Slate: How the Right Won the Hawk Tuah Girl – This is a huge, huge problem for Democrats

Luke Winkie writes for Slate July 3, 2024:

…you tend to wield the internet for the pursuit of pleasure and nothing else—then you will be perceived to be right wing. And frankly, that is not a sustainable electoral model. The Democrat experience should not be a gantlet of soul-crushing fury and anxiety. The party must make room for people who enjoy life and all of its beautiful frivolities, which—if we’re being brutally honest—is the default setting all of humanity should be aspiring toward. We shall all come together at the DNC, hand in hand, and spit on that thang.

In his work-in-progress, Conservative Claims of Cultural Oppression, philosopher Rony Guldmann writes:

Medievals were distinguished, not by any generalized amorality or egoism, but by a fundamentally different mental and emotional landscape. They lived in a society where individuals gave way to their impulses and drives with an ease, spontaneity, and openness that is foreign to us today. And so they had emotional lives that were comparatively unregulated and liable to oscillate violently and unpredictably between extremes. The violence, license, and general disorder may have been formally opposed by prevailing social codes. But those codes remained just that, codes, precepts which were known but not at all internalized to the degree to which they are now. No one imagined that they realistically could be. By contrast with the automatic self-control that we now take for granted, the incurable unrest, the perpetual proximity of danger, the whole atmosphere of this unpredictable and insecure life, in which there are at most small and transient islands of more protected existence, often engenders even without external cause, sudden switches from the most exuberant pleasure to the deepest despondency and remorse. The personality, if we may put it thus, is incomparably more ready and accustomed to leap with undiminishing intensity from one extreme to the other, and slight impressions, uncontrollable associations are often enough to induce these immense fluctuations.” Human beings were more animal-like, not only in the externals of habit and self-presentation, but also at the deeper levels of their affective-instinctual make-ups. They were much more beholden to whatever random stimuli emanated from their immediate environments, because much less able to step back from them. This was a consequence, not of ignorance, but of their particular human constitutions and the social conditions that made these adaptive. Self-discipline is now a desideratum of social success and respectability. But things were otherwise within an insecure existence that permitted only minimal thought for the future…

“…a moment ago they were joking, now they mock each other, one word leads to another, and suddenly from the midst of laughter they find themselves in the fiercest feud. Much that appears contradictory to us—the intensity of their piety, the violence of their fear of hell, their guilt feelings, their penitence, the immense outbursts of joy and gaiety, the sudden flaring and the uncontrollable force of their hatred and belligerence—all these, like the rapid changes of mood, are in reality symptoms of the same social and personality structure. The instincts, the emotions were vented more freely, more directly, more openly than later. It is only to us, in whom everything is more subdued, moderate, and calculated, and in whom social taboos are built much more deeply into the fabric of instinctual life as self-restraints, that this unveiled intensity of piety, belligerence, or cruelty appears as contradictory.”

…Norbert Elias: “religion is always exactly as ‘civilized’ as the society or class which upholds it.”

One of the decisive developments in the Western civilizing process, writes Elias, was the transformation of warriors into courtiers. This political transition entailed a set of thoroughgoing psychological changes that would eventually spread beyond the monarchic courts and profoundly affect the identity of the modern West, shaping our basic concept of what it means to be “civilized.” Elias writes that the affects of the independent, self-sufficient feudal lord of old had, like those of medievals in general, enjoyed “rather free and unfettered play in all the terrors and joys of life.”

With the feudal lord’s time being “only very slightly subject to the continuous division and regulation imposed by dependence on others,” he did not develop a strict and stable super-ego through which compulsions stemming from others became self-restraints. But all this changes with the rise of the great royal courts of the absolutist period. Now “his value has its real foundation not in the wealth or even the achievements or ability of the individual, but in the favour he enjoys with the king, the influence he has with other mighty ones, his importance in the play of courtly cliques.” Under these new conditions, “He is no longer the relatively free man, the master of his own castle, whose castle is his homeland. He now lives at court. He serves the prince. He waits on him at table. And at court he lives surrounded by people. He must behave toward each of them in exact accordance with their rank and his own. He must learn to adjust his gestures exactly to the different ranks and standing of the people at court, to measure his language exactly, and even to control his eyes exactly. It is a new self-discipline, an incomparably stronger reserve that is imposed on people by this new social space and the new ties of interdependence.”

