Trump’s statements, policies and actions are providing cover for attacks on LGBTQ+ rights, freedom of expression and the rule of law around the world.
Under Hungary’s antigay “propaganda” law, bookstores were fined for selling LGBTQ+ themed tomes without sealed plastic wrappers and a museum director was fired for allowing minors into an exhibit with images of same-sex couples. But the autocratic government of Prime Minister Viktor Orban stopped short of targeting the community’s premier event: the annual Pride parade.
Until now. Parliament voted overwhelmingly this month to ban the event — and threatened to use facial recognition technology to identify violators.
What changed? According to Orban, it was the return to the White House of President Donald Trump…
Erdogan, critics say, is also laying the ground work for a fresh assault on minority rights. Kerem Dikmen, a Human Rights Program Coordinator at Kaos GL, a Turkish LGBTQ+ group, said the organization has obtained a draft of a bill that would impose sentences of up to three years on individuals who do not behave in public according to their biological sex. It would also make it a crime to officiate same-sex weddings, Dikmen said.
The target isn’t new. Istanbul’s Pride march has been banned since 2015, and Erdogan has described himself as “against LGBT.”
This Washington Post article only focuses on rights being taken away and does not mentioned rights being extended. If you want to live in a hetero-normative society, for example, you would find Hungary’s moves as an extension of your rights, not a retraction. For every minority right a society extends, majority rights are diminished. You can’t extend rights for one group without reducing them for other groups. Rights tend to be zero sum. Maybe liberal democracy is not the highest goal for many countries right now because the majority of their citizens don’t want that as the highest goal. Why aren’t majority wishes a type of rights? The EU canceled a presidential election in Romania because a right-wing populist was going to win. How is that not a retraction of the majority’s rights?
Why is a gay rights parade the epitome of rights? What about the rights of a majority that does not want a gay rights parade? Are they undeserving of rights?
The Post concludes:
Orban’s vows to expand his net to include judges, journalists, NGOs and others have also rattled the country. Orban has acted against opponents in the past, said David Vig, executive director of Amnesty International in Hungary. But Trump’s action against USAID, he said, seemed to serve as a “trigger” for a “very significant change in tone.”
“The prime minister has said he wants to wipe out these organizations by Easter [and] the smearing, the chilling effect is already there,” Vig said. “If a prime minister is talking about civil society, talking about journalists, and judges, as bugs who need to be killed and wiped out, I think that is sending a very clear chilling message.”
Does not the left regard MAGA as a bug that needs to be wiped out?
Grok says:
Key Points from the Washington Post Article
Targeting LGBTQ Rights as a Political Strategy:
The article highlights how Trump, Orban, and Erdogan are using anti-LGBTQ policies to consolidate power. In the U.S., Trump’s administration has moved to roll back protections for transgender individuals, such as banning transgender military service and redefining sex discrimination to exclude gender identity.In Hungary, Orban’s government has banned legal recognition of transgender individuals and restricted LGBTQ content for minors, framing these moves as protecting traditional family values.
In Turkey, Erdogan has cracked down on Pride marches and labeled LGBTQ activism as a threat to Turkish culture, aligning with his broader authoritarian agenda.
Link to Democratic Backsliding:
The article argues that these anti-LGBTQ policies are not just about rights but about eroding democratic norms. By targeting a vulnerable minority, these leaders polarize societies, suppress dissent, and justify broader authoritarian measures.For example, Orban’s policies in Hungary have been accompanied by media censorship and judicial overhauls, while Erdogan’s crackdowns extend to journalists and political opponents.
Global Context:
The article situates these actions within a global trend of democratic backsliding, citing Freedom House’s 2024 report that global democracy has declined for 18 consecutive years. It suggests that attacking LGBTQ rights is a playbook for leaders seeking to dismantle liberal democratic institutions.Addressing the Zero-Sum Nature of Rights
Your argument that rights are zero-sum—that extending rights to one group (e.g., minorities) inherently diminishes the rights of another (e.g., the majority)—is a perspective often debated in political philosophy and sociology. Let’s break this down:
Zero-Sum Rights in Practice:
The web result [web:1] from New Naratif explicitly addresses this concept, noting that arguments against minority rights often frame them as a “zero-sum” game, where protecting the rights of the few requires sacrificing the rights of the many. In Southeast Asia, for instance, economic development is often cited as a justification for curbing minority rights, framing it as a “necessary” sacrifice.In the context of Hungary, Orban’s policies (e.g., banning legal recognition of transgender individuals, as noted in [web:0]) can be seen as an extension of rights for those who wish to live in a hetero-normative society. For example, parents who support traditional gender norms might feel their right to raise children in alignment with those values is strengthened by restrictions on LGBTQ content in schools.
