White Man’s Burden

Comment: “Haaretz ran this interesting story back in 2003 about the genesis of the Iraq War. Suffice it to say no respectable journalist in the US could have run this without ruining their career.”

Haaretz: The war in Iraq was conceived by 25 neoconservative intellectuals, most of them Jewish, who are pushing President Bush to change the course of history. Two of them, journalists William Kristol and Charles Krauthammer, say it’s possible. But another journalist, Thomas Friedman (not part of the group), is skeptical

Ari Shavit writes for Haaretz Apr. 3, 2003:

1. The doctrine
WASHINGTON – At the conclusion of its second week, the war to liberate Iraq wasn’t looking good. Not even in Washington. The assumption of a swift collapse of the Saddam Hussein regime had itself collapsed. The presupposition that the Iraqi dictatorship would crumble as soon as mighty America entered the country proved unfounded. The Shi’ites didn’t rise up, the Sunnis fought fiercely. Iraqi guerrilla warfare found the American generals unprepared and endangered their overextended supply lines. Nevertheless, 70 percent of the American people continued to support the war; 60 percent thought victory was certain; 74 percent expressed confidence in President George W. Bush.
Washington is a small city. It’s a place of human dimensions. A kind of small town that happens to run an empire. A small town of government officials and members of Congress and personnel of research institutes and journalists who pretty well all know one another. Everyone is busy intriguing against everyone else; and everyone gossips about everyone else.
In the course of the past year, a new belief has emerged in the town: the belief in war against Iraq. That ardent faith was disseminated by a small group of 25 or 30 neoconservatives, almost all of them Jewish, almost all of them intellectuals (a partial list: Richard Perle, Paul Wolfowitz, Douglas Feith, William Kristol, Eliot Abrams, Charles Krauthammer), people who are mutual friends and cultivate one another and are convinced that political ideas are a major driving force of history. They believe that the right political idea entails a fusion of morality and force, human rights and grit. The philosophical underpinnings of the Washington neoconservatives are the writings of Machiavelli, Hobbes and Edmund Burke. They also admire Winston Churchill and the policy pursued by Ronald Reagan. They tend to read reality in terms of the failure of the 1930s (Munich) versus the success of the 1980s (the fall of the Berlin Wall).
Are they wrong? Have they committed an act of folly in leading Washington to Baghdad? They don’t think so. They continue to cling to their belief. They are still pretending that everything is more or less fine. That things will work out. Occasionally, though, they seem to break out in a cold sweat. This is no longer an academic exercise, one of them says, we are responsible for what is happening. The ideas we put forward are now affecting the lives of millions of people. So there are moments when you’re scared. You say, Hell, we came to help, but maybe we made a mistake.
2. William Kristol
Has America bitten off more than it can chew? Bill Kristol says no. True, the press is very negative, but when you examine the facts in the field you see that there is no terrorism, no mass destruction, no attacks on Israel. The oil fields in the south have been saved, air control has been achieved, American forces are deployed 50 miles from Baghdad. So, even if mistakes were made here and there, they are not serious. America is big enough to handle that. Kristol hasn’t the slightest doubt that in the end, General Tommy Franks will achieve his goals. The 4th Cavalry Division will soon enter the fray, and another division is on its way from Texas. So it’s possible that instead of an elegant war with 60 killed in two weeks it will be a less elegant affair with a thousand killed in two months, but nevertheless Bill Kristol has no doubt at all that the Iraq Liberation War is a just war, an obligatory war.
Kristol is pleasant-looking, of average height, in his late forties. In the past 18 months he has used his position as editor of the right-wing Weekly Standard and his status as one of the leaders of the neoconservative circle in Washington to induce the White House to do battle against Saddam Hussein. Because Kristol is believed to exercise considerable influence on the president, Vice President Richard Cheney and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, he is also perceived as having been instrumental in getting Washington to launch this all-out campaign against Baghdad. Sitting behind the stacks of books that cover his desk at the offices of the Weekly Standard in Northwest Washington, he tries to convince me that he is not worried. It is simply inconceivable to him that America will not win. In that event, the consequences would be catastrophic. No one wants to think seriously about that possibility.
What is the war about? I ask. Kristol replies that at one level it is the war that George Bush is talking about: a war against a brutal regime that has in its possession weapons of mass destruction. But at a deeper level it is a greater war, for the shaping of a new Middle East. It is a war that is intended to change the political culture of the entire region. Because what happened on September 11, 2001, Kristol says, is that the Americans looked around and saw that the world is not what they thought it was. The world is a dangerous place. Therefore the Americans looked for a doctrine that would enable them to cope with this dangerous world. And the only doctrine they found was the neoconservative one.
That doctrine maintains that the problem with the Middle East is the absence of democracy and of freedom. It follows that the only way to block people like Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden is to disseminate democracy and freedom. To change radically the cultural and political dynamics that creates such people. And the way to fight the chaos is to create a new world order that will be based on freedom and human rights – and to be ready to use force in order to consolidate this new world. So that, really, is what the war is about. It is being fought to consolidate a new world order, to create a new Middle East.
Does that mean that the war in Iraq is effectively a neoconservative war? That’s what people are saying, Kristol replies, laughing. But the truth is that it’s an American war. The neoconservatives succeeded because they touched the bedrock of America. The thing is that America has a profound sense of mission. America has a need to offer something that transcends a life of comfort, that goes beyond material success. Therefore, because of their ideals, the Americans accepted what the neoconservatives proposed. They didn’t want to fight a war over interests, but over values. They wanted a war driven by a moral vision. They wanted to hitch their wagon to something bigger than themselves.
Does this moral vision mean that after Iraq will come the turns of Saudi Arabia and Egypt?
Kristol says that he is at odds with the administration on the question of Saudi Arabia. But his opinion is that it is impossible to let Saudi Arabia just continue what it is doing. It is impossible to accept the anti-Americanism it is disseminating. The fanatic Wahhabism that Saudi Arabia engenders is undermining the stability of the entire region. It’s the same with Egypt, he says: we mustn’t accept the status quo there. For Egypt, too, the horizon has to be liberal democracy.
It has to be understood that in the final analysis, the stability that the corrupt Arab despots are offering is illusory. Just as the stability that Yitzhak Rabin received from Yasser Arafat was illusory. In the end, none of these decadent dictatorships will endure. The choice is between extremist Islam, secular fascism or democracy. And because of September 11, American understands that. America is in a position where it has no choice. It is obliged to be far more aggressive in promoting democracy. Hence this war. It’s based on the new American understanding that if the United States does not shape the world in its image, the world will shape the United States in its own image.
3. Charles Krauthammer
Is this going to turn into a second Vietnam? Charles Krauthammer says no. There is no similarity to Vietnam. Unlike in the 1960s, there is no anti-establishment subculture in the United States now. Unlike in the 1960s, there is now an abiding love of the army in the United States. Unlike in the 1960s, there is a determined president, one with character, in the White House. And unlike in the 1960s, Americans are not deterred from making sacrifices. That is the sea-change that took place here on September 11, 2001. Since that morning, Americans have understood that if they don’t act now and if weapons of mass destruction reach extremist terrorist organizations, millions of Americans will die. Therefore, because they understand that those others want to kill them by the millions, the Americans prefer to take to the field of battle and fight, rather than sit idly by and die at home.
Charles Krauthammer is handsome, swarthy and articulate. In his spacious office on 19th Street in Northwest Washington, he sits upright in a black wheelchair. Although his writing tends to be gloomy, his mood now is elevated. The well-known columnist (Washington Post, Time, Weekly Standard) has no real doubts about the outcome of the war that he promoted for 18 months. No, he does not accept the view that he helped lead America into the new killing fields between the Tigris and the Euphrates. But it is true that he is part of a conceptual stream that had something to offer in the aftermath of September 11. Within a few weeks after the attacks on the Twin Towers and the Pentagon, he had singled out Baghdad in his columns as an essential target. And now, too, he is convinced that America has the strength to pull it off. The thought that America will not win has never even crossed his mind.
What is the war about? It’s about three different issues. First of all, this is a war for disarming Iraq of its weapons of mass destruction. That’s the basis, the self-evident cause, and it is also sufficient cause in itself. But beyond that, the war in Iraq is being fought to replace the demonic deal America cut with the Arab world decades ago. That deal said: you will send us oil and we will not intervene in your internal affairs. Send us oil and we will not demand from you what we are demanding of Chile, the Philippines, Korea and South Africa.
That deal effectively expired on September 11, 2001, Krauthammer says. Since that day, the Americans have understood that if they allow the Arab world to proceed in its evil ways – suppression, economic ruin, sowing despair – it will continue to produce more and more bin Ladens. America thus reached the conclusion that it has no choice: it has to take on itself the project of rebuilding the Arab world. Therefore, the Iraq war is really the beginning of a gigantic historical experiment whose purpose is to do in the Arab world what was done in Germany and Japan after World War II.
It’s an ambitious experiment, Krauthammer admits, maybe even utopian, but not unrealistic. After all, it is inconceivable to accept the racist assumption that the Arabs are different from all other human beings, that the Arabs are incapable of conducting a democratic way of life.
However, according to the Jewish-American columnist, the present war has a further importance. If Iraq does become pro-Western and if it becomes the focus of American influence, that will be of immense geopolitical importance. An American presence in Iraq will project power across the region. It will suffuse the rebels in Iran with courage and strength, and it will deter and restrain Syria. It will accelerate the processes of change that the Middle East must undergo.
Isn’t the idea of preemptive war a dangerous one that rattles the world order?
There is no choice, Krauthammer replies. In the 21st century we face a new and singular challenge: the democratization of mass destruction. There are three possible strategies in the face of that challenge: appeasement, deterrence and preemption. Because appeasement and deterrence will not work, preemption is the only strategy left. The United States must implement an aggressive policy of preemption. Which is exactly what it is now doing in Iraq. That is what Tommy Franks’ soldiers are doing as we speak.
And what if the experiment fails? What if America is defeated?
This war will enhance the place of America in the world for the coming generation, Krauthammer says. Its outcome will shape the world for the next 25 years. There are three possibilities. If the United States wins quickly and without a bloodbath, it will be a colossus that will dictate the world order. If the victory is slow and contaminated, it will be impossible to go on to other Arab states after Iraq. It will stop there. But if America is beaten, the consequences will be catastrophic. Its deterrent capability will be weakened, its friends will abandon it and it will become insular. Extreme instability will be engendered in the Middle East.
You don’t really want to think about what will happen, Krauthammer says looking me straight in the eye. But just because that’s so, I am positive we will not lose. Because the administration understands the implications. The president understands that everything is riding on this. So he will throw everything we’ve got into this. He will do everything that has to be done. George W. Bush will not let America lose.
4. Thomas Friedman
Is this an American Lebanon War? Tom Friedman says he is afraid it is. He was there, in the Commodore Hotel in Beirut, in the summer of 1982, and he remembers it well. So he sees the lines of resemblance clearly. General Ahmed Chalabi (the Shi’ite leader that the neoconservatives want to install as the leader of a free Iraq) in the role of Bashir Jemayel. The Iraqi opposition in the role of the Phalange. Richard Perle and the conservative circle around him as Ariel Sharon. And a war that is at bottom a war of choice. A war that wants to utilize massive force in order to establish a new order.
Tom Friedman, The New York Times columnist, did not oppose the war. On the contrary. He too was severely shaken by September 11, he too wants to understand where these desperate fanatics are coming from who hate America more than they love their own lives. And he too reached the conclusion that the status quo in the Middle East is no longer acceptable. The status quo is terminal. And therefore it is urgent to foment a reform in the Arab world.
Some things are true even if George Bush believes them, Friedman says with a smile. And after September 11, it’s impossible to tell Bush to drop it, ignore it. There was a certain basic justice in the overall American feeling that told the Arab world: we left you alone for a long time, you played with matches and in the end we were burned. So we’re not going to leave you alone any longer.
He is sitting in a large rectangular room in the offices of The New York Times in northwest Washington, on the corner of 17th Street. One wall of the room is a huge map of the world. Hunched over his computer, he reads me witty lines from the article that will be going to press in two hours. He polishes, sharpens, plays word games. He ponders what’s right to say now, what should be left for a later date. Turning to me, he says that democracies look soft until they’re threatened. When threatened, they become very hard. Actually, the Iraq war is a kind of Jenin on a huge scale. Because in Jenin, too, what happened was that the Israelis told the Palestinians, We left you here alone and you played with matches until suddenly you blew up a Passover seder in Netanya. And therefore we are not going to leave you along any longer. We will go from house to house in the Casbah. And from America’s point of view, Saddam’s Iraq is Jenin. This war is a defensive shield. It follows that the danger is the same: that like Israel, America will make the mistake of using only force.
This is not an illegitimate war, Friedman says. But it is a very presumptuous war. You need a great deal of presumption to believe that you can rebuild a country half a world from home. But if such a presumptuous war is to have a chance, it needs international support. That international legitimacy is essential so you will have enough time and space to execute your presumptuous project. But George Bush didn’t have the patience to glean international support. He gambled that the war would justify itself, that we would go in fast and conquer fast and that the Iraqis would greet us with rice and the war would thus be self-justifying. That did not happen. Maybe it will happen next week, but in the meantime it did not happen.
When I think about what is going to happen, I break into a sweat, Friedman says. I see us being forced to impose a siege on Baghdad. And I know what kind of insanity a siege on Baghdad can unleash. The thought of house-to-house combat in Baghdad without international legitimacy makes me lose my appetite. I see American embassies burning. I see windows of American businesses shattered. I see how the Iraqi resistance to America connects to the general Arab resistance to America and the worldwide resistance to America. The thought of what could happen is eating me up.
What George Bush did, Friedman says, is to show us a splendid mahogany table: the new democratic Iraq. But when you turn the table over, you see that it has only one leg. This war is resting on one leg. But on the other hand, anyone who thinks he can defeat George Bush had better think again. Bush will never give in. That’s not what he’s made of. Believe me, you don’t want to be next to this guy when he thinks he’s being backed into a corner. I don’t suggest that anyone who holds his life dear mess with Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld and President Bush.
Is the Iraq war the great neoconservative war? It’s the war the neoconservatives wanted, Friedman says. It’s the war the neoconservatives marketed. Those people had an idea to sell when September 11 came, and they sold it. Oh boy, did they sell it. So this is not a war that the masses demanded. This is a war of an elite. Friedman laughs: I could give you the names of 25 people (all of whom are at this moment within a five-block radius of this office) who, if you had exiled them to a desert island a year and a half ago, the Iraq war would not have happened.
Still, it’s not all that simple, Friedman retracts. It’s not some fantasy the neoconservatives invented. It’s not that 25 people hijacked America. You don’t take such a great nation into such a great adventure with Bill Kristol and the Weekly Standard and another five or six influential columnists. In the final analysis, what fomented the war is America’s over-reaction to September 11. The genuine sense of anxiety that spread in America after September 11. It is not only the neoconservatives who led us to the outskirts of Baghdad. What led us to the outskirts of Baghdad is a very American combination of anxiety and hubris.