This new social space spawned a new personality structure, a new “peculiarly courtly rationality” under whose aegis “the coarser habits, the wilder, more uninhibited customs of medieval society with its warrior upper classes, the corollaries of an uncertain, constantly threatened life” became “softened,” “polished,” and “civilized.” Medieval mayhem and wantonness were now suppressed, as power became less and less a matter of brute physical force and was instead exercised through words and surveillance. This left individuals more socially vulnerable than before, and this changed their relationship to themselves. With the radical heightening of the level of the day-to-day coercion people could exert on one another, “the demand for ‘good behavior’ is raised more emphatically,” and that “[a]ll problems concerned with behavior take on new importance.”

Earlier medieval couldn’t just ignore others’ interests, of course. But now the level of consideration people expect of each other is magnified, as the “sense of what to do and what not to do in order not to offend or shock others becomes subtler”—and also more binding.99Occupying his social position with relative security, the independent knight of old felt no need to banish coarseness and vulgarity from his life. But with the court having become a kind of “stock exchange” in which the his value was being continually assessed and reassessed, he could no longer afford this former freedom.101Gone were the days in which joking could lead to mockery and from there to violent disagreement and violence itself in the span of a few minutes. Gone were the days in which one could leap from the most exuberant pleasure to the deepest despondency on the basis of slight impressions. What mattered now was others’ impressions, not one’s own, and the foremost task became impression-management, which also meant self-management.

A new self-consciousness emerged on the scene, not because essential human nature had been liberated from the confining horizons of a benighted past, but because a new social milieu created inner depths out of outer necessity. Whereas political standing was formerly decided by the sword, it is now “[c]ontinuous reflection, foresight, and calculation, self-control, precise and articulate regulation of one’s own affects, knowledge of the whole terrain, human and non-human, in which one acts, [that] become more and more indispensable preconditions of social success.” People now “mold themselves more deliberately than in the Middle Ages” and increasingly “observe themselves and others.” Directly or indirectly, the “intertwining of all activities with which everyone at court is inevitably confronted, compels…[the courtier] to observe constant vigilance, and to subject everything he says and does to minute scrutiny.”

Here is where Western man first becomes “psychological,” because it is here that social self-preservation comes to require “a more precise observation of others and oneself in terms of longer series of motives and causal connections,” a “vigilant self-control and perpetual observation of others.”106With social status now hinging on words rather than swords, “[s]tylistic conventions, the forms of social intercourse, affect-molding, esteem for courtesy, the importance of good speech and conversation, articulateness of language” all assume a newfound importance. “Good taste” acquires a new prestige value, as members of courtly society listen “with growing sensitivity to nuances of rhythm, tone and significance, to the spoken and written word.” Every plebian expression was to be eliminated, replaced by language that was, like courtly etiquette generally, “clear, transparent, precisely regulated.”

All the self-aggrandizing impulses that formerly expressed themselves brutally, coarsely, and openly now assume a more “refined” form. Pride and contempt are now expressed subtly and obliquely, through the manipulation of the intricate shades of social meaning which the peculiarly courtly rationality spawned. Earlier social arrangements unmarked by complicated chains of human interdependence generally encouraged either “unambiguously negative relationships, of pure, unmoderated enmity” or else “unmixed friendships, alliances, relationships of love and service.” Hence what [Norbert] Elias describes as the “peculiar black-and-white colouring of many medieval books, which often know nothing but good friends or villains.” But the extended chains of functional dependencies in which one became enmeshed at court encouraged new levels of ambiguity, contradiction, and compromise in the feelings and behavior of people. These now became marked by “a co-existence of positive and negative elements, a mixture of muted affection and muted dislike in varying proportions and nuances.” The courtiers had to become more calculating and less wholehearted—less “sincere” and “authentic,” we might say. Such was necessitated by the new social interdependence. If people developed a new moral sophistication, this was the product, not of advancing knowledge, but of the gradual introjection of social exigencies, the muting of affect-structure required by the peculiarly courtly rationality.

