Is it in the interest of mental health to abandon as immature a high regard for oneself and a desire for attention and praise from others? And are relationships with others worthwhile if pursued at the expense of loving oneself? Might not good feelings about oneself in fact often contribute a vitality and richness to one’s encounters with others?
…He tried to put himself in his patient’s shoes, to understand the experience from the patient’s point of view. This approach, which he described as empathic immersion and vicarious introspection…

Kohut came to believe the problem was only superficially grasped if it was thought of as “too much” narcissism. The normal development of healthy narcissism, Kohut concluded, would be reflected in a feeling of internal solidarity and vitality, the ability to harness talents and reach steadily for goals, self-esteem that is reliable and durable in the face of disappointments and that allows for expansive pride and pleasure in success. A clinical picture like Eduardo’s documents the disruption of this normal developmental process. Intense grandiosity is coupled with an absence of capacity for sustained effort. Self-esteem vacillates between dizzying highs and horrifying lows; there is no steadying counterbalance to temper unrealistic plans or absorb frustration and defeat…

Children live in a world of superheroes and superforces. At times they imagine themselves totally perfect and capable of anything. At times they imagine their caregivers, to whom they are attached, as larger than life and all-powerful. Consider the terms that traditional psychoanalytic theorists applied to this early phase of development: omnipotence, grandiosity, exhibitionism, archaic idealism . Traditional theory regarded the inflated overestimation of self and caregivers that characterizes the early years of life as shot through with infantile fantasy, as an immature irrationality to be overcome, thereby allowing the development of realistic connections with others and the outside world in general.
Kohut took a fresh look at these early experiences in light of his patients’ narcissistic disorders. What he saw in the world of early childhood was a vitality, an exuberance, an expansiveness, a personal creativity that were often missing in adults who led lives devoid of excitement and meaning, or else, like Eduardo, defensively guarded a brittle, exaggerated self-image that isolated and undermined them. Kohut became interested in the fate of infantile vitality and robust self-regard, the developmental process through which it can be preserved in healthy adulthood or become derailed into pathological narcissism…

How does the child emerge from these childhood narcissistic states? Not, Kohut came to believe, by confronting their unrealistic features. The child who is swooping around the living room in his Superman cape needs to have his exuberance enjoyed, not have his fantasies interpreted as grandiose. The child who believes his mother makes the sun rise in the morning needs to be allowed to enjoy his participation in the divine, not to be informed of his mother’s diminutive status in the universe. These early narcissistic states of mind contain the kernels of healthy narcissism; they must be allowed slow transformation on their own, Kohut suggested, simply by virtue of exposure to reality. The child comes to appreciate the unrealistic nature of his views of himself and his parents as he suffers the ordinary disappointments and disillusionments of everyday life: he can’t walk through walls, her father cannot decree that her soccer team will always win, and so on. In healthy development, the inflated images of self and other are whittled down, little by little, to more or less realistic proportions. Inevitable yet manageable, optimal frustrations will take place within a generally supportive environment. Against this secure backdrop, the child rises to the occasion, survives the frustration or disappointment, and in the process internalizes functional features of the selfobject. For example, he learns to soothe himself, rather than collapsing in despair; he comes to experience internal strength despite defeat. Kohut felt that this process, which he termed transmuting internalization , is repeated in countless little ways and builds internal structure, eventuating in a secure, resilient self that retains a kernel of the excitement and vitality of the original, immature narcissistic states.

* Like the parent, the analyst cannot make the sun come up or protect the patient from the harsh realities of life. So the analyst, like the adequate parent, fails the patient slowly and incrementally, allowing the narcissistic transferences to become transformed (through transmuting internalization) into a more realistic, but still vital and robust, sense of self and other.

* Kohut emphasized the chronic traumatizing milieu of the patient’s early human environment, not the primitive urges arising from within; he described the patient’s anxious efforts at self-protection, not his clever routes for obtaining forbidden gratification. In particular, Kohut’s words repeatedly reveal his deep respect for and appreciation of the patient’s often ill-fated but ever hopeful attempts to keep growing despite adversity, a theme that rarely emerges in the classical literature.

“Just as a tree will, within certain limits, be able to grow around an obstacle so that it can ultimately expose its leaves to the life-sustaining rays of the sun, so will the self in its developmental search abandon the effort to continue in one particular direction and try to move forward in another.”

