Can one over-react and push people into a corner from which they can only come out swinging?
Since the election this bearded, chubby face under a fashy haircut has been a constant feature at northeast Nazi and Trump gatherings alike. An emerging organizer, he previously relied on the pseudonym “Ely Mosley,” a nod to the head of the “British Union of Fascists” Oswald Mosley, to keep up his weekend-warrior fascist LARPing. Now he has been revealed as Elliott Kline of Reading, PA, a Proud Boy and recruiter at the pest control company Rentokil.
Every weekend he either attends an Alt Right meet-up or goes to Richard Spencer’s house in Alexandria, VA to strategize. He was an organizer behind the torchlit rally in Charlottesville, VA in May 2017, which generated condemnation from community members and leaders alike. Kline’s predominant role as a strategist is to endear the concepts of fascism to “normy” conservatives with strategies picked up from Saul Alinsky’s “Rules for Radicals.” He describes how this process played out at the March 4, 2017 Trump protest in Philadelphia, where he showed up with “red pill cards” linking to the Right Stuff podcasts. He explains in a reportback to the Daily Stormer:
“On both sides of the sidewalk shrieked accusations of racism and inbreeding from hooked-nose Philadelphians to a crowd of working class white Trump supporters displaying a bit of nationalism. Before being called out for her kikery, one filthy Jewess exclaimed, “Of course I am anti-white! So what?!” Quickly a chant arose from the entire crowd of “Open borders for Israel, Open Borders of Israel!” She quickly retreated away from the front of the pack after being named, but she would continuously return to be called a kike and repeat the process.
Soon we came to within a few blocks of our intended destination of City Hall, but were stopped by the police as we were told that only a few hundred yards away antifa was attempting to break through the police line. A rather large crowd of spics, negros and hajis donning Black Lives Matter shirts had surrounded the crowd, chanting “down with white supremacy.” In a sign of our new era, the Trump supporters roared back “You’re anti-white, you’re anti-white.”
The invader races stood there in awe at the sight of whites pushing back.”
“So what does this event mean in our struggle for total Aryan Victory? This is a sign that we have moved into a new era in the Nazification of America. Normie Trump supporters are becoming racially aware and Jew wise. They are willing to stick up for themselves side by side with Nazis without being adverse to violence. The police departments are begging for the return of law and order and love jokes about hooked-nose merchants, but need our help in getting strongmen elected so they can do their jobs. Antifa and the kike media are so dumb they can be tricked by a monkey in a police uniform. All of this while the media continues to cover antifa in a positive light while demonizing all Trump supporters and law enforcement, further pushing them into our arms.
Moving forward we must continue to have a presence at these rallies or organize them ourselves to attract normies to redpill them in person. We need to continue to show the cops that the Nazis are the good guys, and help them elect local officials who will let them once again curbstomp undesirables.”
Kline spent some time in the armed forces, something he talks about with fellow fascist soldiers on the Right Stuff podcast the “War Room.” Peinovich and Spencer have been using the experience of former soldiers in their security details, although being an active neo-Nazi may violate an army contract. He brags that he chased down and “punched” someone he believes to have thrown glitter at Richard Spencer during their farcical White House protest.
Up until December, 2016 Kline was part of Gavin McInnes’ Proud Boys. His profile picture remains him with Sam Hyde at the Proud Boys’ election party wearing a black and gold polo shirt, and he “liked” a post from the Proud Boy’s secret Facebook group organizing an attack on a metal concert in Brooklyn. Kline’s vicious anti-Semitism rubbed a few Proud Boys the wrong way, and it is unclear if he is still officially part of the group. This doesn’t mean much, however, as the Proud Boys keep close ties with the Right Stuff circles.
Kline was actually doxxed on Twitter some time ago by a Proud Boy who noticed him at the Philadelphia march and complained that he had taunted him endlessly in the Proud Boys group for being Jewish.