Posted in Iran, Iraq, Islam, Israel, Neoconservatives | Comments Off on White Man’s Burden

American Goyim Are Good To Jews, Are We Good To Them Back?

Steve Sailer writes:

An op-ed in the NYT by a Brown U. student with the great name Benjamin Gladstone (referencing the arch-rival Victorian prime ministers Benjamin Disraeli and William Gladstone; Benjamin Gladstone is kind of like Alexander Jefferson or John Fitzgerald Nixon):

Anti-Semitism at My University, Hidden in Plain Sight
Benjamin Gladstone
ON CAMPUS OCT. 1, 2016

Providence, R.I. — Last semester, a group came to Providence to speak against admitting Syrian refugees to this country. As the president of the Brown Coalition for Syria, I jumped into action with my peers to stage a counterdemonstration.

Gladstone doesn’t mention that the organization questioning bringing more Muslim refugees in is Americans for Peace and Tolerance, which is led by Dr. Charles Jacobs, who was named by The Forward as one of America’s top 50 Jewish leaders.

Gladstone explained to the Brown Daily Herald why he was protesting Jacobs’ protest:

After a vigil held on campus in December honoring those who have died in the Syrian civil war, Ben Gladstone ’18, a member of the Brown/RISD Hillel Community, said the issue strikes a particular chord for him.

“It was just a couple of decades ago that the U.S. government was associating Jews with a political ideology — communism — and using that as justification to condemn us to death,” Gladstone said. “To see that same U.S. government blocking another group from entering is a reminder that this country as a whole has not learned from the Holocaust.”

I assume that’s a reference to the Rosenberg spies, who were sentenced to death for stealing atomic bomb secrets for Stalin by Judge Irving Kaufman over six decades ago. Or maybe he’s arguing that the U.S. government was responsible for Hitler’s Holocaust because FDR was so anti-Communist. Or something …

In the NYT, Gladstone goes on:

But I quickly found myself cut out of the planning for this event: Other student groups were not willing to work with me because of my leadership roles in campus Jewish organizations.

That was neither the first nor the last time that I would be ostracized this way. Also last semester, anti-Zionists at Brown circulated a petition against a lecture by the transgender rights advocate Janet Mock because one of the sponsors was the Jewish campus group Hillel, even though the event was entirely unrelated to Israel or Zionism. Ms. Mock, who planned to talk about racism and transphobia, ultimately canceled. Anti-Zionist students would rather have no one speak on these issues than allow a Jewish group to participate in that conversation. …

As I pointed out last year in Taki’s Magazine in a column on the BDS movement, the growth of diversity on campus Is Bad for the Jews, or at least for Jewish student political activists.

I noticed this trend when a kid I vaguely knew was involved in a UCLA student government incident in which the Diverse student politicians grilled a Jewish activist student politician over whether she could be un-biased in a judicial position. The NYT splashed it all over its front page, although furiously spinning it by focusing on an unrepresentative Swiss coed to keep readers from understanding that this was part of a larger trend, the Diverse battling pro-Israel Jews, that has started on college campuses and will inevitably spread to the real world.

American white gentiles are probably the most pro-Semitic people in the world, so of course a policy of importing massive numbers of the Diverse increases anti-Semitism in America. The arithmetic isn’t all that complicated, but whether enough American Jews will eventually figure out that, in the view of the Diverse, they are in the same basket of deplorables with their white gentile American neighbors is a major question for our time.

There are, however, a lot of debating stratagems so Jews can reassure themselves that they aren’t as white as the Diverse assume, such as Benjamin Gladstone’s Flight from White theory:

Many of my fellow activists also perpetuate anti-Semitism by dismissing Jews of color, especially the Mizrahi and Sephardi

Like, say, Benjamin Disraeli, Queen Victoria’s favorite Prime Minister of Color …

majority of Israel’s Jewish population, descendants of refugees from Southwest Asia and North Africa. Ignoring the expulsion of 850,000 Mizrahi and Sephardi Jews from Arab and Muslim countries from 1948 to the early 1970s allows students to portray all Israelis as white and European and get away with making a “progressive” case for dismantling the Jewish state.

Even hummus has become politicized: Anti-Zionists at my school who demanded that cafeterias stop serving hummus produced by a company with Israeli ownership, also claimed that the product showed cultural appropriation even though Mizrahim and Sephardim have been eating Southwest Asian cuisine since long before the rise of organized Zionism.

In my experience, anti-Semites refuse to acknowledge Mizrahi and Sephardi Jews to minimize the history of oppression against Jews, and in doing so dismiss contemporary Jewish concerns.

Okay … My guess is that this hummus argument about why Jews shouldn’t be lumped in with whites as the Bad Guys is the kind of overly subtle argument that nice white gentiles will nod along to, but the Diverse not so much.

Is it really too much to ask American Jews to figure out that American white gentiles are your best friends in the whole world and that the Diverse don’t see you as special snowflakes, just as a particularly wealthy and powerful version of the white people they are instructed to dislike?

COMMENTS:

*They are so attached to this idea that they have to be on the ‘side of the oppressed’ that they insist on finding ways that they are oppressed (historically, yes; in modern America, hell no) and advocate for mass immigration (because 1939).

To be honest far-right anti-Semitism doesn’t help. (Though of course *they* see all the Jews involved with anti-whitism and draw the obvious conclusion.) And a few wander off the reservation and become Republicans at least, though as recent events show that’s no guarantee. I am willing to give guys like Ben Shapiro the benefit of the doubt for simply not liking Trump, but by and large guys like the Kristols and JPod are way too representative.

One of the weird ironies is that Jews do better with whites than minorities, but are strongly rejected by white nationalists. (I suspect a lot of the small fraction of Jews with pro-white sympathies have figured this out and find non-racial reasons to argue for immigration restriction, but that’s hard to prove–they’d never admit it.)

I’ve given this a lot of thought and I just don’t see any reconciliation happening–guys like Joshua Seidel who try to change sides get chased off, and the neocon takeover of the conservative movement gives not-that-antisemitic guys like Vox Day pause. The most you can hope for is support for Trump, which may be enough to save the country, granted.

I will say I have tried to work on my few remaining Jewish friends (moved away from NYC) about this, without much success. A couple of Russian Jews are pro-Trump, but it’s not due to my efforts. Being a halfie I don’t have enough J-points to speak credibly, and I’m already known as something of a right-winger.

One of the rarely-appreciated aspects of this (apart from Jewish nervousness around white identity, which is *also* a factor) is that if you remove any influence of Jewishness, most Jews are urban well-educated liberals, a demographic that finds Trump particularly distasteful. Ideology would turn a lot of them against him even if people weren’t calling themselves ‘fashy goys’. He also tends to favor intuition over intellect, the gut over the position paper, which as you can imagine is an unpopular preference with people who pride themselves on being smarter than everyone.

* And is it really too much to ask that Jews express gratitude toward White Gentiles for their generous financial, military, and diplomatic support of Israel?

Jews can start with a simple Thank you.

* This reminds me of blacks shooting each other in large numbers but still being convinced that their enemies are racist cops. Muslims have chased Jews out of European countries, but most Jewish leadership still sees frat boys, Pepe, and transphobia as their main enemies. Blacks are too stupid to see their interests, but the next generation of Jews will not be so liberal.

* Its crazy that they are complaining about ethnocentric and intolerant american gentiles while at the same referencing that the son belongs to 2 different advocacy groups on both sides of the political spectrum which unabashedly agitate for Jewish interests. It’s almost like left and right don’t matter to anyone anymore, all that matters in whose side you’re on.

* At this point the drive to diplace Whites is so deep-seated among Jews that it is taken for granted. Whites absolutely must be made a minority through mass immigration, no arguments allowed. This is a Jewish imperative. Anyone who disagrees is literally Hitler.

Sure, there are diversity related problems for Jews but that’s what control of of the megaphone is for. See, what the West needs is more repression and hate speech control. But question mass immigration and White displacement? Don’t even try to go there, you nazi…

* It’s always amusing to see jewish people railing against “white supremacy” when by any objective measure, jews in America are the only group, that are permitted to have, and have achieved almost universal wealth and power.

All this, while quite successfully playing the “victim” card.

It’s really something to behold.

* The “far-right anti-Semites” are a small albeit very outspoken fringe. Jared Taylor, among others, shows that one can be very pro-Jew and still lumped in with the 1488 crowd by the predominantly-tribe-run media. So some people might come to the logical conclusion that they have nothing to lose by being openly anti-Jew.

It would absolutely be Good For the Jews to stop demonizing the pro-white crowd so much. That would increase the likelihood that pro-white people
agnostic on the JQ would begin to lean pro-Jew. But as history shows, many Jews have very counterproductive ideas about what’s good for the tribe.

* Hitler’s rise did not make anti-Semitism disreputable in the US in the ’30s. What really made anti-Semitism disreputable was the Holocaust, which was not revealed until after the war was over. At that point, it became apparent that anti-Semitism was not just some casual thing where you don’t let Jews stay at your resort hotel or hire them for your company (even though in fact that was the form that it took in the US) but that it was a slippery slope that could end in genocide.

Even though blacks were the main intended beneficiaries of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, it also had the collateral effect of making most anti-Jewish discrimination illegal as well. So “restricted” hotels and resorts, etc. were out. However, the last vestiges of the ancien regime – excluding Jews from private city and country clubs, etc. did not really die until the mid ’70s (and even that was 40 years ago).

* Haman is a sort of anti-Jewish bogeyman. When the scroll reciting the Purim story is read, every time Haman’s name is mentioned you are supposed to drown it out with boos and noisemakers. At the end of the story Haman loses before he can carry out his plot against the Jews and is executed so he is not as scary as Hitler who actually got to carry out his. Because of the happy ending, Purim is a fun holiday, sort of like Halloween.

* Aren’t you skipping over the part where the Jews cheerfully kill huge numbers of deplorable and irredeemable members of team Haman?

* Jews don’t want friends. The most frightening thing in the world to a farmer would be a cow happily explaining to him in perfect English that she understood how things worked and wanted to help out.

* The Jews need a come-to-Jesus moment. *groan*

* By 1870 the USA was majority pro-Semetic and had been for a long while. (And this is before the supermajority of today’s American Jews had immigrated.). Jewry was entrenched in the Democratic Party in the South since prior to the Civil war, and in the north.

No less than Mark Twain advocated for the immigration of the Eastern European Jews.

The paths of to increased Jewish power are written today in neutral terms: the labor movement, the anti-corruption overthrow of Boss Tweed and the NY machine, the socialist campaign for food safety standards, the anti-trust campaign against the robber barons… But each movement involved replacing a traditional power with a Jewish influenced one.

The Democrat Ascension of Woodrow Wilson, the coalition of the Jewish controlled Southern Democrats with the Jewish controlled Northern Democrats was the culmination of the rise to power.

When the Great Depression of the 1930s discretted the Republican Party for 60 years, the Northern Jews, who preferred separation expelled the Southern Democratic Party from the Ruling coalition (ruled by more assimilated Jews, men like today’s Nick Saban who adopted the Southern culture). This was a pure power play that continues today.