He saw the intense sexual and aggressive pressures that Freud had defined as basic to human motivation as secondary, “disintegrative by-products,” consequences of disruptions in the formation of the self that may now express attempts to rescue some feeling of vitality in an otherwise depleted inner world. He explored this idea particularly creatively in connection with sexuality, as, for example, in his discussion of the function of masturbation in sustaining a person’s internal experience.

“Since he could not joyfully experience, even in fantasy, the exhilarating bliss of growing self-delimitation and independence, he tried to obtain a minimum of pleasure—the joyless pleasure of a defeated self—via self-stimulation. The masturbation, in other words, was not drive-motivated: was not the vigorous action of the pleasure-seeking firm self of a healthy child. It was his attempt, through the stimulation of the most sensitive zones of his body, to obtain temporarily the assurance of being alive, of existing.” (1979, p. 17)

Similarly, he understood the patient’s aggression and rage in the treatment not as expressing an intrinsic force but as evidence of a legacy of vulnerability. Aggressive denigration could be the patient’s way of protecting himself from the risk of retraumatization inherent in embracing the analyst as selfobject. 6 Bitter fury could be understandably precipitated by the patient’s perception of the analyst’s unreliability, weakness, lack of attunement, when, having entered into a reanimation of this needed selfobject tie, he has become deeply and desperately dependent on its effective functioning. Aggression, for Kohut, was reactive, not fundamental.

* One of the deepest fears stirred up by psychoanalysis throughout its history has been the dread that analysis might destroy both creativity and passion. Many artists have regarded psychoanalysis as a threat to their creativity; they feared that analytic understanding, while relieving their neurotic misery, might also deplete the source of their artistic inspiration. As Rilke put it, “If my devils are to leave me, I am afraid my angels will take flight as well” (quoted in May 1969). Peter Shaffer’s play Equus (1973) explored the concern that analytic understanding of perversion is likely to disperse the wellsprings of passion.
These fears may be unfounded. Many artists have been helped by psychoanalysis, both in their work and in their life. And there is no empirical evidence that we know of concerning the impact of psychoanalysis on artists in general. Yet it is true that classical psychoanalysis was pervaded by a rationalism, objectivism, rigid patriarchalism, and an idealization of conventional maturity (a developmental morality) that run counter to the irrationality or nonrationality that is often intrinsic to both creativity and passion. The very term analysis was employed by Freud and his contemporaries to suggest a breaking up of things into their underlying component parts. Adult passions and compulsions were seen as driven by infantile wishes and antisocial impulses. Classical analytic interpretation had a reductive quality to it, revealing the underlying, conflictual, infantile meanings of adult activities and experience. Further, the classical classical analytic process was marked by a renunciatory spirit: once exposed, infantile wishes were necessarily renounced, so that sexual and aggressive energies could find more mature modes of gratification. In this framework, narcissism—including the self-absorption and grandiose flights of fancy that accompany so much creative production—could only be regarded as self-indulgent and infantile.
A fundamental feature that distinguishes postclassical psychoanalysis is the shift in emphasis and basic values from rationalism and objectivism to subjectivism and personal meaning (see Mitchell, 1993). Winnicott and Kohut were among the most important figures in this movement. In chapter 5 we noted Winnicott’s emphasis on play and the anchoring of authentic self experience in the omnipotence of subjective experience. Similarly, one of the central features of Kohut’s revolution, both in theory and in clinical practice, was the reconceptualization of narcissism from a form of infantilism to a source of vitality, meaning, and creativity. For many contemporary psychoanalytic authors, the analyst’s interpretive understanding is much less important than the reality and personal meaning of the patient’s productions to the patient . In this sense, the basic features of contemporary psychoanalytic thought are consistent with, are reflective of, and have played a role in shaping what many have termed postmodernism. Meaning is to be found not in an objective, rational perspective, but in local, personal perspectives; the value of life is not measured by its conformity with a mature and transcendent vision, but by its vitality and the authenticity of its passion.