This new social and psychological sophistication developed hand-in-hand with the lowering of the threshold of shame, embarrassment, and repugnance in the social relations of the European upper classes, as “people, in the course of the civilizing process, seek to suppress in themselves every characteristic that they feel to be ‘animal.’”113There wasan intensification of disgust before the ejection of saliva, which becomes increasingly shunned.114Attitudes toward food, and meat in particular, also undergo a transformation. Whereas carving up a dead animal at table was formerly standard practice, and possibly a source of pleasure, becoming “civilized” meant eliminating any reminders that meat involves killing animals.

…Whereas the subtraction account naturalizes the “the retrained instinctual and affective impulses denied direct access to the motor apparatus” as the ordinary human desire that remains upon the discarding of religious and metaphysical illusions, the mutation counter-narrative reveals these desires as the internalized refraction of specific social pressures. The innerness of the modern self is not an underlying feature of human nature that had been artificially suppressed by illusory teleological hierarchies, but the product of specific forms of social inderdependency. What the subtraction account upholds as plainspoken “fulfillment,” is more thickly described as what Elias calls “a particular moulding of the whole personality,” a molding that “emerges more strongly the more clearly and totally the spontaneous impulses of the individual threaten to bring about, through the structure of human dependencies, loss of pleasure, decline and inferiority in relation to others, or even the ruin of one’s social existence.”154The ethos of disengaged self-control and self-reflexivity is merely the introjected reflection of these dangers, a social ideal suited for a particular social terrain.

This is the broader context for my argument last chapter that the self-understanding of modernity is distorted inasmuch as it mistakes the disengaged lucidity of the strategic agent for a primordial phenomenon that simply displaces the teleological immersion of pre-moderns. By contrast, the mutation counter-narrative reveals that the disengaged strategic self is a derivative phenomenon that has been superimposed on that immersion. And so this self remains in its own way permeated by and extended over a “field of social meanings,” which is what structures the concrete shapes the disengagement assumes. Whereas the subtraction account is a story of displacement, the mutation counter-narrative is a story of superimposition. It is the historical record of the social mechanisms, both religious and secular, through which porous selves unselfconsciously accepting of the “Field Theory of Man” were progressively compelled to “turn back” on themselves and assume a posture of reflective disengagement extricated from the fields of social meaning to which they were formerly subject. The extrication is indeed just a posture, the deceptive and self-deceptive histrionic mimicry thereof, because it was itself facilitated by various mutations in a field of social meanings that emerged from the compression of the religious and the secular into the courtly-ascetic ethos, into the buffered distance. We may see ourselves as wholly self-possessed and thus operating in a “neutral environment,” but this environment is in fact structured by these origins and so less neutral than it appears…

Charles Murray observes: “The culture of the new upper class carries with in an unmistakable whiff of a “we’re better than the rabble” mentality. The daily yoga and jogging that keep them whipper-thin are not just healthy things for them to do; people who are overweight are less admirable as people. Deciding not to recycle does not reflect just an alternative opinion about whether recycling makes sense; it is inherently irresponsible. Smokers are not to be worried about, but to be held in contempt.”

… What, after all, is the exuberance of chugging cheap domestic beer at a NASCAR track or monster truck competition but a symbolic proxy for the unselfconscious coarseness of the medieval who, not yet disciplined into a peculiarly courtly rationality, lived in a world defined by squalor, danger, and physicality? And what is the more refined pleasure of sipping white wine or latte at an art gallery but a contemporary variant of the ways of court? The latter’s emphasis on “good taste” and its “growing sensitivity to nuances of rhythm, tone, and significance” would clearly be out of place at the NASCAR track—someplace where the spiritual and the worldly have not been compressed into one another, where ordinary human desire has not been imbued with a new spiritual significance. In identifying themselves with NASCAR, motorcycles, and the like, and identifying liberals with more effete interests, conservatives are simply protesting the disciplines and repressions of the buffered identity, scapegoating those who have most thoroughly internalized this identity as its root cause, which actually lies in historical forces rather than human intentions. As we saw in Chapter Two, Mike Gallagher believes that liberals despise the “power and thrust” of gas-guzzling V-8 engines. In urging environmentally-friendly but impotent electric cars upon their fellow Americans, liberals are asking us “to stop hitting the accelerator—on our cars, on our ambitions, on our appetites, on everything.” Here as elsewhere, what may seem like an empty ad hominem is in fact anything but that. For what is the “power and thrust” celebrated by Gallagher if not a symbol of the unrestrained and un-subdued affective-instinctual structure of the pre-modern self? What is liberals’ break on the accelerator but the muting and subduing of that structure within the buffered identity? This is how conservatism “makes medievalism modern,” as Robin says—by projecting onto the contemporary scene the basic structure of the conflicts through which the modern emerged out of the medieval.