Jewish controlled Hollywood once feted Woodrow Wilson with “the birth of a nation,” but once the Solid South was no longer necessary for power, they got discarded quickly.

The path to greater power was instead by the takeover of the Rival Republican Party. Steve’s written before on the relations of, eg Armaund Hammer (convicted financier of CREEP) with Nixon, and the role of neoconservatives working with Buckley to silence rival conservatism is well covered on this website.

* Jews are legitimately smart and if we’re talking about nuclear bomb codes or software or medicine or Goldman Sachs scheming–sure that’s intellect.

But Jewish politics are pretty much 100% gut–entirely visceral. Sure, they’ll wrap some Talmudic argument around some attack on gentile traditions\republican governance to sell it to the Supreme Court or scribble out some policy papers to explain how offloading some Section 8 blacks to Dubuque is highly engineered brilliant progressive policy providing social uplift, if that’s their job. But Jewish politics at root isn’t the least bit intellectual, it’s completely visceral–”what’s good for the Jews” or put another way “the peasants have no business telling us what to do”.

If Jews were bringing their intellect into politics–really *at all*–then Sailer’s repeated point about diminishing marginal returns would really resonate. Jews would be asking “what’s the best case for us in America?” And then they’d kick through it and pretty soon figure out: well American white gentiles let us take over their institutions through “meritocracy”. Our best situation is being leaders and looters in a predominantly white–hence prosperous, productive and well run–nation that accepts us. Sorta USA in 1970. Getting more Latino, blacker or more Asian isn’t really helping. The dumb folks make the nation less prosperous. The smart Asians are competition. The ethnic divisions give us a bit of space, but also make ethnic division more raw–more of “a thing” that people are aware of. Maybe even lead to massive quotas and reservations like in India! And all these groups are less sympathetic, more anti-Semitic than the Holocaust addled white gentiles.

Needless to say that sort of thinking is not what you see from Jews, even “conservative” Jews. (It’s maybe vaguely reflective of a small–10% minority.) What you’re getting is the same old, same old–breakup cohesive gentile majorities, anti-nationalism, balkanize the nation so it’s penetrable by Jews. “The peasants are reaching for their pitchforks! … sound the alarm!” Pure gut.

* Jewish groups are perfectly capable of identifying with blacks, illegal immigrants, and muslim refugees (among others) without losing identity. Indeed, much of jewish identity depends upon wedging groups against the white majority (tikkun olam, baby). So in this sense, I’d agree that “Asking jews to identify with whites is in effect asking them not be jewish.”

* The rising anti-Semitism in the US and, especially university campuses, is the only bright spot I can see in the PC sewer that is American cultural life that Jews have led the way in creating. I have never met a Jew who didn’t hate conservatives, especially Christian ones. Every Jew I have known feels more positive towards Muslims than conservative Christians in spite of their being the most pro-Jew and Israel group of all.

I know that not every Jew is a supporter of cultural Marxism but is there every going to be a revolt against our Jewish overlords? Trump won’t lead it because in spite of Jews thinking the is Hitler, Trump is pro Jew and pro Israel. Conservative Christians are a sappy bunch and will stay staunch friends of Jews and Israel no matter how much they are derided.

Our replacements though are not plagued by white guilt and the alt-right is not on the pro-Jew and Israel train. Are Jews strong enough to always avoid consequences of their actions?

* I too have noticed that Jewish supporters of the alt-right have been told to get out by anti-Semitic comments.

My response is that the comments should be ignored. After all, as Steve has pointed out, it is very much in the interest of Jews to promote respect for racial self-identity (particularly white). If a policy is good for you, why would you allow negative comments from a fellow-supporter to chase you off?

I would distinguish anti-Semite from Nazi. The Nazis promote the idea of actually killing Jews. No self-respecter, of any creed, would be associated with Nazis. In a culture of respect for the right of association and distinct communities, an anti-Semitic opinion wouldn’t make all that much difference. In an environment where favors are handed out like candy by the government, and the freedom to choose your own associates is severely curtailed, particularly in the workplace, anti -Semitism, like other stereotypes, can have massive consequences.

* At what point are Jewish leaders going to realize that this push to crush whites has diminishing marginal utility for Jews in general?

Let’s say that helping push mass immigration may have reduced the odds of an Ohio pogrom by whites from 1 million to 1 to 100 million to 1. Alright, you improved a near impossibility to something that has astronomically low odds of happening. That’s great. You’ve basically eliminated that danger.

Now, you need to ask yourself, what do Jews as a group gain or lose by lowering those odds – through the continued psychological rout of whites as well importation of various 3rd worlders including Muslims – to 150 million to 1. As you can see, each new immigrant and law against whites doesn’t drop your odds of an Ohio pogrom by whites the way that they use to. Indeed, at some point, you may actually start to increase your odds of an Ohio pogrom by whites.

Also, what about the fact that your dramatically increasing your chances of getting harmed by Hispanics or, especially, Muslims?

Finally, at least for the time being, you live here, and most Jews are middle to upper-middle class, i.e. they can’t wall themselves off like rich Jews. They have to deal with changing neighborhoods and schools.

I guess my questions is this: How is turning the United States in Brazil and Europe into Syria good for the Jews?

* If increasing Diversity is what’s needed to dismantle Tribal Supremacy, count me as pro-Diversity.

* The central, overlooked fact of the history of Jewish conflict with Native populations is that Jews were guests, never assimilated, and never got past their own in-group morality. It wasn’t the Natives’ job to make the relationships work, it was the Jews’.

* Your post aside, I don’t think I’ve heard a single expression of thanks, private or public, my entire lifetime. Are you aware of a single public one?

* Campus activism seems to be a major vector whereby naive people encounter Jewish aggressive intensity for the first, and often only, time in their personal lives.

Kevin MacDonald has written extensively about how his time as a student activist at U Wisconsin exposed him to particularly Jewish modes of operating.

* If you want an honest assessment, you have to take into account that most people – even most Jews – are fairly low information voters and passive consumers of media. It simply takes a very long time to turn around the ship of entrenched opinion. Don’t insist on quick results.

Most Jews I know, and this includes a large number of highly educated professionals, have no idea that BDS is currently popular on college campuses. Nobody has told them that the KKK is completely defunct. They are not really aware that Arabs ethnically cleansed 1 million Jews from their countries much more recently than the Holocaust. On the latter point, which I try to expose as many people as possible to, I am often met with outright skepticism from American Jews, including from people who are engaged enough to subscribe to The Atlantic, etc. We’re talking about one of the 20th centuries worst atrocities, that occurred to Jews who are still alive, and yet this is completely news to many American Jews. Additionally, American Jews are often completely ignorant about society in Israel, and this includes people who have been to Israel! They sat on the beach, floated in the Dead Sea, and had a guided tour of the Old City, and came away not knowing basic facts about that country. All of these things are important to me so I bring them up a lot and often have occasion to sample the state of knowledge out there. It is pitiful.

People’s worldviews, even for people under 40, were shaped by events that seeped into consciousness 20 or 30 or however many years ago. They view the threats to Jews out there as a bunch of rednecks running around talking about the Zionist Occupation Government and pumping Limbaugh. It also doesn’t help that the only thing that American Jewry – religious and secular, conservative and liberal – can agree on is that the Holocaust was bad. Anything else is hot button which will offend someone.

Opinion will turn around – it just takes a long time with Jews as with anyone. Most people don’t engage with the world too deeply, so you just can’t expect quick results. One thing that would certainly help give things a nudge in the good direction is if the Right would stop playing the foil occasionally. Why fuck around with Rothschild nonsense? Closer to home, how about shunning the ridiculous idiotic disproven Khazar shit that pops up here, maybe for starters?

* Let’s summarize Mr. Gladstone’s positions:
1) Favors mass third world immigration, even from Muslim countries.
2) Concerned about rising antisemitism.

Mr. Gladstone doesn’t seem very smart. You would think he would put two and two together. I guess it’ll take a couple more hypercachers for him to realize what’s going on, and by then it’ll be too late. Even letting small numbers of Muslims increases the ratchet effect.

* The hilarious thing about the article about Jewish millennials traumatized by twitter is that it quotes a whole bunch of people who are proud members of ethnic activist organizations. It’s like they can’t see the irony of them lecturing us. These must be the most ethnocentric people in the world attacking the least ethnocentric people in the world for being too ethnocentric. It’s a bizarre relationship that is not going to last forever.

* “My little sister,” he adds, thinks that Trump “is the Haman of the Purim story.”

Is she thinking of a Purim style solution to the “deplorables and irredeemables” problem ?

* American Jews have been voting for secular, post-national, transnational policies for USA while also supporting Zionism. I wonder how much longer can American Jews eat their cake and have it to.

* One sign that things are going in this direction is the recent correct naming of “white nationalists”. In the 2000s the only Overton-recognized terminology was “white supremacist/neo-Nazi/KKK”. Since then the Overton window has shifted. Considering Jewish domination of the media, things are shifting somehow. I am not sure whether it is due to giving up due to pervasive internet usage performing an end-run around the media gatekeepers, laze, or some sort of genuine attempt to do the right thing (I think doubtful given performance of the media in response to Trump).

But regardless it’s a good first step. Of course, WNs are portrayed as low-information hateful bigots. But I think the recognition is there that pro-white people are not going away, and likely will only strengthen in numbers over time.

Looking at it from the Jewish perspective, working with WNs is ceding power as a practical matter. No one enjoys ceding power. It is almost always fought. The domination of the press from most if not all of the 20th century until the 2010s was a commanding accomplishment. It helped create the State of Israel, and assisted to fight/win the largest war of all time.

Having to now work with the ants you used to send scurrying hither and thither takes some getting used to. I am being partly facetious. The other aspect is the dawning of the Mischlinge as a force – 50% of their heritage as European generally, and that heritage is doubtlessly an impressive thing that is an easy thing to want to preserve.

I think a more realistic view is that Jewish success has been achieved on the back of the success of white civilization. To willingly destroy that or weaken it is a double edged sword, maybe even just a footgun. White weakness will be Jewish weakness. The drive to dilute and weaken whites appears to have found currency on the back of 1939 and past pogroms. In actual fact though, the Frankfurt School’s work predated 1939. The leaders of the FS were philosophers and sociologists. I would not trust philosopher/sociologists to run a lemonade stand let alone transform society into something that is objectively better, but it seems they had “success” with that, at least for a time.

Maybe instead of an unscientific, emotional, partially religious, broad-brush approach stemming from the Frankfurt School as a means of power retention and pogrom threat elimination, maybe a more modern risk management approach would work better? Look back in history and look at actions taken by Jews before pogroms and compare/contrast what took place in other countries without the histories of the pogroms. What was done differently? In this way you can have your cake and eat it too. Or at least, you can eat cake sustainably.

* He’s saying that the US gov’t knew what it didn’t know (the full details on the holocaust, which really only formed up into a Narrative in the seventies), and so deliberately condemned the Jews to death (by holocaust, by denying them an open-borders policy), because Jews were heavily communist (which is true, but can’t be, because the Nazis believed it). And that this means the US doesn’t get to deny open borders to anyone, ever. I suppose the rest of the world (with the exception of UK, and Russia) gets to deny open borders to the Jews because they didn’t haul Jews’ asses out of the fire in WWII.

* You could probably find a few in public events, though I don’t have speeches to search. Most of the histories of the Jews I’ve read are (appropriately) soft on the USA. Goldene medina, etc. Pick up the Encyclopedia of Antisemitism and turn to the USA, and the first thing you get are speculations about why it wasn’t as bad as in other places.

I think it’s less that Jews don’t like America–they seem pretty cool with the country as a whole, at least vis-a-vis Europe–as that they don’t like the parts of it that vote Republican–the conservative, more white, countryside. Always struck me as odd that Alabama was America but New York wasn’t–they both are, of course, and California and Iowa and Massachusetts and Montana too. I think the general feeling is that America is better than most other countries to the Jews but still needs to improve its relationship with other minorities such as blacks, Hispanics, etc., and they have an obligation as a historically oppressed group to stand with the oppressed.

You can draw your own conclusions, of course–I think there’s insufficient empathy for poor whites in that worldview, for example–but that’s what I always thought they were thinking. I was kind of on the outside there, not being purebred or having gone to Hebrew school, and there may be things I wasn’t aware of.

* I’d like to see a full, serious, non-histrionic treatment of this issue… e.g.,

“White-Protestant Attitudes Towards ‘Political Jewry’ in the USA, 1880-2020”

Questions to Investigate:
(1) How strong was political anti-Semitism in its heydey and when was that heyday? (perhaps the nationalistic 1910s-1920s Klan)

(2) When was the crossover point to majority pro-Semitism?

(3) When was the crossover point to supermajority pro-Semitism?