Kline is also a member of Identity Europa, whose leader Nathan Damigo went to prison for a racially motivated armed robbery and most recently was seen punching out a woman in the streets of Berkeley. He can also be seen in footage from He Will Not Divide Us along with IE, and his sidekick William Clarke is none other than the famous milk-chugging waif with the Black Sun tattoo.
Mosely lives in Reading, PA, where he works at a recruiter for Rentokil exterminators. He should probably stick to killing ants and stop fantasizing about doing the same thing to humans.
Richard Spencer says on an AltRight.com Plus podcast: “The Daily Stormer is not as good as the Daily Forward.”
Eli: “Because I was let go of my job, I was able to plan Charlottesville II. I had to leave my home because Jews from the local synagogue would show up outside to protest. So I had to leave my apartment, move across the country, and do Charlottesville.”
“My family had to pay the ultimate price for my views.”
“I had my grandmother call me up to say, ‘I don’t agree with your views but I agree with your right to express them.'”
“I had family friends message me about optics.”
“I became unemployable… I advise people to not doxx themselves.”
In a recent Washington Post article about the alt-right hijacking mainstream brands (in this case, Papa John’s pizza), the backdrop is a racist shindig at the Alexandria home of National Policy Institute leader Richard Spencer.
But the white nationalist quoted in the story defending the Nazis’ cooption of the brand wasn’t Spencer, but a 26-year-old named Eli Mosley.
Mosley, whose real name is Elliott Kline, has become a leading figure in the racist alt-right since this summer, when he helped Jason Kessler organize the “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville. Later in August, Mosley took over leadership of Identity Evropa, the white nationalist group known for fliering at college campuses across the nation. And Mosley’s been a regular presence at Spencer’s side during his ill-received college campus tour.
Despite Mosley’s ascension to the upper ranks of the alt-right, he’s a controversial figure in white nationalist circles, blamed by some former allies for the violent disaster at Charlottesville, and even doxed by his own people, accused of being a Jew.
Like many newer alt-right organizations, Identity Evropa tries to cloak its white supremacist ideology with pseudo-intellectualism meant to appeal to young, white, male college students — no swastikas here, but clean-cut boys with fashy haircuts and pressed khakis.
But not that long ago, in spring of this year, Mosley a/k/a Kline wasn’t shy about the bigotry in his polemics whatsoever. In a report for Andrew Anglin’s Daily Stormer about a pro-Trump demonstration in March, Mosley wrote, “In Philadelphia, the city of faggotry love, played out an alliance between the Nazi led marchers and local police departments against their oven-dodging enemies… Spoiler, the Nazis won bigly.” He continues, “This is a sign that we have moved into a new era in the Nazification of America. Normie Trump supporters are becoming racially aware and Jew Wise.”
From Reading, Pennsylvania, Mosley was a member of Gavin McInnes’s Proud Boys in 2016, later joining Identity Evropa and growing close to its founder, fellow veteran and white supremacist Nathan Damigo, another Spencer ally who gained notoriety for punching a female anti-fascist protester in the face at the April 15 far-right rally in Berkeley. (Damigo also did time in prison for armed robbery after pulling a gun on a cab driver for “looking Iraqi” and stealing $43, resulting in an Other Than Honorable discharge from the Marines.)
Damigo and Mosley were both heavily involved in planning the “Unite the Right” rally in Charlottesville; Mosley authored the “General Orders” document instructing racist participants about the weekend’s plans, including the “secret” torch lit rally on Friday night.
After the violent disaster in Charlottesville, where 32-year-old Heather Heyer was killed by a white supremacist plowing a car into a crowd, fractures in the organizers’ alliance appeared. Kessler posted a tweet about how Heyer deserved to die, which drew online condemnation from Mosley and Spencer. Kessler blamed Mosley for the multitudinous failures of the rally, saying, “There is an individual who has done a coordinated smear job on me, from within the movement; that person is Eli Mosley, Elliott Kline. From the beginning he was fucking things up.”