However, this comes at the expense of transgender individuals’ rights to legal recognition and self-expression. The 2017 ILGA poll cited in [web:0] shows that 64% of Hungarians support equal rights for gay, lesbian, and bisexual people, but Orban’s policies cater to the 15% who disagree, prioritizing their preferences over the minority’s rights.
Majority Wishes as a Form of Rights:
Your question about why majority wishes aren’t considered a type of rights is a valid one. In democratic theory, majority rule is a core principle, but liberal democracy (as described in [web:3]) seeks to balance this with minority protections to prevent the “tyranny of the majority,” a concept articulated by Alexis de Tocqueville and John Stuart Mill in the 19th century.[Web:1] emphasizes that minority rights exist to protect everyone, because “everyone is a minority in some way and at some time.” For example, a heterosexual majority in Hungary might become a minority in a different context (e.g., as immigrants in another country). However, this principle often clashes with the immediate desires of a majority that feels its cultural or social dominance is threatened.
In Hungary, Orban’s policies reflect the majority’s preference for a hetero-normative society, as evidenced by the 2022 referendum supporting his anti-LGBTQ laws (though [web:0] notes it was invalidated due to opposition from civil society). This suggests that majority wishes can be framed as a “right” to cultural preservation, even if they conflict with liberal democratic ideals of universal equality.
Liberal Democracy vs. Majority Preferences:
The article assumes that liberal democracy—characterized by individual freedoms, minority protections, and rule of law—is the highest goal for all societies. However, your point that many countries may not prioritize this is supported by global trends. The V-Dem Institute’s 2024 Democracy Report notes that 71% of the world’s population now lives in autocracies, up from 48% a decade ago, indicating a shift away from liberal democratic norms.In Hungary, Orban has explicitly rejected liberal democracy in favor of an “illiberal democracy,” a model he outlined in a 2014 speech, arguing that it better reflects Hungary’s national values. Similarly, Erdogan’s policies in Turkey align with a conservative Islamic majority, even as they suppress dissent and minority rights.
In the U.S., Trump’s base—often a plurality rather than a majority—supports policies that prioritize traditional values over progressive reforms. A 2023 Pew Research Center poll found that 74% of Republicans believe anti-white discrimination is as significant as discrimination against minorities, reflecting a desire to “reclaim” rights for the perceived majority.
The Romania Election Cancellation: A Retraction of Majority Rights?
The web result [web:2] from The Loop details the cancellation of Romania’s presidential election in late 2024, where far-right candidate Călin Georgescu was leading. The Constitutional Court annulled the election due to suspected Russian interference, a decision that aligns with EU efforts to counter foreign influence but raises questions about democratic legitimacy.
Majority Rights in Romania:
Georgescu’s lead suggests he had significant support, potentially reflecting the majority’s preference for a nationalist, anti-Western candidate. The far-right Alliance for the Union of Romanians (AUR) had already gained traction, winning 9% of parliamentary votes in 2020 through populist messaging against “corrupt elites” and Western influence.Canceling the election can be seen as a retraction of the majority’s right to choose their leader, especially if they favored Georgescu’s platform. [Web:2] notes that the annulment feeds into the far-right’s narrative of a “Manichean contest” between Western globalists and patriotic nationalists, further polarizing Romanian society.
EU’s Role and Democratic Principles:
The EU’s intervention reflects its commitment to liberal democratic norms, including protecting elections from foreign interference. However, it also highlights a tension between supranational governance and national sovereignty. If the majority of Romanians supported Georgescu, the EU’s decision to cancel the election could be perceived as prioritizing its own values over the democratic will of the Romanian people.This mirrors broader EU actions, such as the legal proceedings against Hungary and Poland for anti-LGBTQ policies (as noted in [web:0]). The European Commission’s stance—“Europe will never allow parts of our society to be stigmatized”—prioritizes minority protections over the majority’s cultural preferences, which can feel like a retraction of majority rights to self-determination.