(4) When did political anti-Semitism drop away to the “David Duke ” political margins? (Respectable U.S commentators in recent decades, as the Sailer commentariat often points out, are terrified of the issue… Tom Wolfe, b.1931, was still willing to mention it throughout Bonfire, but men of similar stature born in 1951, 1961, and certainly 1971 and onward would not even mention it…a true American taboo.)

By what mechanism did the U.S. Core population go from (1) to (4)?

* Probably the big crossover was WW2–Mencken actually had them tone down his antisemitic statements in his works once Hitler got started. After that you have Buckley’s purges of the 50s and 60s, and possibly the 90s. Being anti-Jim Crow might have actually helped (outside the South, of course) since much of America had turned against it by that point.

* Compile a list of every tenured faculty member at, say … the top 50 U.S. schools who has ever made public statements that could plausibly be interpreted as anti-Semitic. Be fair: If a reasonable person could fairly interpret said statements as merely a reasonable criticism of Israeli policy, they don’t count.

Yeah, it would take awhile.

Next: Cross-reference with the race and/or ethnicity of said professors. Feel free to classify any ambiguous cases as “white.”

Last: Show the results to a Jewish friend and ask if they’re still angry because grandpa couldn’t get into that country club.

* Steve, you have said in the past that you assume and or wife found some evidence possibly that you are biologically half jewish. If you don’t want to post this, that’s fine. I’m not some Nazi rounding up jews, but I think it’s fair considering you mention people’s ethnicities and analyze them by pointing out their heritage all the time, often very unimportant people.

Perhaps you never mention this anymore because you’ve found evidence or more uncertainty to disprove this. Or perhaps you don’t mention this because a lot of your readers may not appreciate it. It’s fine, just don’t approve my comment. It just seems interesting that you would make points like this a bunch if you were half jewish.

* Steve Sailer: Among American writers, Mark Twain was pro-Jewish. He’s buried next to his Austrian Jewish son-in-law, the conductor of the Detroit Symphony. The regular Americans Twain went on his Innocents Abroad tour with were huge fans of the Old Testament.

F. Scott Fitzgerald was somewhat anti-Semitic at his “Great Gatsby” peak but he had to keep it so subtle that most readers today don’t notice.

Generally speaking, in American history, people who got on the bad side of Jews got in big trouble, like Ulysses S. Grant during the Civil War and John Singer Sargent around 1920.

I wouldn’t mind having it mentioned in Wikipedia that a survey of psychometricians listed me as the most reliable journalistic source on IQ issues.

* Thanks Steve for another gauzy soft peddling of the New Bolshevik Revolution that is being engineered here in the USA by the Jews against the white goyim.

* Mr. Gladstone, like many Jews it seems, has a penchant for rewriting history in an ethnically self-interested way. The Rosenbergs were executed because they were unrepentant soviet agents. There were other jewish spies, who were every bit as complicit as they were, who were not executed. It’s of a piece with the historical white-wash of the Hollywood Ten and other commie screen-writers; they were not taking a stand for the first amendment – they were agents of a foreign and hostile government and ideology.

* Potted history of Christian feelings towards Jews in the USA:

1787-1870: Generally quite quite good. Very little in the way of overt discrimination.

1870-1933: Overt anti-Jewish feeling emerges (discrimination in terms of housing and hotels, plus quotas at private unis). However, as Steve notes, even during this low period, Jews were not lacking in friends in high places (Mark Twain, etc)

1933-early ’60s: Hitler puts anti-Jewish sentiment in bad odor.

early ’6os-present: Judeo-philia as the norm….

RE: Great Gatsby and the Jews,

Well, at least at the university level, the novel’s anti-Jewish quotient is much discussed. The general feeling is that Fitzgerald’s anti-Jewish tendencies abated later in life. Cf how how he makes the Jewish Monroe Stahr the protagonist of The Last Tycoon.

* The campus liberal-left is turning into an increasingly unworkable alliance of lesbians, blacks, muslims and left-liberal Jews who psychologically stuck in the late 60s.

As a market dominant dominant minority the Jews would be better off moving in with the libertarians. Jews, gays and libertarians are natural bedfellows (politically speaking anyway).

* I don’t think Judeophilia was the norm by 1960; the world described by Charles Murray in the introduction to Coming Apart was still a long way off from the “Mandatory Standing Ovation at the Mention of Israel” U.S. political scene of the present day….

But overt political anti-Semitism had faded by 1960. It probably still had a large but silent following on the anti-communist right, and had certainly not faded in nationalistically-inclined American men’s minds (the extent of Nixon’s political anti-Semitism would shock the typical modern American). It had definitely not (yet) crossed over to the wild philo-Semitism that we see today…

In other words, 1960-2010, or so, saw what we can call the political deification of that ethnic group in the American mind.

* The early form of Christian Zionism in the late 19th century was anti-Semitic domestically, unlike its contemporary form: “Not since William Jennings Bryan in 1896 has a candidate united a coalition of American Zionists and a larger anti-Semitic constituency under the same umbrella, according to Jonathan Sarna, a professor of American Jewish history at Brandeis. (Bryan interweaved his cross-of-gold populism with homilies of Jewish financial control—simultaneously supporting a Jewish homeland for biblical reasons.)” (Politico)

* I think we need ethnic terms for Jews based on their personalities. E.G. Neurotic Jew, Normal Jew, Projectionist Jew, Hitler-Accusing Jew, Anxiety-Disorder Jew, Displacement Jew, The-Cossacks-Are-Coming Jew, Atheist-But-Defends-Islam-Jew, Liberal-Except-Don’t-Want-Blacks-In-the-Neighborhood Jew, etc.

* Give it up, Steve. You are never going to concern troll the skypes into being pro-white, or even get them to tone down their anti-white policies or slow down their immigration invasion, in their own alleged self-interest.

As parasites, they simply cannot identify with their host. It is not in their own interest or their own self-conception to do so. They are quite prepared to destroy their host and then blithely move on to their next victim, and blame their host for everything bad that happens, while absolving themselves. They have been repeating this story over and over again for thousands of years. They are not going to change.

The only question is if we, the host, are finally going to get a clue and actually do something about it. We don’t have to go along with our own destruction; we have other options besides waiting for someone else to suddenly start acting against type.

It’s a Scorpion and Frog situation. Appeals to alleged self-interest are futile. Nature will out.

* The political right likes to claim the credit for winning the Cold War, and loves complaining that we don’t get credit for the defeat of Marxism. But look at how we won, it was through Military Keynesianism, entangling alliances, cultural degeneracy, Islamic terrorism and the ’65 Immigration Act.

The biggest gains that the right received were the weakening of labor unions and lower marginal tax rates.

There was no reversion to state sovereignty, no Victorianism, no Austrian economics, no religious solidarity, no hand of friendship to our former Russian foes. And no affirmative action for the most despised minority in higher education.

The right was the muscle behind the victory, but received not a single reward to its long-suffering base.

* Today I had lunch with the Jewish half of my family. The occasion was ‘roshahanana’ or something.
I had not been looking forward to the lunch, being an ‘alt-right,’ socially awkward millennial.
Anyway, midway into the lunch, the topic of Trump came up, as it always does.
Surrounded by fiery Jews, two of whom were professors (one of politics), I eagerly anticipated the exciting , albeit vehemently anti-trump, conversation that was about to ensue.
I felt like a kid on a cable news panel.

But a cable news panel it wasn’t. These two professors articulated the most uninteresting and unsophisticated commentary on Trump and politics that I had ever heard.
As a 22 year old who reads Sailer and various other alt-right sources, I had the ammunition to take everything that they were saying out, but being shy and a little intimidated,
I sat quietly. Everyone at the table was in awe at what the professors were saying. “The statistics of this are complicated. The distribution of the sample needs to be even”, explained one of the professors to a bemused audience of Jews.
“Jesus Christ,” I thought to myself, “he’s just saying that a sample needs to be representative of the population from which it’s drawn, otherwise it is invalid. That’s high school stuff.”
This ‘statistical mastery’ was offered by one of the professors as an explanation for why polls showed trump doing well.
The topic then turned to who is voting for trump. “It’s just white males,” scoffed one of the professors. “Trump is appealing to racists,” he followed up.

This made me so angry. Before the conversation turned to Trump, everyone at the table was talking about their fondness for Israel and about how excited they were for one of the young girls at the table who was making her ‘birthright’ trip to Israel later in the year. I wanted to explain to the table how Trump’s policies are no different to Israel’s — building a wall, having a religiously discriminatory immigration policy — but I couldn’t muster up the courage.

* First of all, you have to consider risks and benefits. If you live in a safe space–er, state, not much point in annoying relatives in order to make an ideological point. If you’re visiting your family in NC or OH, and you think you’re well-regarded enough to get away with it, go for it.

Also consider if there’s anyone persuadable in the audience. A professor of women’s studies, probably not. Your uncle, the doctor who turns on the TV once a year, maybe. It need not be the person you’re arguing with. There’s an old saying–you’re not arguing to convince the other guy, you’re arguing to convince the audience.

The first step is to point out things you have in common with the other person. If they’re liberal, you might want to point out Trump is for gay rights, not eager to rip up Medicare or Social Security, and is actually paying attention to blue-collar people’s concerns on trade.

If your Jewish target is an alt-lite wannabe, argue Trump is likely to be our best chance to get right-wing populism without anti-Semitism.

If your Jewish target is a neocon, point out that Trump is more likely to defend Israel. Point out Hillary’s friendliness with Suha Arafat back in the day and the growing influence of BDS in the Democratic Party. If you feel they’re up for it, you can try to ask what the upshot of so many Muslim immigrants into the USA is likely to be, both for American policy toward Israel and for Jewish communities themselves. Remember the next target of the French terrorists after they blew up the rock concert? Don’t forget to bring up law and order–illegal immigrants are breaking the law, after all.
(Remember, we’re talking rank-and-file neocons here–this is your uncle who reads Commentary and biographies of Ben-Gurion, not John Podhoretz.)

If your Jewish target is a center-left Zionist, you might simply raise the issue of BDS. They’re likely to be worried about alt-right Pepe fans–ask them if Trump’s really going to genocide his grandkids, his chief lawyer, and his intellectual architect. Point out that waves of immigration are always followed by periods of decreased immigration when the new arrivals assimilate (this is one of my favorite arguments). Emphasize that legal immigrants are not going to be discriminated against.

If your Jewish target is a hardcore SJW lefty, try to argue that Trump and Clinton are the same, Clinton screwed Bernie, and it’s time for some real change with Jill Stein. 😉 Hopefully they’re too young to remember Nader.

Any comments from people with more Jewish relatives?

* That pattern followed to its end will mean Jews slaughtered in numbers that make Hitler envious.

But trying to warn Jews of that will get you denounced as an anti-Semite.

* Disraeli, the British Prime Minister of color had one of the characters in his novels say,”All is race, there is no other truth.” Uttered by Sidonia the Semitic superman in Disraeli’s novel, Tancred, written in the spare time of Benjamin Disraeli, the Jewish Prime Minister of England in the 1860s.
Disraeli was a huge philoSemite and in an age of full throated racism he touted the superiority of the Jewish race in his novels.
According to Paul Johnson on P.323 of a History of the Jews, Disraeli said he was descended ‘in a direct line from one of the oldest races in the world, from that rigidly separate and unmixed Bedouin race who had developed a high civilization at a time when the inhabitants of England were going half naked and eating acorns in the woods.’
So perhaps in the Sixties while the hippies were playing Euell Gibbons and munching on acorns in the woods like the wide eyed prey animals they are, the Semitic Supermen were concocting disparate impact laws and regs to facilitate the hippies racial replacement?
“All is race, there is no other truth.”

* Brown University is one of the most left-wing universities in the country, at least by the proxy measurement of donations to the Democrats by the administrators and staff.

As with most other Ivy League universities, Jews are strongly entrenched in its administrative structure – its current president, Christina Paxon is Jewish (wife of former Oppenheimer Funds EVP/General Counsel Ari Gabinet) – and a significant fraction (up to half) of the white students there are probably Jewish also. Although Jews and non-Jews alike may mouth anti-Israel/divestment pieties there, actual anti-Semitism – that is, real aggression toward Jews – is likely to lead to quick expulsion or severe sanction.

This is just beyond parody – Jews who dominate the institution, railing against the very same institution as “increasingly anti-Semitic” so as to whip up greater rationale for their dominance over it. It reminds me of communist countries in which there was constant and paranoid society-wide agitation against the allegedly ever present counter-revolutionaries, so as to justify further communist oppression and perpetual revolution.

To paraphrase a Bruce Lee movie (uttered by a black character toward the main villain), “Man, you are straight out of a comic book!”

* I know at least 6 Jews that are voting Trump. One, a woman at my office, born in Israel, went to Cornell, when I said something about him not being a racist like he’s portrayed in the media (or by people on social media) said “I don’t care if he is.” As we discussed it she added how much she hated the New York Times, and she’d love it if Trump won just to see all the anti-Trumpers recoil in horror. She added none of them are moving to Canada.

She doesn’t know anything about the alt-right. She laughed when I told her about the whole Pepe controversy. She just comes by it instinctually.