* The place of Jacques Lacan (1901–1981) in contemporary psychoanalytic thought is unlike that of any other author. He reigned over French psychoanalysis for decades, and his work is a dominant presence in psychoanalysis both in Europe and in South America. Although his influence on English-speaking psychoanalysts has been minimal, his impact on academia, particularly literary criticism, has been considerable. An enormous industry of explications and commentary has grown up around him; yet there is a complete lack of consensus about what his dense and difficult contributions really mean. His more enthusiastic followers consider him the most important French thinker since René Descartes (Lacan was continually grappling with traditional philosophical and epistemological problems) and compare him favorably to Nietzsche and Freud; his critics consider him deliberately obscurantist, an outrageous showman and stylist with little substance. (It is not uncommon to hear detractors quip about the way in which the psychoanalytic world has been la-conned.)
Lacan entered psychoanalysis through the unusual double route of medicine and surrealism. He lived in Paris, where his friends included many prominent surrealist painters and writers (he was closely associated with André Breton), and he contributed influential essays to early surrealist journals….

Any discussion of Lacan’s ideas necessarily begins with a consideration of why they are so difficult to understand. 4 Several factors are important. First, for the non-French reader, there is the problem of translation. Lacan approaches psychoanalysis through linguistics and literature, and his highly idiosyncractic style of writing and speaking is much more poetic than expository. (Commentators such as Mehlman, 1972, and Turkle, 1978, have suggested that his style was modeled on Mallarmé’s.) According to some commentators, Lacan’s central concepts, like good poetry, are simply untranslatable (Schneiderman, 1983, p. 92).
Second, Lacan was a creature less of psychoanalysis as a clinical discipline and international movement than of French intellectual life. There is no better example than Lacan’s work of the way psychoanalysis in different countries takes on a distinctly national character. Lacan’s presentations were spectacles, filled with the conceptual and verbal gamesmanship characteristic characteristic of the French intelligentsia: sweeping philosophical, political, and literary references and allusions, a contemptuous, combative posturing (the title of Julia Kristeva’s novel depicting the intellectual world in which Lacan lived is, tellingly, The Samurai ), and a complex blend of authoritarian fiat and antiauthoritarian defiance. These translation problems, both of language and of milieu, have left many readers interested in psychoanalysis content to remain, with respect to Lacan’s contributions, among the uninitiated.

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The Least of Us: True Tales of America and Hope in the Time of Fentanyl and Meth

Sam Quinones writes in this 2021 book:

* The spread of this meth provoked homelessness across the country. Homeless encampments of meth users appeared in rural towns—“They’re almost like villages,” one Indiana counselor said. In the West, large tent encampments formed, populated by people made frantic by unseen demons in Skid Row in Los Angeles, Sunnyslope in Phoenix, the tunnels in Las Vegas. This methamphetamine, meanwhile, prompted strange obsessions—with bicycles, with flashlights, and with hoarding junk. In each of these places, it seemed mental illness was the problem. It was, but so much of it was induced by the new meth.
Fentanyl and this new meth were in the interest of traffickers, not their customers. Traffickers had unlimited access to world chemical markets, and the population of American drug users had expanded coast to coast. These drugs could be made year-round, in greater quantities, cheaper and more addictive than anything grown from the ground, and thus could create or shift demand.
Their meth and fentanyl ended the notion of recreational drug use. Now anything could kill or mentally maim. What started as an epidemic of opiate addiction became, as I traveled, simply an epidemic of addiction, broadened by staggering supplies of corrosive synthetic dope.

* Isolation is part of why some people get addicted and some do not. So was trauma. Abuse, rape, neglect, PTSD, a parent’s drug use were as unspoken in America as addiction and as prevalent. The epidemic was revealing this. I also connected the epidemic to consumer marketing of legal addictive stuffs: sugar, video games, social media, gambling.

* Drugs and other addictive substances increase dopamine while reducing serotonin. Desire overwhelms moderation and contentment. This may be why addicts so often suffer from depression—they’re producing less serotonin to promote contentment. It’s why, Robert Lustig said in one lecture, “the more pleasure you seek, the more unhappy you get.”
The reward pathway, finally, stands in opposition to another part of the brain that is also about moderating our me-first impulses: the prefrontal cortex. The prefrontal cortex is just behind the forehead. It is in charge of executive decisions: planning for the future, reining in impulses, delaying gratification, considering others, and learning from mistakes. It connects to the brain’s system of emotion and pleasure, acting as a brake on impulsivity. (Its connection to our system of processing emotion is why, neuroscientists neuroscientists believe, we take pleasure from solving problems.) When the reward pathway demands actions that feel pleasurable, the prefrontal cortex assesses their consequences. It develops many years after the reward pathway, which is there from birth. Before the prefrontal cortex is fully formed—in a teenager, for example—the reward pathway dominates the brain and governs behavior. Hence the me-first immaturity associated with teens.
Our brains have evolved so that when our nucleus accumbens sends signals that our survival is at risk, the prefrontal cortex is muted. This allows us split-second action to avoid immediate danger, without any backtalk from the prefrontal cortex.
Drugs take over that function. They shut down the prefrontal cortex.