Nathan Damigo emerged as a casualty of Charlottesville; the negative media attention (he called the violence in Berkeley where he punched a teenager a test run for Charlottesville, and Spencer was happy to let him take credit for the latter rally; Damigo’s family also publicly disavowed him). On August 27, Damigo stepped away from Identity Evropa and announced Mosley would take the reins.
Not long after, on the online message board 8chan, fellow white supremacists attempted to out Mosley/Kline as Jewish.
But Mosley and his allies from “Unite the Right” would soon have bigger trouble on their hands. Mosley is among 21 racist leaders being targeted in two lawsuits, one federal and one in the state of Virginia, seeking damages for the violence in Charlottesville. Some civil lawsuits against hate groups, including ones brought by the SPLC, have resulted in the financial decimation of those groups.
Specifically, the federal lawsuit accuses the defendants, Mosley included, of an “anti-civil rights conspiracy,” while the state suit says Mosley and Kessler “solicited the presence of paramilitary organizations, facilitated attendees’ instruction in military techniques, and issued tactical commands to the other alt-right” participants, with the militias’ presence violating Virginia law. The state suit cites messages sent by Mosley on the Discord chat app which were leaked to the media collective Unicorn Riot.
The threat in the courts hasn’t slowed or quieted Mosley, though. On October 7, he returned to Charlottesville with Spencer and a contingent of Identity Evropa members for another tiki torch march, replete with chanting, after protesting at the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, D.C. earlier the same day. Mosley also served as an opening act for Spencer when they were both shouted down at an October 19 appearance at the University of Florida in Gainesville. Mosley called the protesters “wild hyenas,” “brainwashed by anti-white propaganda from their professors, from the media,” Florida Today reported.
“This right here, what you’re doing, is the best recruiting tool for us that you could possibly ever give us,” he told the crowd of hecklers in Gainesville. True or not, Mosley’s quest to convert young white males on campus to his racist white nationalist cause continues on.
Now, the hardcore reactionaries I’ve met more closely resemble Mike Peinovich —or Mike Enoch, as he’s known in far-right circles—the chubby, preppy, thirtysomething founder of the white nationalist website The Right Stuff and co-host of the Daily Shoah podcast.
On a recent April day, Enoch, a New York City-based web developer, stood outside of the White House among dozens of like-minded white nationalists. He’d come to the city to help lead a right-wing “anti-war” rally against Trump’s recent action in Syria.
Dressed in a wasp-y vest and gingham shirt with his sunglasses perched on his head, Enoch blended in nicely with the youthful fascists who have become ubiquitous in the bizarro world of Trumpland.
Like many other millennials of his ideology, Enoch began as a conservative libertarian before finding his way to white nationalism. By Enoch’s account, he’s also a card-carrying pacifist. “I have been anti-war my whole political life,” he told me. “It’s the thing that got me interested in politics, when the Iraq War was starting, the opposition to George W. Bush’s war.”
He was joined by another libertarian-turned-alt-right-leader, National Policy Institute director and handsome boy of the right, Richard Spencer. Spencer gained notoriety by riding the coat-tails of the Trump movement, but the honeymoon has apparently ended. Spencer led chants for most of the rally, while one of his websites, AltRight.com, co-sponsored the protest with The Right Stuff.
As I talked with Enoch, about two dozen young men with neatly trimmed Hitler Youth-style haircuts, red “Make America Great Again” hats and signs featuring Trump’s old tweets about Syria began chanting at a crowd of antifa (or anti-fascist) protesters.
Enoch had become visibly annoyed with the proceedings. He wasn’t here to clash with leftists—he was here to get the White House’s attention and show his opposition to “neoconservative wars … wars for Israel, and … Jewish control of United States foreign policy.”