Her husband is anti-Trump. But I know another couple where both husband and wife are Jewish voting for him. It isn’t that uncommon.

In fact the person who told me I should read sailer is Jewish.

* The Frankfurt School should be recognized as following at least some of Marx’s methods, which despite their transmission into mainstream liberalism, are still distinct.

The Zionist movement in its origins was anticlerical, and mainly a product of bourgeois liberalism that became upset after the Dreyfus Affair in France. From the age of enlightened despotism to the beginnings of parliamentary rule in continental Europe, most Jews adopted the assimilationist paradigm. Notably this included some of John Kerry’s ancestors.

Now, it is mainstream liberalism that has been responsible for most of our travails, CultMarx has only reached its full flowering of SJWism quite recently. What we see over and over in liberalism is a stance of counter-majoritarianism against the dominant and “oppressive” ethnic-religious majority. We know Voltaire as a proponent of freedom of speech, but his main goal was to destroy the moral authority of the Church. As soon as liberals seize power, any concern for those “freedoms” goes out the window, and every elite college campus testifies to this effect.

What we criticize as the “Jewish power” is mainly the product of three sources: financial, cultural, moral/religious. Few of us seem interested in a distributist/Georgist framework that would kneecap the banking/securities system. We aren’t big fans of mass culture or highbrow culture, but we are a long way off from either a substitute or even subcultural autonomy. Now the moral card is to me the most interesting. After WWII, Western culture became deferential to Jewish moralism in both a mainstream liberal, and evangelical Protestant context. Perhaps its a parallel to the victimhood hierarchy, or genuine guilt tripping. Our current immigration problem is in part to our granting the Jewish community a moral veto over our interest in ethnic continuity. Mainline Protestant theology is also interesting to examine in this viewpoint.

I think it will need to be understood that our communities have a divergence that either requires separation or submission. The haze of postwar guilt is dying every day, a return to the equilibrium of the last millennia is sure to follow.

* The career of Rabbi Morris Raphall provides a good portrait of Jewish American life in the first half of the 19th century:

NEW YORK’S PRO-SLAVERY RABBI

But missing from this history is the congregation’s first prominent spiritual leader: Rabbi Morris Raphall. A celebrated biblical and rabbinic scholar, during the mid-1800s Raphall was the leading rabbi not only in New York—then the home of a quarter of the nation’s Jews—but in the country. He lectured extensively across the United States and was the only rabbi prior to the Civil War to be invited to make a congressional benediction. So, why has B’nai Jeshurun all but forgotten him?

Perhaps because Raphall was an outspoken proponent of slavery.

I encountered Raphall and his many sermons, lectures, and toasts—he seemed to appear at every religious and fraternal Jewish event—in researching the early history of New York Jewry for a new book. So, I was intrigued with his near disappearance from American Jewish history, and from the history of such an important synagogue. To understand this historical gap, we must return to Jan. 4, 1861, a bitterly cold day in New York City.

That evening, the chill outside only highlighted the contrast with the nation’s sizzling political temperature. South Carolina had already seceded, and six more states were poised to do so in the following weeks. President Buchanan’s efforts at preservation of the Union were weak and unavailing, while President-Elect Lincoln would not budge from his position against the extension of slavery into the American territories. The nation was beginning to unravel.

Into this breach stepped Raphall. Perhaps fearing what national disunion would do to America’s Jewish community, Raphall stood in his sanctuary on that blustery Friday evening and delivered a sermon that would resound throughout the United States. Addressing his congregants on the issue of the Bible and slavery, Raphall stated that while he was no “friend to slavery in the abstract” and even less “to the practical working of slavery,” his personal feelings were not germane. Slavery, he argued, was the oldest form of social relationship aside from family ties.

Raphall’s position on the subject wasn’t surprising in the context of his overall conservative bent. He opposed the nascent women’s rights movement, publicly encouraging women to “meekly rest content with [the] humble lot” that God chose for them. Though a follower of Moses Mendelssohn’s belief in the Jewish enlightenment—a doctrine that allowed Jews to participate in modern society within a traditional framework—he vehemently preached that the Reform movement, which in the early 1850s was headquartered in New York, posed a mortal threat to the survival of Judaism.

And his politics very likely reflected the views of his congregants. From its modest beginnings as a congregation of a few hundred Jews, the congregation grew larger and wealthier over time. By 1850 it had moved to Greene Street in the fashionable Washington Square neighborhood, where its members raised $50,000 (churches in that day generally cost less than $20,000 to build) to erect a sanctuary with a 56-foot-high dome featuring windows with ornamented paintings. By 1861, a community founded under the aura of Jewish Jeffersonian republicanism had been replaced by an affluent, conservative membership—one that was able to pay Raphall the princely salary of $2,000 per year.

It was in that domed sanctuary that Raphall delivered his notorious sermon. After his opening disclaimer, he turned to Jewish scripture, declaring that the biblical verse where God commands an owner to give Sabbath rest to “thy male slave and thy female slave,” clearly condoned slavery. He also stated that the Bible differentiated between Hebrew bondsmen, whose servitude was limited, and non-Hebrew slaves and their progeny, who were to remain bondsmen during the lives of their master, his children, and his children’s children. Non-Hebrew slaves, he argued, could be compared to black slaves in the American South. Hebraic law permitted masters to discipline their slaves, short of murder or disfigurement, and required that a slave absconding from South Carolina to New York must be a restored to his owner as would a slave who had fled from Dan to Beersheba. The Jewish law that forbade Hebrews from returning an escaped slave, by Raphall’s lights, only referred to slaves fleeing from foreign lands.

Responding to Reverend Henry Ward Beecher’s assertion that the Bible actually opposed slavery, Raphall proclaimed: “How dare you, in the face and sanction and protection afforded to slave property in the Ten Commandments, how dare you denounce slaveholding as a sin?” What right “do you have to insult and exasperate thousands of God-fearing, law-abiding citizens,” he said, equating a citizen of the South with the status of a murderer. While he cautioned southerners to guard their bondsman from sexual aggression, hunger, and excess demands of their labor, Raphall emphatically contended that the biblical sanction of slave property remained relevant in 1861.

His words created a sensation. Three New York newspapers printed the complete sermon, and the New York Times published lengthy excerpts. The Rev. Hugh Brown of East Salem, N.Y., observed, “the impressions on the minds of some is, that he must know the Hebrew of the Bible so profoundly that it is absolutely impossible for him to be mistaken on the subject of slavery; and that what he affirms respecting it is as true almost as the world of God itself.”

Two weeks later, Raphall gave his sermon as a speech before members of the Democratic Party and the pro-South American Society for Promotion of National Unity. In attendance were advocates of national reconciliation in harmony with southern demands, including the banker August Belmont, and prominent pro-slavery Jews from Richmond, Montgomery, and New Orleans. The artist and inventor Samuel B. Morse presided. Dr. Bernard Ilowy of Baltimore, highly respected for his biblical expertise, endorsed Raphall’s position. Rabbi Simon Tuska of Mobile, Ala., stated that his sermon contained “the most forceful arguments in justification of the slavery of the African race.” Southern sympathizers dispersed the discourse throughout the nation.

In his opinion on Lincoln and the issue of slavery, Raphall was not alone among Jewish leaders. Diplomat, playwright, and journalist Mordecai M. Noah, the “most important Jew in America” during the 1830s and 1840s, according to his biographer Jonathan D. Sarna, wrote that blacks were “anatomically and mentally inferior to the white” and could find contentment only in servile labor. Noah dreaded the thought of a slave revolt and viciously condemned abolitionists. Emmanuel Hart, the first Jewish congressman from New York in the 1850s, was a leader of the conservative “hunker” Democrats, a faction that opposed any agitation against slavery and worked to uphold the interests of the slaveholding states. Editor Robert Lyon of the Asmonean, a self-described progressive who hired Reform Judaism’s leading proponent, Isaac Mayer Wise, as his literary editor, endorsed James Buchanan in 1856 as a “progressionist,” defended the Fugitive Slave Act, and called abolitionists “the foul Fiend which stalks among us.” Lyon included among the abolitionists both “Frederick Douglass the ******,” and a “heterogeneous stew of fanatics and imposters.” The notion of black suffrage was, he said, “preposterous.”

Still, many in the North were outraged by Raphall’s view. Abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison published a poem that asked Raphall “Has thou forgot the sorrows of thy race.” Horace Greeley, publisher of the New York Tribune, recommended that Raphall endure “twenty-four hours of the Spanish inquisition” to “materially open his eyes” to the realities of slavery. And a significant minority of Republican Jews hazarded their careers to take on the Democratic establishment. Many, though not all, were centered at Manhattan’s Reform synagogue, Temple Emanu-El, whose beliefs no longer required either a literalist or rabbinic interpretation of Jewish scripture. Michael Heilprin of Brooklyn, a biblical scholar versed in the new biblical criticism central to the Reform movement, expressed regret that Raphall’s “sacrilegious” ideas had not vanished among the “scum.” Heilprin termed the morals of slavery’s defenders “depraved” and the minds of their “mammon–worshiping followers … debauched.” Citing German Jewish scholars, Heilprin challenged the literalist, ahistorical approach to Jewish texts behind Raphall’s reasoning. Raphall, he contended, misconstrued even the biblical word for servant. (The word Raphall translated as slave also designated court officers and royal ambassadors.) B’nai Jeshurun’s rabbi also overlooked Moses’ words to the Israelites: “Forget not that ye have been slaves in Egypt.”

But Heilprin represented a minority outlook. Raphall’s sermon reflected the interests of a majority of New York Jewry’s interests: New York’s booming economy, the cause of the recent wealth of many of the city’s most prominent Jewish citizens, including many members of B’nai Jeshurun, was tied to the southern trade; a civil war threatened personal catastrophe. Moreover, many Jews were in the garment industry, a trade directly attached to the South. Jews also resented the seemingly ever-present Protestant missionaries bent on converting the Jews. Strong-willed Protestantism and the Republican Party were seen as deeply conjoined. Furthermore, Jews feared that their political liberty, greater in America than any other part of the world, would be threatened if the Constitution, which they identified with the Union, were to fall. Compromise was the better solution, even if it meant giving in to Southern demands. Thus, along with the rest of New York City, Jews in 1860 voted more than two to one against Lincoln and the Republican Party.

After war broke out, Raphall strongly condemned rebellious southerners as committing “a sin before God.” He met personally with Lincoln, and his son enlisted and was badly wounded. However, as hostilities continued, month after month and then year after year, Raphall’s early patriotism turned to blame for both sides: “Demagogues, fanatics and a party press” of North and South had, he said, mired the republic in “the third year of a destructive but needless sectional war which has armed brother against brother and consigned hundreds of thousands to an untimely grave.”

Posted in Alt Right, America, Anti-Semitism, Jews | Comments Off on American Goyim Are Good To Jews, Are We Good To Them Back?

Please Pray For Trump!

Chaim Amalek writes: ATTENTION ALL YIDDEN! These next ten days every ehrlicher (true) Jew must pray to Hashem (God) for two things:
1. To send us Moshiach, NOW; and
2. To anoint Donald Trump as the next President of the United States.
Of course, if we get (1) we don’t need (2), but otherwise, yes, we do.

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Strip club with Texas ties segregates and mistreats black dancers, feds say

A friend of mine is morally outraged that many escorts say in their Craiglist ads, “No black men.”

Perhaps the federal government needs to intervene to force them to serve the African-American community without discrimination.

I am glad to see that the Obama administration is tackling the important issues that face our nation.

Chaim Amalek writes: “It’s about time! Now what is to be done about white men who discriminate against black prostitutes, offering them less money or in some cases, not even considering them for work? I expect the incoming Clinton administration to be all over this one.”

From the Dallas Morning News:

The federal government is again suing a Mississippi strip club, saying black strippers should be treated equally when they take it all off.
The U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission filed a fresh lawsuit Friday against Danny’s Downtown Cabaret, saying the Jackson club is still discriminating against black dancers four years after the government filed a similar lawsuit. The government also wants the club held in contempt for violating a settlement of the earlier suit.
The new suit alleges club managers require black strippers to work exclusively at the nearby Black Diamonds club, owned by the same man, or pay $100 per shift to work at Danny’s. Black Diamonds bills itself as the “Nation’s No. 1 Urban Strip Club,” with locations also in Dallas and Houston.
Owner Daniel “Dax” Owens wrote in an email that he’s not aware of the filings. He didn’t respond to a request for further comment. A lawyer in the earlier suit withdrew in April, citing “irreconcilable differences” with Owens.
The six strippers represented by the EEOC say they liked working at Black Diamonds less, “where patrons were allowed to grope the entertainers, where patrons were permitted to use illicit drugs and smoke cigarettes, and where there was initially no air conditioning.” The suit represents that none of those things was a problem at Danny’s.
The lawsuit alleges the club fired dancer Ashley Williams in July 2013 after she refused to pay the “discriminatory fee.” Five other unnamed dancers are also represented. The lawsuit seeks compensation and punitive damages for all the women, as well as back pay for Williams and changes to prevent future problems.
Danny’s agreed to settle an earlier suit alleging discrimination against black strippers, but the EEOC says the club has “totally failed” to comply with requirements to update its policies, train managers, keep records of complaints and post a nondiscrimination notice. The government’s contempt motion seeks sanctions and attorney’s fees.
The 2012 lawsuit said that Danny’s forced black dancers to work less lucrative shifts than whites, making them compete for spots on a “black shift.” The suit also claimed Danny’s subjected black dancers to arbitrary fees and fines and excluded them from advertisements promoting the company.