* The social media giant’s algorithms are programmed to keep us engaged, which is best achieved through provoking strong emotion—especially outrage. Outrage is intoxicating. Our brains evolved to feel outrage at the transgressions of someone in our group. It was essential to survival. Enforcing social norms, correcting the misbehavior of others also made us feel noble. “When people decide to punish somebody who has behaved unfairly, we see activation in brain areas associated with reward,” Molly Crockett, a Yale University psychologist, told the podcast Hidden Brain . “There’s a visceral satisfaction in doling out punishment.”
Left unchecked, the brain’s reward system for moral indignation leads to the Spanish Inquisition, to witch trials—and to what goes on daily on Facebook and Twitter. Outrage keeps us engaged better than almost anything. This engagement allows social media apps to sell more ads, fueling their bottom line. In priming our natural outrage, an impulse that evolved to keep us alive, social media apps have us tearing each other apart. Like dope dealers—just peddling outrage.
Social media, moreover, ignites feelings of social activism, as if with every Like and Retweet we’re changing minds and the world. Instead, tweeting and Facebook likes are to social activism what heroin, meth, and other drugs are to happiness. Both are easily achieved with little lasting effect.
“Lies are more engaging online than truth,” said Yaël Eisenstat, former diplomat and CIA analyst, in a TED talk. She had worked for Facebook for six months, hoping to change it. “As long as [Facebook] algorithms’ goals are to keep us engaged, they will continue to feed us the poison that plays to our worst instincts and human weaknesses.”
Maybe, then, our mass-marketing society primes us for addiction—like those sugar-dependent rats at Princeton. Marketers understand that all of us are, or can be, addicted to their products. The brain chemistry of every one of us can be manipulated to that end. Indeed, perhaps, for the first time in human history, we are all addicted, to one thing or another.
If so, then Mexican drug traffickers and drug companies today take their place alongside video-game and fast-food engineers, soft-drink companies, developers of Facebook and TikTok, tobacco and liquor companies, pornographers, cell-phone designers, and gambling moguls, alongside Fox News, CNN, and Russian hackers that prod us to outrage, QAnon conspiracies, cancel culture, virtue signaling, and the glow of belonging to one tribe or the other.

^ In 2018, when the Los Angeles Times reported that “L.A.’s Homelessness Surged 75% in Six Years,” this made a lot of sense to Eric Barrera. Those were exactly the years when supplies of Mexican “weirdo” meth really got out of hand. “It all began to change in 2009 and got worse after that,” he told me as we walked through a homeless encampment in Echo Park, west of downtown Los Angeles. “The way I saw myself deteriorating, tripping out and ending up homeless, that’s what I see out here. They’re hallucinating, talking to themselves. Now, it’s people on the street screaming. Terrified by paranoia. These are people who had normal lives.”

* Will Pfefferman makes his bed every day.
He yanks the sheet drum-tight across his king-size mattress. He fluffs the pillows just right, throws the bedspread over them, and pulls it tight, too, leaving it wrinkle-free. Then he’s ready for the day.
The importance of this exercise was made clear to him not long before I met him, after he’d seen his buddy Mike on the street. Mike was a recovering addict Will met when Will was rehabbing from heroin in a treatment center in the Northern Kentucky town of Covington, near where Pfefferman grew up. Mike had visited the center to talk about his own recovery from dope. Now, though, Mike was shooting up again.
What happened? Pfefferman asked him.
“I quit making my bed,” Mike told him. With that, Mike said, his discipline frayed, and he began to slouch in other parts of his life as well, until he was back on the streets. “He quit answering his door and his phone and quit making his bed,” Will told me. “He didn’t want to be bothered. He died a few days ago.”