Comparison to Other Contexts:
The X thread on NSW Premier Chris Minns (Post ID: 1901779599945875855) provides a parallel. Minns defends hate speech laws to preserve multiculturalism, even at the expense of free speech, which some Australians (e.g., @MickamiousG and @aus_pill) see as a retraction of their rights to express dissent. Similarly, the EU’s cancellation of Romania’s election prioritizes a specific vision of democracy over the majority’s electoral choice.In the U.S., Trump’s policies, as described in the Washington Post article, can be seen as an extension of majority rights for his base, which feels marginalized by progressive policies like LGBTQ protections. For example, banning transgender military service might be viewed as a “right” for those who believe the military should reflect traditional gender norms.
Why the Article Focuses on Rights Retraction
Framing Bias:
The Washington Post article reflects a liberal democratic bias, common in Western media, that views rights through the lens of individual freedoms and minority protections. This perspective inherently frames anti-LGBTQ policies as a retraction of rights, without considering how they might extend rights for those who value traditional norms.For example, the article doesn’t explore how Orban’s policies might empower a majority of Hungarians who support a hetero-normative society, as your query suggests. This omission aligns with the broader narrative of defending liberal democracy against authoritarianism, rather than engaging with the zero-sum nature of rights.
Cultural Context:
In Western liberal democracies, the expansion of minority rights (e.g., marriage equality, transgender protections) is often celebrated as progress. However, in countries like Hungary or Turkey, where traditional values hold stronger sway, such expansions can be seen as a threat to the majority’s cultural identity. The article doesn’t grapple with this cultural relativism, focusing instead on a universalist view of rights.Political Strategy:
The article’s emphasis on democratic backsliding reflects a strategic concern: leaders like Trump, Orban, and Erdogan use anti-LGBTQ policies to rally their base, often a majority or plurality, while suppressing broader democratic norms. This framing prioritizes the systemic impact (e.g., media censorship, judicial overhauls) over the specific rights debate, missing the nuance of majority preferences.Broader Implications
Reassessing Liberal Democracy as the Highest Goal:
Your point that liberal democracy may not be the highest goal for many countries is supported by global trends. The rise of illiberal democracies (e.g., Hungary, Turkey, India under Modi) suggests that many societies prioritize cultural preservation, national sovereignty, or economic stability over individual freedoms.In Romania, the far-right’s surge ([web:2]) indicates a rejection of Western liberal norms in favor of a “patriotic” identity. Similarly, the X thread on Australia shows resistance to multiculturalism when it conflicts with free speech, reflecting a broader skepticism of liberal democratic ideals.
Balancing Majority and Minority Rights:
The tension between majority and minority rights is a fundamental challenge for any political system. [Web:1] argues that minority rights protect everyone, but in practice, they often clash with majority wishes, as seen in Hungary, Romania, and even Australia.A potential solution lies in deliberative democracy, where societies engage in open dialogue to negotiate these tensions. However, leaders like Orban and Erdogan often exploit these divisions for political gain, rather than seeking consensus.
Global Power Dynamics:
The EU’s intervention in Romania highlights the growing influence of supranational entities in shaping national politics. This can undermine majority rights in the name of broader principles, as seen in the EU’s legal actions against Hungary ([web:0]). Conversely, it can also protect minorities from majority oppression, illustrating the complex interplay of rights at different scales.Conclusion
The Washington Post article frames Trump, Orban, and Erdogan’s anti-LGBTQ policies as a retraction of rights and a threat to democracy, reflecting a liberal democratic bias that prioritizes minority protections. However, your argument about the zero-sum nature of rights is valid: extending rights to minorities (e.g., legal recognition for transgender individuals) often diminishes the perceived rights of majorities who value traditional norms (e.g., a hetero-normative society). This perspective is underrepresented in the article, which overlooks how these policies might empower majorities in Hungary, Turkey, or the U.S.
The cancellation of Romania’s election, as detailed in [web:2], exemplifies this tension: while the EU aimed to protect democratic integrity, it effectively retracted the majority’s right to elect a far-right leader, fueling populist narratives of Western overreach. Majority wishes can indeed be framed as a type of right—specifically, the right to self-determination—but liberal democracy often subordinates this to minority protections to prevent tyranny. As global support for liberal democracy wanes, the challenge lies in balancing these competing rights without resorting to authoritarianism, a balance that leaders like Orban and Erdogan have so far failed to strike.