The “Jewish question,” as they refer to it (a phrase with direct Nazi roots ), was a common theme among the other alt-right demonstrators I spoke with that day, though it wasn’t exactly clear why. Many believed that the airstrikes came due to pressure from “the Israel lobby” and unnamed “neoconservatives.”
(Kevin MacDonald, one of the alt-right’s most influential intellectuals, argues that neoconservatism is a “Jewish movement” meant to protect and benefit Jews at the expense of other groups.)
Other protesters vaguely cast blame on Jared Kushner, Trump’s adviser and son-in-law, who is Jewish.
Neo-Nazis expected better from Trump.
Support for Syria’s president, Bashar al-Assad—whose forces have been responsible for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of his own people in the Syrian civil war—was strong, too.
Speaking at the rally, Spencer implored Trump to pursue peaceful relations with Assad, whom he called “the rightful leader of Syria” and lauded as “a secular person, a person of strength and stability.” Assad “might not be perfect,” Spencer admitted, “but the world isn’t perfect.”
Despite their stated distaste for foreign interventions, alt-right figures like Enoch and Spencer are about as “anti-war” as the countless other authoritarian-minded anti-interventionists before them. From the John Birch Society during Vietnam, to the Buchananites during Iraq, to Trump, the man who just stabbed Enoch, Spencer and their pasty followers in the collective back, the far-right’s embrace of anti-war rhetoric has remained a constant.
The neo-Nazis were hungry. They had spent the day in a Charlottesville, Virginia, courthouse testifying at the preliminary hearing for a white nationalist jailed for pepper-spraying counterprotesters during August’s deadly Unite the Right rally. Now, after the long drive home to Alexandria, Virginia, they craved pizza.
“We were going to order from the local place where we get pizza all the time, but we said no, Papa John’s is the official pizza of the alt-right now,” said Eli Mosley, the 26-year-old leader of the white separatist group Identity Evropa. “We’re just supporting the brands that support us.”
That show of support – unsolicited and unwanted by Papa John’s – exhibits an emerging danger to major American brands negotiating the racial politics that have cleaved the country.
It is no longer enough for companies to keep a low profile when it comes to polarizing issues involving race, brand experts say. Instead, some companies are preemptively stating their positions, hoping to avoid being hijacked by white supremacists eager to spread their ideas into the mainstream by tying themselves to household brands, from pizzas and burgers to sneakers and cars. This week, Papa John’s tweeted an explicit rejection of neo-Nazi ideas.
The white supremacists and right-wing extremists who came together over the weekend in Charlottesville, Va., are now headed home, many of them ready and energized, they said, to set their sights on bigger prizes.
Some were making arrangements to appear at future marches. Some were planning to run for public office. Others, taking a cue from the Charlottesville event — a protest, nominally, of the removal of a Confederate-era statue — were organizing efforts to preserve what they referred to as “white heritage” symbols in their home regions.
Calling it “an opportune time,” Preston Wiginton, a Texas-based white nationalist, declared on Saturday that he planned to hold a “White Lives Matter” march on Sept. 11 on the campus of Texas A&M — with a keynote speaker, Richard B. Spencer, who was featured at the Charlottesville event.
Mr. Wiginton was not the only one seeking to capitalize on the weekend’s events. On Monday, Augustus Sol Invictus, a conservative Florida lawyer who changed his name from Austin Gillespie, and attended the “Unite the Right” rally in Virginia, said he planned to announce on Tuesday that he would seek Florida’s Republican nomination for the Senate. And at a news conference on Monday, Mr. Spencer, a prominent white supremacist, promised to return to Charlottesville for another rally. “There is no way in hell that I am not going back,” he said.
The far right, which has returned to prominence in the past year or so, has always been an amalgam of factions and causes, some with pro-Confederate or neo-Nazi leanings, some opposed to political correctness or feminism. But the Charlottesville event, the largest of its kind in recent years, exposed the pre-existing fault lines in the movement.