Posted in Blacks | Comments Off on Strip club with Texas ties segregates and mistreats black dancers, feds say

What Alt-Right Activists Can Do When Doxed By The Politically Correct Left

From the Foundation for the Marketplace of Ideas:

The most noteworthy battlefield upon which livelihoods and personal relationships are savaged by the arbiters of political correctness is the World Wide Web, and doxing is the nuclear bomb within the arsenal of soft tyrants.  Unlike yesteryear in which derogatory newspaper articles and editorials are soon forgotten and buried within the annals of time, the Internet is forever and a Google search of one’s name republishes the offensive material anew to interested third-parties.

Doxing is defined by Wikipedia as “the Internet-based practice of researching and broadcasting private or identifiable information (especially personally identifiable information) about an individual or organization.”  When a person or organization “doxes” their victim, it is often done with malicious scienter for the purpose of intimidation and to foment societal ostracism against the target.

The leftist Southern Poverty Law Center is known for engaging in soft despotic acts against American political dissidents of a right-wing and nationalistic political persuasion.  Mark Potok, who is the editor-in-chief of the SPLC’s Intelligence Report, did an interview with a journalist in 2015 in which he admits that through the publications of the SPLC, they target organizations that and people who have “nothing to do with criminality or violence[.] * * * It’s strictly about ideology.”  Further, Potok notes, “The cost of being outed as a member of these groups, which happens increasingly often these days, is very high.  People lose their jobs, their spouses, their families, and so on.”  What a “class enemy” was to Lenin and Stalin, a “hater” is to Potok’s SPLC.

The Alt-Right and its activists—except for a few of its philosophical leaders—, operate mostly through anonymity on the Internet.  Leftists, however, enjoy outing them so as to stifle the momentum of their movement.  People who are doxed can take a number of actions to inoculate themselves from the problems that could arise.

It is important to note that the repercussions for doxing are often made far worse by its victims who take voluntary, self-deprecating actions in response to it by (1) needlessly quitting their jobs, (2) apologizing, or (3) making the severity or duration of the doxing episode worse by engaging the doxers.

Firstly, when one is doxed, one should set their social media accounts—Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, etc—to private so as to restrict the amount of information that subsequent doxers can obtain to use for purposes of additional harassment.  When Amanda Carpenter was named as a possible mistress of Ted Cruz, Carpenter did not immediately restrict access to her Instagram page and subsequent doxers found a photograph of Carpenter sitting on a hotel bed with condoms apparently next to her—which only fueled the controversy.  Oops.

Secondly, one should document everything—save any and all emails, letters, voicemails, and documents that are received, take screenshots of all online postings, and create a journal in which “who-what-where-when-how” is thoroughly documented.  This can be useful for purposes of seeking a personal protection order, contacting the police to request criminal prosecution, or filing one or more lawsuits—especially since evidence can be lost and memories fade with the passage of time.

Thirdly, do not take any action by quitting one’s job or responding to the online harassment.  If an employer terminates a victim of doxing, the victim may have a cause of action for tortious interference, in addition to claims for defamation or invasion of privacy that could be raised against their tormentors.  If one’s employer is a government actor and termination—rather than resignation—occurs, a 42 U.S.C. § 1983 civil action may possibly be brought against the employer.  By not responding online, party admissions that could derail a civil action will not be made, and the severity and duration of the doxing will subside sooner rather than later.

Fourthly, do not apologize or renounce one’s political views.  If one does so, then an argument can be made that the societal ostracism engaged in by the doxers is justified and the apology can be used to evince that the doxed individual engaged in wrongdoing worthy of adverse actions.  Further, one will lose any allies that one may have had by condemning their own cause, and this will result in one becoming a political leper:  the Left and Alt-Right alike hate traitors.  Jack “Southern Avenger” Hunter (Counter-Currents Publishing, Occidental Dissent’s first article, Occidental Dissent’s second article, and Breitbart) is a prime example.  Another is Taylor Somers.  Additionally, there are psychological and legal benefits for not apologizing.

Fifthly, one should promptly and privately consult with an attorney in their state who practices law in the area of civil litigation.  Alt-Right victims of doxing are encouraged to contact the Foundation for the Marketplace of Ideas, Inc., for a referral or assistance with locating such a lawyer.  FMI has wealthy donors who are very interested in financially supporting lawsuits against social justice warriors who target Alt-Right activists.

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Mike Cernovich’s Bank Accounts Frozen?

Mike Cernovich tweets: “Sick Hillary’s people fired warning shot at me. ALL accounts (multiple banks) simultaneously frozen. Had to talk to “senior operations.””

Comments at Vox Day:

* This was just one of those internet hiccups that happen every so often, the cafe temporarily could not read his cards, and he jumped to the conclusion that the banks, multiple different banks, had all suddenly frozen his accounts, and that Hillary was behind it.

If he wants me to believe otherwise, he will have to provide some actual evidence, such as, did he try the cards elsewhere, did the banks admit that his accounts were frozen, which banks exactly, how did he go about unfreezing them, did some or all of the cards work later even though he did not call the bank that issued it? Otherwise, I have to conclude that this is just wishful thinking, he wants to catch Hillary at something, and he wants to be important enough that Hillary would single him out.

Not buying it.

If you believe this, you need to take a cortical-thalamic pause, that is, stop, take a look inside yourself, and see the emotions that are driving you to want to believe this despite the almost complete lack of evidence for it. You don’t need to believe stuff like this, she has done enough bad stuff that you don’t need to be making stuff up.

If you really want to be paranoid about something, be paranoid about the moveon.org and #blacklivesmatter types who are using violence to attack Trump supporters, if she and they are not stopped, this will be the last even partially free and fair election in America. One word, “Brownshirts”. Don’t know what I mean? Google is your friend.

* So lets see:

Savage off air
Cernovich bank accounts suspended
Milo pulled off of appearance

* When dealing with the Clintons certain precautions should be taken:

Don’t fly on planes (JFK Jr. – Rumored he was going to run for the Senate Seat in NYS Hillary ultimately took)
Don’t go out late at night (Seth Rich)
Don’t go to the gym (John Ashe)
Check the brakes on your car.
Have several mechanics check your entire car for any sort of “additions” that have mysteriously appeared
Check the wiring in your house.
Check the gas-line in your house.
Change the pharmacy where you get your prescriptions from.
Hire a taster to test your food for poison.
Don’t go out to eat in restaurants.
Grow your own vegetables.
Reenforce your doors and walls with 2 inch wide sheets bullet-proof titanium.
Have a bug-out-bag prepared.
Have several thousand dollars in cash ready to use hidden somewhere.
Make sure your life insurance is paid up.

Follow those tips and you should be fine with dealing with the Clintons…

* Cernovich reminds me of one of those personal injury attorneys who run ads on daytime television. “If you were injured in an auto accident, you may be owed a settlement.” Two years ago he offered Tim Ferriss $25k to produce his testosterone levels. A year later he offered the same amount to a GamerGate critic if he agreed to fight him in a boxing match. Then he went to Vietnam to film a reality tv show, but afaik it never aired and that was well over a year ago. His new publicity scam is to run phony stories at D&P (e.g. about Ted Cruz’s extramarital affairs and conspiracies about the Orlando shooter). He’s banking on one of these phony stories being true, so he can take credit for it. He’s obviously on the make and anyone who takes him seriously is a fool.

* Lame Cherry blogs: Mr. Trump had Drudge Report, but for those who think that Drudge rules, the problem is Drudge still needs content for those links. If only pro Hillary posts are available, Matt Drudge does not function.
Sean Homo Hannity, was fair in all of this and should be praised. His not being biased was one of the few sources in cable and radio which was not undermining Mr. Trump.

Then there was GatewayPundit, who literally for almost a month drove Drudge in support of Donald Trump, for content, so other content could generate for the mainstream.

In the fringe, the one person who carried the entire burden at 16 hours a day was Jeff Rense. He was almost assassinated early this year and suffered from severe brain injuries, and yet he has been relentless in pushing pro Trump stories in convincing his listeners the attributes of Mr Trump being the only horse in this race.

Alex Jones faded early in this process, and what spiked was the Twitter Corp which was basically led by Mike Cernovich of Gorilla News and Ricky Vaughn. These people are read by the fringe working against the American Genocide, and operated devastatingly with their 140 character debate on Twitter.

In this you have to understand, that this was what Trump media was. You have to understand that this was not oligarch paid for, but resisted, but these key very talented and creative writers, produced the back channel which created the buzz for 4chan and 8chan, to percolate all through the internet, and then infuse the media, for these Donald Trump stories which drove this from the ground up.
What most of you do not understand as you are being triggered by multi billion dollar Mockingbird media, is that by Mr. Trump’s charisma and understanding of this, along with a small group of Americans creating buzz…….and buzz is everything, because you children and brats demand to be satisfied several times a day in entertainment, and in this group drove the Trump media all on a volunteer basis.

I have mentioned someone I am aware of who saved Donald Trump’s Campaign and I can never reveal the source, but they stepped up to do what was necessary in the campaign when that necessity has to be filled. You will never know what this person did for America, but without them, we would have been a bloodied lot and this would have been far more difficult, if you can imagine that.

In explaining how intricate and vulnerable all of this was, from traitors getting me banned from Facebook, I desire on that understanding to go into further details about the Donald Trump Debate and victory.

Posted in Mike Cernovich | Comments Off on Mike Cernovich’s Bank Accounts Frozen?

Illegal Immigrants In Italy Want White Women

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Politico: ‘In a Time of Trump, Millennial Jews Awaken to Anti-Semitism: A new generation is experiencing an age-old hatred for the first time. But why has the Jewish right looked away?’

This Trump-inspired anti-Semitism sounds horrible. How many Jews have been slaughtered in this wave of hate? Oh, none. Well, how many Jews have been beat up? This article can’t find any examples of that either.

If America in 2016 is filled with anti-Semitism, then what was the Holocaust? Super duper bad anti-Semitism? The word “anti-Semitism” is losing all meaning.

Anti-Semitism is not a useful term. It is a euphemism. If you wish to be precise, say “anti-Jewish.” The challenge for ethnic activists is that the term “anti-Jewish” immediately introduces the idea that different groups have different interests and it is normal, natural and even healthy to have negative views of other groups. Just as some gentile hold anti-Jewish feelings, some Jews hold anti-gentile feelings. Most non-Muslims are not happy with the presence of Muslims in their country and most non-blacks try to avoid living around blacks.

Anti-Semitism is not a disease. It is not a mystery. It is a fact of life that different groups have different interests and when another group is threatening the well-being of your group, it is normal, natural and healthy to dislike that group.

The political identities of Jews and gentiles will never knit together for long because they are different peoples with different histories, different average IQs, different predispositions, different strengths and weaknesses, different norms, and different destinies.

An Israeli academic using the name “Ari Ben Canaan” writes a superb blog called Alt-Zionism:

It is a curious fact that in the Current Year, the Alt Right understands the Jews better than the Jews understand themselves. While legions of ersatz Larry Davids and Brooklyn-accented Californian soccer moms gather in the hallways of the ADL to issue hollow, self-abnegating proclamations that what it is to be a Jew is to be a refugee (1,2),it is only the purported anti-Semites who share the common sense of Herzl in recognizing that the Jews are “a people – one people” (3).

Richard Spencer took this point for granted when, at a recent press conference, he suggested that it would be an insult to call a Jew a European, for to call him a European would be to deny him his heritage (4). To call a Jew a European, on Spencer’s view, is to cut him off from his people, and to suggest that Jews will form a part of a future pan-European ethnostate is do an injustice to the destiny and struggle of the Jews as much as to the struggle and destiny of the Europeans.

Spencer’s view presupposes, of course, that Jewish identity cannot be an instance of European identity in the same way that French identity, for example, is. If this is right, then it must be the case that Jewish identity and European identity are in fact incompatible in such a way that to identify as a Jew is to link oneself to an entirely different people and history than the people and history to which one links oneself in identifying as a European.

There is good reason to think that Spencer is right on this count. To identify oneself as a Jew is to think of oneself as an historical heir to the kingdoms of David and Solomon; it is to think of oneself as kin to Judah Maccabeus, and as having a share in that same historical struggle for independence for which he is remembered; to identify as a Jew is to make the Six-Day War both one’s Thermopylae and one’s Gaugamela. To identify as a Jew is not, however, to think of oneself as kin to Charlemagne and Richard the Lionheart, nor is it to think of oneself as the heir to the dominions of Caesar and Pericles. To attempt to identify oneself both as a Jew and yet also with these hallmarks of European identity would be to identify with such a scattered and confused history that one’s own identity would indeed become incoherent.