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Blacks vs Jews, Elites vs Grassroots in the Joe Biden Story (7-9-24)

01:00 Jews vs blacks on whether or not Joe Biden should step down
03:20 Media pretend to be shocked by Joe Biden’s cognitive decline
06:00 Liberals Were Blinded To Biden’s Senility By Their Own Speech Codes, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=156125
17:20 John Ellis says Joe Biden should step down, https://substack.com/@newsitems
18:00 Megan Kelly interviews John Ellis (former head of the Fox News Decision Desk), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Voi9GlhM544
24:45 Hunter Biden is now Joe Biden’s gatekeeper, https://slate.com/life/2024/07/joe-biden-hunter-news-trump-trial-guilty-white-house.html
28:40 In his 1988 publication A Secure Base, Bowlby wrote that “life is best organized as a series of daring ventures from a secure base.” https://www.navigatethechaos.com/post/how-often-are-you-engaging-in-daring-ventures-from-a-secure-base
36:00 Jill Biden apparently has her own ‘Hail to the Chief’-style entrance theme, courtesy of the Marine Corps band, https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/opinion/2126277/jill-biden-apparently-has-her-own-hail-to-the-chief-style-entrance-theme-courtesy-of-the-marine-corps-band/
46:20 Elliott Blatt joins to discuss Access Hollywood tape vs Joe Biden’s debate disaster, https://www.bbc.com/news/election-us-2016-37595321
50:00 Politico: Evangelicals Hate Stormy Daniels But Love Trump. Here’s Why., https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2024/05/07/stormy-daniels-donald-trump-evangelical-appeal-00156488
1:02:00 How the Hawk Tuah girl was embraced by the right, https://slate.com/life/2024/07/hawk-tuah-girl-video-what-is-hailey-welch-meaning.html
1:06:00 Are Sydney Sweeney’s breasts double-D harbingers of the death of woke?, https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2024/mar/09/sydney-sweeney-snl-republican-misogyny
1:19:45 Why the media covered for Biden, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HTME2IJ53Ok
https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2024/07/09/biden-give-it-all-election-satire/
1:27:00 Why Kamala Harris should never be president
1:29:50 Dennis Prager: Why the Democrats Need To Get Rid of Biden
1:32:10 What’s Really Behind the Corporate Media Focusing on Biden Instead of Trump? https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vKayoSr8zuA
1:38:00 Failin’ Joe Biden
1:41:30 Every single Democrat I’ve talked to off the record has said Biden should step away: Jake Sherman, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AvsKUbcpW3A

Posted in Joe Biden, Journalism | Comments Off on Blacks vs Jews, Elites vs Grassroots in the Joe Biden Story (7-9-24)

Why do Democrats Lack the Courage Of Their Convictions About Biden’s Decline? (7-8-24)

01:00 Biden WEEK FROM HELL: Dems Plot REVOLT, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eyyUYn5ot1k
04:00 Democrats care more about their jobs than telling the truth, https://nymag.com/intelligencer/article/do-democrats-care-more-about-their-jobs-than-beating-trump.html
17:20 Joe Biden’s losing the media
34:20 Is Biden’s team deceiving the American public about his competence, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s9fu-F3dm8E
38:10 A Biden – Trump Update | Mark Halperin, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3cuOomgaguA
41:00 Gail Collins talks to Bret Stephens about the 2024 election, https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/08/opinion/biden-harris-trump.html
44:00 Ross Douthat: So, You Think the Republican Party No Longer Represents the People, https://www.nytimes.com/2022/02/02/opinion/liberals-conservatives-democracy.html
50:00 NYT: Biden’s Strategy to Make the Race About Trump Is Suddenly in Doubt, https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/08/us/politics/biden-trump-strategy.html
52:20 Biden’s press secretary KJP has to deal with a pissed off press corp
55:20 The candidate that gets the softer press treatment wins
1:04:50 Joe Biden is the first president who’s had a face lift
1:08:00 Liberals Were Blinded To Biden’s Senility By Their Own Speech Codes, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=156125
1:11:30 Biden Runs to Morning Joe to Try to Clean Up Democratic Crisis, with Stu Burguiere and Dave Marcus, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uLMc_EHvOlM
1:16:00 Joe Scarborough licked Donald Trump’s shoes at one point
1:21:20 Elliott Blatt calls in to talk Biden, macro-biotics