* On Skid Row in Los Angeles, crack had been the drug for decades. Dislodging it took some time. But by 2014 the new meth was everywhere. When that happened, “it seemed that people were losing their minds faster,” Los Angeles Police Department beat officer Deon Joseph told me. Joseph had worked Skid Row for twenty-two years. “They’d be okay when they were just using crack,” he told me. “Then in 2014, with meth, all of a sudden they became mentally ill. They deteriorated into mental illness faster than I ever saw with crack cocaine.”
Dr. Susan Partovi has been a physician for the homeless in Los Angeles since 2003. She noticed increasing mental illness at her Skid Row clinic s around the city starting about 2012; schizophrenia and bipolar disorder, which typically afflict the young, were showing up in people in their forties and fifties, too. She also worked at the L.A. County women’s jail, treating women in their thirties for meth-induced heart failure. On Skid Row by 2014, meth was everywhere. “It was crazy how many severely mentally ill people were out there,” Partovi told me. “Now almost everyone we see when we do homeless outreach [on the streets] is on meth. Meth may now be causing long-term psychosis, similar to schizophrenia, [that lasts] even after they’re not using anymore.”

* The new meth has also promoted hoarding, which is why so many homeless encampments are filled with seemingly purposeless junk.

* On the Sunday morning of Thanksgiving weekend of 2020, the sun breaks sharply across the cloudless blue sky over tent encampments dotting the areas around some of the best-known streets of Los Angeles—Hollywood, Sunset, and Santa Monica boulevards.
For all its beauty, its weather, and its wealth, Los Angeles is also the nation’s homeless capital. It’s been so for years. But homelessness is different now—more prolific, more stationary, less transient. Much of it now is rooted in the voluminous supplies of meth that Mexican traffickers’ switch to the P2P method made possible. As that happened, another change was taking place that made the drug even more damaging, at least in Los Angeles.
Tents. They protect many homeless people from the elements. But they have another, far less benevolent role. Tents and the new meth seem made for each other. With a tent, the user could retreat not just mentally from the world but physically. Tents often became pods of exploitation where people used dope, sold dope, or performed acts that allowed them to procure it.
In Los Angeles, the city’s unwillingness, or inability under judicial rulings, to remove the tents has allowed them to stay for weeks, sometimes months. Encampments resembled Third World shantytowns. The tents went from gifts of compassion to hives of crime, addiction, disease—and now pimping.
Just as Airbnb allows anyone with a house to run a hotel, anybody with a tent can start up a sidewalk bordello. No need for a motel room or an apartment. A pimp just needs a woman he can control. Plentiful methamphetamine achieves that goal. Its effects created a woman sufficiently numb and removed from reality to do tricks in a tent on the sidewalk.
In Los Angeles, transgender women proved particularly vulnerable. They came from other parts of the country looking for surgery, therapy, drugs, stardom. They came friendless, lost, pretty, and young, and often without family to return to. A meth-addicted transgender woman was thus easier than most to control.

* As an outreach worker, though, Eric walked among others—the visible homeless, the addicts living in encampments along freeways, taking up entire sidewalks. In L.A. County, this was well over half the unhoused population. Drugs turned their brains against them, had them abandon any survival instinct in the pursuit of dope. Their very visibility was an expression of their addiction, of what meth did to the prefrontal cortex and the locus coeruleus. So often this meth rendered them impossible to live with, incapable of simple life responsibilities. They rebelled against following rules and thus refused, were thrown out of shelters. They were utterly unwilling to seek treatment. Above all, he thought, it made them not care. He had felt this as well. On the new meth, “I remember wanting to care, but I couldn’t,” he said.
The encampments seemed to him to be enabling communities, places where meth addicts felt at home because there they could find camaraderie and dope together, they could feel the warm approval of others relenting to it as well—they could not care. There, he said, “nobody’s going to look at you weird.”
When asked how many of the people he met in those encampments had lost housing due to high rents or health insurance, Eric could not remember one. Meth was the reason they were there and couldn’t leave. Of the hundred or so vets he had brought out of the encampments and into housing, all but three returned. Eric grew weary of wanting recovery for the people he met more than they wanted it for themselves. Such was the pull. Some were addicted to other things: crack or heroin, alcohol or gambling. Most of them used any drug available.

* Yesteryear’s myths about illegal drugs are coming true, largely due to their prohibition and lack of regulation. One hit of “heroin” has killed many people; so, too, has a line of coke. Meth does turn people mentally ill. Pot sends people to emergency rooms with psychotic episodes.

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