This is more profound than the Politico essay.

Ben Wofford writes for Politico: “Like many Jewish families in America, the Reizes household has been deliberating in recent months what Donald Trump really thinks of them.”

That’s pathetic. Why would they care? Trump looks at Jews the way Jews look at non-Jews — how useful can they be.

“But millennial Jews and their juniors are another matter. Joelle’s children—ages 19, 14, and 12—have grown up during an unprecedented era of prosperity and assimilation for Jews in America, one in which the struggles endured by an earlier generation is understood as something closer to historical lore than present fact.”

How assimilated can they be if they still have a separate identity as Jews? Jews have been in Europe for more than a millennia and they still have a separate identity.

“They’ve been protected,” says the Reizes’ mother, “to help them to not feel like being Jewish isn’t different.”

As one American academic put it: “American Jews want to maintain a distinct identity and on the other hand want to be fully integrated into broader society and don’t want the distinctiveness to come at a price.”

As an internet commentator put it: “Anti-Semitism is as natural to Western civilization as anti-Christianity is to Jewish civilization, Islamic civilization and Japanese civilization.”

For younger Jews in the United States, that era has suddenly passed. The early months of 2016 brought in a strange tide of online hate speech aimed largely at Jewish journalists who had published articles critical of Trump or his campaign, with all the old ugly epithets on display. Then in July Trump’s Twitter account posted an image of a six-pointed star next to a picture of Hillary Clinton, with a pile of money in the background. Though he deleted the tweet, afterward Trump walked up to a brightly lit podium and defended the image, bellowing that the Jewish star was not a Jewish star. A dim reality descended on American Jews. Yes: Trump had broadcast the message of a neo-Nazi without apology.

A whole era for American Jews has passed in 2016? Really? I don’t know any American Jews living in fear for their lives because they are Jewish. Jews are as powerful and influential in America today as they have ever been.

How soon is too soon to brush the cobwebs away from an ancient alarm bell? The father, Ofer Reizes, a soft-spoken man of Israeli heritage, wants to discern the source before issuing labels. “My reservation with how anti-Semitic Mr. Trump really is that he’s playing a game, a very effective game,” he says. His wife prods back: “I don’t care if he’s playing a game or not.” “It’s just part of his campaign, is my point,” Mr. Reizes retorts in plaintive, be-understanding tone. “It’s the people he’s riling up.” There’s a pause, as his wife quietly considers this. “When David Duke thinks he’s the best thing ever,” she intones slowly, “it doesn’t matter what he feels in his heart.”
But while his parents deliberate, it’s 19-year-old Zach Reizes who is most firm in his views. “What Trump has brought to the surface is, in many ways, the first blatant anti-Semitic experience for the vast majority of American millennials,” says Zach, an angular and handsome sophomore at Ohio University. On campus, he’s active both with AIPAC, the right-of-center bulwark of Jewish politics, and J-Street, it’s younger and left-leaning rival. “My little sister,” he adds, thinks that Trump “is the Haman of the Purim story.”

If Trump is the Haman of the Purim story, then Trump and his family and supporters should fear that they will be slaughtered by Jews.

Zach has launched more than words. Last March, when AIPAC invited Trump to its annual conference, Reizes wrote an open letter to AIPAC, cautioning that the organization risked countenancing bigotry by inviting Trump to speak,. “Your organization has…taught me to speak up for myself and for my values,” Reizes wrote. “My fellow students and I must sit quietly in tacit support of a man who speaks against every value I hold close.” The letter became well circulated in Jewish media; a representative from AIPAC contacted Reizes to make amends.

Make amends to this delicate snowflake Zach Reizes? How precious. How darling. How sweet. How tender.

Trump speaks against every value Zach Reizes holds close? Trump supports immigration restriction and free speech expansion. Trump is the American Netanyahu. Zach finds that offensive? He’s offended that America may be getting a president who’s as nationalistic as Bibi Netanyahu?

Reizes’ AIPAC letter was an illuminating moment in the tangled world of Jewish politics, where anti-Semitism is a topic traditionally lectured from right to left, from older to younger. But Trump’s success—and a white nationalist subculture blooming like algae in the Internet’s unlighted depths—has turned millennial Jews into the new expositors of anti-Semitism at the dinner table: Quietly explaining Pepe the Frog, opaque Twitter memes and dyspeptic forums like Stormfront to frozen audiences of parents and grandparents. It’s thrust young Jews into long-buried questions of assimilation and political position, whiteness and privilege. And it’s heightened a divide between young and old, left and right: Progressive young Jews learning to form the words “anti-Semitism,” often for the first time—even while they take umbrage at their right-leaning scolds who, now into October, have kept up a deafening silence on the topic of Trump.

So now it is young Jews who are lecturing old Jews about the dangers of anti-Semitism? All the young Jews I know (they are all Orthodox) are pro-Trump.

Presidential politics has never been entirely immune from this disease, a history for which Irving and contemporaries were present, but the millennial class under 35 was not. In 1935, FDR spoke of “dirty Jewish tricks” to describe a tax maneuver by the New York Times, and ribbed a sitting senator about the lack of “Jewish blood in our veins.” Harry Truman’s diary revealed not dissimilar sentiments. Rumors of Richard Nixon’s tirades chased his campaigns long before becoming president. After he won in 1968, White House tapes reveal a president speaking freely of Jewish cabals controlling the media and the IRS. He also included fairly straightforward instructions about his judicial nominees: “No Jews. Is that clear?” (It was.)
Nixon’s became the last tenure of semi-public, anti-Semitic overtures—a political milestone that also demarked a moment of assimilation for American Jewry. By 1970, says Marjorie Feld, a professor who teaches Jewish American history, “American Jews obtained tremendous amounts of power, and they largely assimilated to mainstream American identities,” a development sped along by Jews considerable involvement in the Civil Rights Movement. But just as the political identities of Americans and Jews were knit together, says Feld, Jewish politics itself underwent an unraveling. The catalyst for both trends was the Six Day War in 1967, an event that simultaneously unleashed a rush of Jewish pride and birthed modern American Zionism—while cleaving a rift in Jewish sensibilities about privilege and existential risk that has never relented.
“Sixty-seven was a watershed year, because American Zionism became much more strident,” says Feld, who also referenced Torn at the Roots, a history of American Jewish politics by Michael Straub. It was, Feld says, a “conservative turn…that came at a high price”: A divide by the late sixties, one in which younger, socially progressive Jews, whose spiritual antecedent was the Civil Rights Movement, increasingly found themselves at odds with an older and right-leaning American Jewry politically moored to Israel. Central to the dichotomy were differing notions of which horizon to watch for the arrival of anti-Semitism: The left, like the American college campus, or the right—like the Trump campaign.
This is the warring dichotomy that white, assimilated Jewish children of the 1990s (including this author) have been dropped into as young adults. As a historic debate unfolds about privilege and race, largely on campus, progressive Jews play the role of allies, not the marginalized. Complicating matters is Israel itself: The burgeoning growth of the Boycott Divest Sanctions movement, and a diminishing generational attachment to the Jewish state. A recent Pew survey finds the number of millennials sympathetic to Palestine has grown from 9 percent to 27 since 2006; support for Israel fell from 51 percent to 43.
Such numbers have fed the encompassing fear of the Jewish right, whose worry over college campuses is boiling near the edge of panic—the culmination of a decades-long narrative that college campuses represent a the main spigot of anti-Israel programming. In 2002, Campus Watch was formed, a website that polices the political opinions of college professors and class offerings, ever alert for perceived anti-Israel leanings. A new project funded by Trump-supporter Sheldon Adelson, the Maccabee Task Force, is now writing grants to intervene on behalf of hapless students, ostensibly blind to the crisis around them. One grantee, “Stop the Jew Hatred on Campus,” is a campaign of campus provocateur David Horowitz. Horowitz used the funds to paper the campus of UCLA with posters that read “Jew Hater,” under the headshots of UCLA undergraduates. “Our goal is to change the younger generation from neutral, if not opposed to Israel, to support of Israel,” says Task Force director David Brog.
While Adelon’s Maccabee Task Force funds the hunt for anti-Semites, the pro-Israel pillars of the American right have remained silent on the gargantuan problem of Donald Trump. Young people have not overlooked the irony—a skepticism felt acutely by young people interviewed for this story. “What’s most shocking is…how silent the Jewish establishment has been in calling out Trump’s behavior,” Kaplan said. She later added, “The same people who told me that anti-Semitism was everywhere are now conspicuously silent on Trump. In some cases, they’re supporting Trump.”
Those organizations include the Republican Jewish Coalition (RJC), AIPAC, the American Jewish Committee (AJC), the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, and plausibly a litany of others in the constellation of Jewish advocacy. They have yet to distance, denounce, or in some cases meaningfully comment on Trump’s anti-Semitic rhetoric, even as the indecencies by the campaign pile up with deadening normalcy. (An AIPAC spokesman respectfully declined twice to comment; the RJC did not return the request.) Some have sought to strike a posture of concern: The AJC has condemned Trump’s calls for “riots,” but declined to mention Trump by name, and later offered a mushy response about as unhelpful as Trump’s non-denials and Kushner’s op-ed.
Jewish voters, who consistently vote Democratic, support Trump in numbers of around 19 percent, according to one poll, and 21 percent in Florida (compared to something closer to zero for African American respondents). Not since William Jennings Bryan in 1896 has a candidate united a coalition of American Zionists and a larger anti-Semitic constituency under the same umbrella, according to Jonathan Sarna, a professor of American Jewish history at Brandeis. (Bryan interweaved his cross-of-gold populism with homilies of Jewish financial control—simultaneously supporting a Jewish homeland for biblical reasons.)
The double standard has not escaped the Jewish left. In an open letter published in Haaretz last month, public intellectual and journalism professor Peter Beinart accused the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations of dodging the question of Trump. “Donald Trump is not a distraction. He is the thing our tradition teaches us to resist,” Beinart wrote. “In this season of national decision and Jewish self-reflection, please reflect on your silence.”
“The deafening silence [on Trump] is in proportion to how high they feel the stakes are,” says Feld. For one, Trump could become president—and the candidate has made it abundantly clear that his beliefs are dictated entirely by the identities of those who says nice things to him. But the other clear factor is Iran; as the New Yorker reports, Trump is planning to annihilate the Obama administration’s Iran Deal in the first days of office. “The fact that they are silent speaks to how desperate things have become. BDS is gaining momentum, and Sanders, even, is invoking some criticism of Israel,” says Feld. “They’re very anxious of what the Democratic party might offer them.”
Meanwhile, in Jewish politics, cats are for the moment chasing dogs as left-leaning groups chide their right-wing counterparts for failing to denounce anti-Semitism. This summer, a statement from 28 Jewish action groups, mostly on the left, called on Republican Jewish Coalition leader Matthew Brooks to denounce Donald Trump. In June, a protest organized in New York by the progressive Jewish group Bend the Arc saw young activists chanting “We’ve Seen This Before,” and hoisted signs that bore the slogan “Jews Reject Trump,” a tactic that shared more in common with Horowitz than the Jewish left. The group has since revamped the protest: Last week, Bend the Arc hosted protests across the country, and launched a new website, “We’ve Seen This Before,” featuring a video with harsh, if playful, warnings from a cast of grandparents.
“It’s a really important phenomenon,” says the New York protest’s organizer, Stosh Cotler, CEO of Bend the Arc, which signed the petition. “This is a time when we would expect more of the Jewish right to be speaking out against anti-Semitism…and now we’re seeing the progressive side doing it.” Says Logan Beyroff, spokesman for J Street: “The continued silence of much of the institutional Jewish community on Trump’s candidacy only stands to substantiate claims that they don’t speak for the younger generation of Jews.”
The left has not missed a chance to radiate schadenfreude, a move that does not sit well with Alan Dershowtiz, the longtime expositor of American Jewish politics and famous gadfly of the campus left. “Jewish leaders are failing the shoe-on-the-other-foot test,” he told me over the summer, acknowledging the Jewish right had missed an opportunity. But he offered a more circumspect warning, one of a coming stalemate in which both the Jewish left and right “see anti-Semitism when it’s not there against their enemies, and they don’t see it when it is there, from their friends.” Dershowtiz added, “The issue of anti-Semitism is too important to be politicized—whether it’s a Democrat or Republican.”
But in this moment, the silence on anti-Semitism—at a juncture of world-historical importance, on an international stage—is a problem that afflicts only one side, not two. Millennial Jews have noticed. “A lot of Jews nailed Trump from the beginning,” says Feld, the historian. “If student don’t hear from the Jewish right on Trump, and soon, she adds, “there may be a be a price to pay in terms of their own longevity.”