Posted in Joe Biden, Journalism | Comments Off on Why do Democrats Lack the Courage Of Their Convictions About Biden’s Decline? (7-8-24)

Decoding The Media Conspiracy To Protect Joe Biden The Past Four Years (7-7-24)

01:00 The Joe Biden Decline Story Is Taking On Watergate Dimensions, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=156226
03:00 Conservatives saw Joe Biden’s decline before liberals did, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=156067
07:00 Few People Can Handle Unlimited Amounts Of Humiliation, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=156219
10:00 Joe Biden Must Go Because The Desperate Nature Of The Situation Should Prevail Over Precedent (7-2-24)
25:00 Liberals Were Blinded To Biden’s Senility By Their Own Speech Codes, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=156125
1:04:00 Prior To The Recent Supreme Court Ruling On Presidential Immunity, The Presidency Already Had All The Foreign Policy Power Of King George III, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=156212
1:21:00 WP’s Dan Balz embodies the conventional wisdom, https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2024/07/06/biden-defiance-or-denial-analysis/
1:29:45 Many policy issues may be bypassing the president, https://www.semafor.com/article/07/05/2024/a-scared-biden-aide-sounds-an-alarm
1:44:00 Epistemological populism, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=156067
1:58:30 Brit Hume sends warning about Biden’s ‘alarming’ mental capacity
2:03:30 Brit Hume: Biden’s gaffes show he’s having memory lapses
2:52:40 How the media turned on Biden, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JrHo9pxkQRg
3:03:00 The “Weak” Media Refused to Admit the Truth About Biden’s Cognitive Abilities, w/ Steve Krakauer, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QSJt5js4CT4
3:06:00 Dem Oligarchs Forcing Biden Out of Presidential Race, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e37KAAbespU
3:48:20 Peggy Noonan: Biden Can’t Spin His Way Out of This, https://www.wsj.com/articles/biden-cant-spin-his-way-out-of-this-age-decline-presidential-election-9df813d8?mod=opinion_lead_pos5

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The Joe Biden Decline Story Is Taking On Watergate Dimensions

It has left the realm of the temporal and been elevated to the sacred.

The story is no longer being covered as battles between self-interested partisans but rather it is now about the pursuit of holy truth.

When a story is increasingly covered in moral terms, it becomes a holy crusade. Liberal columnist Jonathan Chait writes for New York magazine July 7:

The problems are ethical, not just political.

…Biden has not broken any laws, but he has violated two important norms. First, he brought his son Hunter in to serve as an adviser in White House meetings. “Longtime aides to the president,” reports Politico, “are now raising concerns about Hunter Biden’s new presence alongside the president in meetings.” Or, as NBC News puts it less delicately, “Another person familiar with the matter said the reaction from some senior White House staff members has been, ‘What the hell is happening?’”

The second and worse violation is that Biden is reportedly ignoring the need to examine his cognitive health. “Since winning the White House, Biden has continued to dismiss the need for a cognitive exam, and aides have said he has never taken one as president — not in three annual physical exams, and not in the week since a halting debate performance raised more urgent questions about the now-81-year-old’s mental acuity,” reports the Washington Post.

Facts don’t speak for themselves. They need context. The context for this Joe Biden story has changed from the temporal to the eternal. This story is no longer a partisan one. It is an American one. The health of the Republic seems at risk from the infection of lies emanating from the White House. All sides of the American political spectrum are demanding that Joe Biden step down because he has broken his contract with America. He’s exhibited bad faith.

Cornell Law School notes: “Bad faith refers to dishonesty or fraud in a transaction. Depending on the exact setting, bad faith may mean a dishonest belief or purpose, untrustworthy performance of duties, neglect of fair dealing standards, or a fraudulent intent. It is often related to a breach of the obligation inherent in all contracts to deal with the other parties in good faith and with fair dealing.”

Anyone who comes forward now with information showing that Biden is unfit for office will be treated as a patriot rather than as a self-interested political player.

Professor Jeffrey Alexander writes in his 2003 book, The Meanings of Social Life: A Cultural Sociology:

* In June 1972, employees of the Republican party made an illegal entry and burglary into the Democratic party headquarters in the Watergate Hotel in Washington, D.C. Republicans described the break-in as a “third-rate burglary,” neither politically motivated nor morally relevant. Democrats said it was a major act of political espionage, a symbol, moreover, of a demagogic and amoral Republican president, Richard Nixon, and his staff. Americans were not persuaded by the more extreme reaction. The incident received relatively little attention, generating no real sense of outrage at the time. There were no cries of outrage. There was, in the main, deference to the president, respect for his authority, and belief that his explanation of this event was correct, despite what in retrospect seemed like strong evidence to the contrary. With important exceptions, the mass news media decided after a short time to play down the story, not because they were coercively prevented from doing otherwise but because they genuinely felt it to be a relatively unimportant event. Watergate remained, in other words, part of the profane world in Durkheim’s sense. Even after the national election in November of that year, after Democrats had been pushing the issue for four months, 80 percent of the American people found it hard to believe that there was a “Watergate crisis”; 75 percent felt that what had occurred was just plain politics; 84 percent felt that what they had heard about it did not influence their vote. Two years later, the same incident, still called “Watergate,” had initiated the most serious peacetime political crisis in American history. It had become a riveting moral symbol, one that initiated a long passage through sacred time and space and wrenching conflict between pure and impure sacred forms. It was responsible for the first voluntary resignation of a president.

How and why did this perception of Watergate change? To understand this one must see first what this extraordinary contrast in these two public perceptions indicates, namely that the actual event, “Watergate,” was in itself relatively inconsequential. It was a mere collection of facts, and, contrary to the positive persuasion, facts do not speak. Certainly, new “facts” seem to have emerged in the course of the two-year crisis, but it is quite extraordinary how many of these “revelations” actually were already leaked and published in the preelection period. Watergate could not, as the French might say, tell itself. It had to be told by society; it was, to use Durkheim’s famous phrase, a social fact. It was the context of Watergate that had changed, not so much the raw empirical data themselves…

Political life occurs most of the time in the relatively mundane level of goals, power, and interest. Above this, as it were, at a higher level of generality, are norms—the conventions, customs, and laws that regulate this political process and struggle. At still a higher point there are values: those very general and elemental aspects of the culture that inform the codes that regulate political authority and the norms within which specific interests are resolved. If politics operates routinely, the conscious attention of political participants is on goals and interests. It is a relatively specific attention. Routine, “profane” politics means, in fact, that these interests are not seen as violating more general values and norms. Nonroutine politics begins when tension between these levels is felt, either because of a shift in the nature of political activity or a shift in the general, more sacred commitments that are held to regulate them. In this situation, a tension between goals and higher levels develops. Public attention shifts from political goals to more general concerns, to the norms and values that are now perceived as in danger. In this instance we can say there has been the generalization of public consciousness that I referred to earlier as the central point of the ritual process.

…What must happen for an entire society to experience fundamental crisis and ritual renewal? First, there has to be sufficient social consensus so that an event will be considered polluting (Douglas, 1966), or deviant, by more than a mere fragment of the population. Only with sufficient consensus, in other words, can “society” itself be aroused and indignant. Second, there has to be the perception by significant groups who participate in this consensus that the event is not only deviant but threatens to pollute the “center” (Shils, 1975: 3–16) of society.