…Even as they might march with Black Lives Matter or once lobbied for marriage equality, on campus, says Rabbinovich, “Anti-Semitism isn’t viewed as an important or valid form of prejudice.” Partly for this reason, Reizes suspects more Jewish students are leery of bringing up anti-Semitism, whether in class, on Twitter or in person. “Many of us don’t know how to tackle it,” says Reizes. “The inability to… to fight back against it comes from a few places,” he adds. “But I also think it comes from a hesitancy to maybe support Judaism because of Israel.”
It would be a mistake to blame BDS for this condition. More likely, efforts like Horowitz’s “Jew Haters” have done much to raise the political price of speaking out. “A lot of young Jews don’t have the vocabulary to talk about anti-Semitism, because most of the time the label is levelled against us and those we would align with—like those who called for acknowledging human rights of Palestinians,” says Kaplan. “That’s language we’ve separated ourselves from.” One Brown University senior told me “there’s no question” that Trump is peddling anti-Semitism. But there won’t be a “Jews Against Trump” rally at Brown any time soon. The charge of anti-Semitism, the senior said, would just “get caught in their throat, because there’s so much psychological baggage about grandma, and psychological baggage about being gas-lighted” by the far right.
The Jewish right has long pushed the message that we can’t talk of Israel without talking of anti-Semitism. Not without irony, then, have they gotten their wish: A generation of left-leaning Jews ready to speak publically against anti-Semitism, yet frozen by fear that it appears disingenuous to do so, convinced it’s viewed as code for Israel. Trump’s rhetoric may be unprecedented. But no one wants to join an inquisition that marks their hall mates as Jew Haters.

…Like other European ethnicities, the United States fashioned an immigration quota system during the interwar years that painted immigrant Jews as non-white, writes UCLA professor Karen Brodkin in her book, “How Jews Became White Folks.” Such notions endured up to the war, when nearly a thousand Jews fleeing Nazi Germany aboard the St. Louis were turned away, and a proposal to allow Jewish children to emigrate was swiftly quashed. But a different story developed in the post-war era—Jews “certainly took on whiteness by the sixties and seventies,” says Feld, the historian, a process as traceable in history texts as it is on Mad Men, where Jews slowly gain entry into the office setting. It was an assimilation so famously swift that Jewish American culture would soon be presented with the opposite moral dilemma—tested by the darker impulses of full assimilation. Even as Syrian refugees seek sanctuary aboard their own St. Louis, it is not purely coincidence that the chief architect of Donald Trump’s scheme to bar them—as well as banning Muslims and deporting Mexicans—is Stephen Miller, who is Jewish.

The question of Jewish whiteness is a theoretical dispute, not a real debate in this country. Nevertheless, it presents a thicket of social politics precarious enough to give even Ta-Nahesi Coates pause, and the disagreement among Jews runs deep. The debate owes a new twist to Trump. When two Jewish writers recently sparred over Jewish whiteness, Trump supporter David Duke rejoiced—proof that Jews were coming out as non-white. This election season has highlighted a grim paradox, one that underpins the confusion of millennials: An elder generation of Jews—old enough to remember the St. Louis—now shares something in common with David Duke and his white nationalists, two groups invested in prodding a younger generation to reconsider how white they really are. And an incipient alignment between Black Lives Matter and BDS on campus reflects, in part, the same principle that animates Stephen Miller—a modern assumption that Jews are entitled to the trappings of American white supremacy.

This divide between two Judaisms—splitscreen worlds of historical memory, privilege and whiteness—may never be bridged. If it can, millennials may be the ones who bridge it. In July, Jewish activist Carly Pildis penned an essay in Tablet Magazine, “I am Woke,” urging activists of the left to accept the reality of anti-Semitism into their sensibility of social justice, without Jews apologizing for Israel. “We are facing a wave of anger and violence against people of color not seen in my lifetime,” write Pildis. “The Jewish people are facing that, too, the anger, the violent rhetoric, the Trump supporters demanding Jewish reporters’ heads.”

Jewish money is going for Hillary 96-4 over Donald Trump, according to this 538 article.

Here are three quotes from Sam Huntington’s The Clash of Civilizations:

* The underlying problem for the West is not Islamic fundamentalism. It is Islam, a different civilization whose people are convinced of the superiority of their culture and are obsessed with the inferiority of their power. The problem for Islam is not the CIA or the U.S. Department of Defense. It is the West, a different civilization whose people are convinced of the universality of their culture and believe that their superior, if declining, power imposes on them the obligation to extend that culture throughout the world. These are the basic ingredients that fuel conflict between Islam and the West.
* Blood, language, religion, way of life, were what the Greeks had in common and what distinguished them from the Persians and other non-Greeks. Of all the objective elements which define civilizations, however, the most important usually is religion, as the Athenians emphasized. To a very large degree, the major civilizations in human history have been closely identified with the world’s great religions; and people who share ethnicity and language but differ in religion may slaughter each other, as happened in Lebanon, the former Yugoslavia, and the Subcontinent.
* Religion is a central defining characteristic of civilizations, and, as Christopher Dawson said, “the great religions are the foundations on which the great civilizations rest.” Of Weber’s five “world religions,” four—Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, and Confucianism—are associated with major civilizations. The fifth, Buddhism, is not.

Vox Day writes:

So, if we accept the idea that Western civilization and Islamic civilization are in conflict, what must we logically conclude from the three quotes provided?
The decline of the West is the direct result of the decline of Christianity in the West, both religious and institutional.
The growing power of Islam in the West cannot be halted by secularism, white nationalism, or any sub-civilization-level force.
The preservation of the West requires a revival of Christianity.
The preservation of the West requires the abandonment of some, though not all, secular values, beginning with the freedom of religion, that conflict with the restoration of Christianity

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LA TIMES Poll Shows Trump Leading By 4.7 Points

On the date of the first debate, September 26, the Times poll gave Trump 46.3% to Clinton’s 42.4%. Today the Times poll gives Trump 46/9% to Hillary’s 42.2%.

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WP: As news of Trump’s taxes breaks, he goes off script at a rally in Pennsylvania

Why do journalists want to punish politicians who go off script? You’d think journalists would appreciate candor.

I read this Jenna Johnson article in full and I don’t see anything horrible that Trump said. I don’t see why his speech was so bad. I suspect he is right in most of the things he said.

What’s important, however, is how it plays, and the MSM is doing all it can to bury Trump by making him look bad.

Washington Post:

It took Trump nearly 25 minutes to read the brief statement because he kept going off on one angry tangent after another — ignoring his teleprompters and accusing Clinton of not being “loyal” to her husband, imitating her buckling at a memorial service last month, suggesting that she is “crazy” and saying she should be in prison. He urged his mostly white crowd of supporters to go to polling places in “certain areas” on Election Day to “watch” the voters there. He also repeatedly complained about having a “bum mic” at the first presidential debate and wondered if he should have done another season of “The Apprentice.”

As Trump ranted in this rural Pennsylvania town, The New York Times reported it had anonymously received Trump’s 1995 income tax returns, which show he declared a loss of $916 million — a loss that he could use to avoid paying any federal income taxes for up to 18 years.

The evening capped one of Trump’s worst weeks of the campaign season, one that started with his shaky debate performance on Monday night and went on to include a public feud with a former beauty queen, a middle-of-the-night tweet storm, attacks on the Clintons’ marriage and an examination of an decades-old adult film that briefly featured Trump fully clothed.

The rally started more than an hour and 40 minutes late because heavy fog delayed Trump’s arrival. His supporters grew tired of his looping musical playlist, at one point chanting: “Turn it off! Turn it off!”

When Trump finally took the stage, it was clear that he was worked up about something as he quickly rushed through his usual talking points. He read the first sentence of the prepared statement: “A new audio tape that has surfaced — just yesterday — from another one of Hillary’s high-roller fundraisers shows her demeaning and mocking Bernie Sanders and all of his supporters.”

Rather than continuing, Trump demeaned and mocked Sanders himself, saying that he has “a much bigger movement than Bernie Sanders ever had” and that he has “much bigger crowds than Bernie Sanders ever had.” Trump accused Sanders of tarnishing his legacy by making a “deal with the devil” and supporting Clinton.

“Crazy Bernie,” Trump said at one point.

Eventually, Trump read a few more sentences, telling the audience that Clinton had described Sanders supporters as “living in their parents’ basements” and being trapped in dead-end jobs. Clinton made these comments more than seven months ago and seemed to sympathize with millennials who supported Sanders, although Republicans have tried to frame the remarks as an attack on young voters.

“In a really sarcastic tone because she’s a sarcastic woman,” Trump dryly said, going off-script.

He resumed his scripted spot: “To sum up…”

But he interrupted himself: “And I’ll tell you the other thing: She’s an incompetent woman. And I’ve seen it. She’s an incompetent woman.”

Halfway through the statement, Trump took a nearly 20-minute-long break to cover a range of topics, including these:

— He reflected on how his movement has “the smartest people… the sharpest people… the most amazing people.” He said the pundits — “most of them aren’t worth the ground they’re standing on, some of that ground could be fairly wealthy ground” — have never seen a phenomenon like this.

— He asked that the crowd if they are proud of President Obama, and they answered with a booming: “No!”

— He told the crowd to get a group of friends together on Election Day, vote and then go to “certain areas” and “watch” the voters there. “I hear too many bad stories, and we can’t lose an election because of you know what I’m talking about,” Trump said. “So, go and vote and then go check out areas because a lot of bad things happen, and we don’t want to lose for that reason.”

— He declared that he won Monday night’s debate even though he had a “bum mic.” He asked the crowd if they think that “maybe that was done on purpose.” They cheered.

— He recounted how the “dopes at CNN” and “phony pundits” refused to acknowledge how well he was doing during the primaries. “Then we started getting 52 percent, 58 percent, 66 percent, 78 percent, 82 percent,” Trump said, not making clear what those numbers mean. “And they just didn’t understand what was going on.”

— He said Clinton could not fight bad trade deals or Russian President Vladimir Putin because “she can’t make it 15 feet to her car,” alluding to video that showed Clinton buckling as she unexpectedly left a 9/11 memorial service early. Her doctor later said she had pneumonia. Trump then imitated Clinton by flailing his arms and jostling side to side. He walked unsteadily away from the podium as if he were about to fall over. “Folks, we need stamina,” Trump said. “We need energy.”

— He claimed that he has a “winning temperament” while Clinton has “bad temperament.” Trump continued: “She could be crazy. She could actually be crazy.”

Trump read one more sentence of the statement and accused Clinton of saying that “most of the country is racist” because she said at the debate that “implicit bias is a problem for everyone, not just police.”

“Did anybody like Lester Holt?” Trump said, naming the debate moderator as his crowd booed.

Trump read one more sentence of the statement, then brought up Clinton’s use of a private email server while she was secretary of state.

“She should be in prison, let me tell you,” Trump said. “She should be in prison.”

The crowd cheered and chanted: “Lock her up! Lock her up! Lock her up!”

“And she’s being totally protected by The New York Times and The Washington Post and all of the media and CNN — Clinton News Network, which nobody is watching anyways so what difference does it make,” Trump said.

Trump accused Clinton of “lies and lies.”

“How many people have acid-washed or bleached a tweet?” Trump asked the crowd. “How many? That you deleted? So you deleted it but that’s not good enough. No, this is getting crazy. Our country is becoming a third-world country.”

Trump read the final sentence of the statement but by that point, he had overshadowed his campaign’s planned headline with numerous other ones. And he kept adding to the list.

Trump called Clinton a “lousy speaker” and accused her of giving away the jobs of hardworking Pennsylvanians to please her donors.

“You’re unsuspecting,” Trump said. “Right now, you say to your wife: ‘Let’s go to a movie after Trump.’ But you won’t do that because you’ll be so high and so excited that no movie is going to satisfy you. Okay? No movie. You know why? Honestly? Because they don’t make movies like they used to — is that right?”

Trump yelled at the media to show his crowd, which he said would make for “better television,” pledged to win Pennsylvania and called supporters of international trade “blood suckers.”

“Oh, I could be doing the ‘Apprentice’ right now,” Trump said at one point, seeming to harken back to a happier time in his life. “I loved it — 14 seasons. How good was that? Tremendous success. They wanted to extend — I could be doing the ‘Apprentice’ now. Somehow I think this is a little bit more important. Do we agree? Just a little bit?”

[How reality TV gave us reality candidate Donald Trump]

As he spoke, dozens of people left the rally early, tired from standing for hours and hoping to beat the traffic. Those who remained leaned against walls, barricades and each other. One woman rubbed her knees. Another took a phone call: “I’m still here… He started an hour and a half late… I’ll call you whenever we get out of here.”

“I didn’t need to do this, folks,” Trump said of his candidacy. “Believe me. This is tough work… This is hard work. Believe me, folks. This is hard work.”

Trump told the crowd he’s beholden to his supporters and no one else.

“Hillary Clinton’s only loyalty is to her financial contributors and to herself,” Trump said. “I don’t even think she’s loyal to Bill, if you want to know the truth.”

The crowd gasped and many shouted: “Ohhhhh!”

Trump shrugged.

“And really, folks,” Trump continued, “really, why should she be? Right? Why should she be?”

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