…there has to be effective processes of symbolic interpretation, that is, ritual and purification processes that continue the labeling process and enforce the strength of the symbolic, sacred center of society at the expense of a center that is increasingly seen as merely structural, profane, and impure. In so doing, such processes demonstrate conclusively that deviant or “transgressive” qualities are the sources of this threat…

…* The televised hearings, in the end, constituted a liminal experience (Turner, 1969), one radically separated from the profane issues and mundane grounds of everyday life. A ritual communitas was created for Americans to share, and within this reconstructed community none of the polarizing issues that had generated the Watergate crisis, or the historical justifications that had motivated it, could be raised. Instead, the hearings revivified the civic culture on which democratic conceptions of “office” have depended throughout American history. To understand how a liminal world could be created it is necessary to see it as a phenomenological world in the sense that Schutz has described. The hearings succeeded in becoming a world “unto itself.” It was sui generis, a world without history. Its characters did not have rememberable pasts. It was in a very real sense “out of time.” The framing devices of the television medium contributed to the deracination that produced this phenomenological status. The in-camera editing and the repetition, juxtaposition, simplification, and other techniques that allowed the story to appear mythical were invisible. Add to this “bracketed experience” the hushed voices of the announcers, the pomp and ceremony of the “event,” and we have the recipe for constructing, within the medium of television, a sacred time and sacred space.

* Through television, tens of millions of Americans participated symbolically and emotionally in the deliberations of the committee. Viewing became morally obligatory for wide segments of the population. Old routines were broken, new ones formed. What these viewers saw was a highly simplified drama—heroes and villains formed in due course. But this drama created a deeply serious symbolic occasion.

* …ringing and unabashed affirmation of the universalistic myths that are the backbone of the American civic culture. Through their questions, statements, references, gestures, and metaphors, the senators maintained that every American, high or low, rich or poor, acts virtuously in terms of the pure universalism of civil society. Nobody is selfish or inhumane. No American is concerned with money or power at the expense of fair play. No team loyalty is so strong that it violates common good or makes criticism toward authority unnecessary.

Truth and justice are the basis of American political society. Every citizen is rational and will act in accordance with justice if he is allowed to know the truth. Law is the perfect embodiment of justice, and office consists of the application of just law to power and force. Because power corrupts, office must enforce impersonal obligations in the name of the people’s justice and reason.

* Narrative myths that embodied these themes were often invoked. Sometimes these were timeless fables, sometimes they were stories about the origins of English common law, often they were the narratives about the exemplary behavior of America’s most sacred presidents. John Dean, for example, the most compelling anti-Nixon witness, strikingly embodied the American detective myth (Smith, 1970). This figure of authority is derived from the Puritan tradition and in countless different stories is portrayed as ruthlessly pursuing truth and injustice without emotion or vanity. Other narratives developed in a more contingent way. For Administration witnesses who confessed, the committee’s “priests” granted forgiveness in accord with well-established ritual forms, and their conversions to the cause of righteousness constituted fables for the remainder of the proceedings.

* In terms of more direct and explicit conflict, the senators’ questions centered on three principle themes, each fundamental to the moral anchoring of a civic democratic society. First, they emphasized the absolute priority of office obligations over personal ones: “This is a nation of laws not men” was a constant refrain. Second, they emphasized the embeddedness of such office obligations in a higher, transcendent authority: “The laws of men” must give way to the “laws of God.” Or as Sam Ervin, the committee chairman, put it to Maurice Stans, the ill-fated treasurer of Nixon’s Committee to Re-Elect the President (CRETP), “Which is more important, not violating laws or not violating ethics?” Finally, the senators insisted that this transcendental anchoring of interest conflict allowed America to be truly solidaristic—in Hegel’s terms, a true “concrete universal.” As Senator Wiecker famously put it: “Republicans do not cover up, Republicans do not go ahead and threaten… and God knows Republicans don’t view their fellow Americans as enemies to be harassed [but as] human being[s] to be loved and won.”

In normal times many of these statements would have been greeted with derision, with hoots and cynicism. In fact, many of them were lies in terms of the specific empirical reality of everyday political life and especially in terms of the political reality of the 1960s. Yet they were not laughed at or hooted down.

* The reason was because this was not everyday life. This had become a ritualized and liminal event, a period of intense generalization that had powerful claims to truth. It was a sacred time, and the hearing chambers had become a sacred place.

The committee was evoking luminescent values, not trying to describe empirical fact. On this mythical level, the statements could be seen and understood as true—as, indeed, embodying the normative aspirations of the American people. They were so seen and understood by significant portions of the population.

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