Was there a connection between the CIA and the Manson family murders?

Posted on March 15, 2025 by Luke Ford

Grok says:

The idea of a connection between the CIA and the Manson Family murders is a swirling mix of speculation, circumstantial dots, and hard-to-nail-down evidence—it’s been kicking around since the late ‘60s, when the Tate-LaBianca killings shook Los Angeles. As of March 15, 2025, with Trump back in office and chaos still a buzzword, let’s dig into what’s out there.
The main push comes from Tom O’Neill’s 2019 book CHAOS: Charles Manson, the CIA, and the Secret History of the Sixties, now a Netflix doc directed by Errol Morris. O’Neill spent 20 years chasing this, arguing the official “Helter Skelter” story—prosecutor Vincent Bugliosi’s line about Manson sparking a race war via Beatles-inspired madness—might be a convenient cover. He points to two CIA programs: Operation CHAOS, a 1967-1974 domestic surveillance op targeting counterculture and anti-war groups, and MKUltra, the infamous 1953-1973 mind-control experiment with LSD, hypnosis, and brainwashing.
The Threads
Manson’s San Francisco Days: In 1967, Manson got out of prison and landed in Haight-Ashbury during the Summer of Love—peak hippie time. O’Neill flags that the CIA was there too, via MKUltra. Dr. Louis “Jolly” West, a CIA-funded shrink, ran a “hippie crash pad” near the Haight-Ashbury Free Medical Clinic to study LSD’s effects. Manson and his crew hung out at that clinic, meeting parole officer Roger Smith, who was oddly lenient despite Manson’s parole violations (drugs, theft, pimping). O’Neill wonders: coincidence or connection? No paper trail puts West and Manson in the same room, but the proximity’s eerie.

Get-Out-of-Jail-Free Card: Manson racked up arrests from 1967-1969—car theft, gun charges—but kept skating. A retired LA deputy DA told O’Neill this wasn’t incompetence; it was deliberate. Posts on X echo this: “Manson was a CIA asset, protected to disrupt the left.” O’Neill ties it to CHAOS’s goal of neutralizing hippies and radicals, though he can’t prove Manson was on the payroll.

Mind-Control Angle: MKUltra aimed to create programmable killers—think Manchurian Candidate. Manson’s hold over his followers—acid-soaked, obedient, murderous—mirrors that. O’Neill posits he might’ve picked up tricks from the CIA’s playbook, knowingly or not. West bragged to the CIA about planting false memories with LSD; Manson’s crew tripped hard and killed on command. Suggestive, but no smoking gun.

Reeve Whitson: Here’s a wild card—an alleged CIA operative who bragged to friends he’d infiltrated the Manson Family pre-murders and was at the Tate scene before cops. He died in the ‘90s, and the CIA’s FOIA response was a classic “neither confirm nor deny.” X users hype this: “Whitson’s the link!” But it’s hearsay—tantalizing, unproven.

The Counter
Official Line: Bugliosi’s Helter Skelter (1974) says Manson’s motive was a nutty race-war fantasy, no CIA needed. The CIA’s dismissed O’Neill’s claims in a book review, calling them circumstantial—implying, not proving. Penned by an officer, it’s hardly unbiased, but they’ve got no declassified docs tying Manson to them.

Skeptics: Critics—like a 2019 Kirkus Reviews take—say O’Neill’s chasing shadows. Private entities (like Penn earlier) can fire or cut ties for any reason, and Manson’s parole luck could be bureaucratic slop, not a conspiracy. No hard evidence—letters, tapes, orders—links him to CHAOS or MKUltra.

Practicality: Why would the CIA bother with a scruffy ex-con when they had bigger fish—Black Panthers, SDS? Manson’s murders didn’t kill the counterculture; they just freaked it out. If he was an asset, he was a sloppy one.

The Odds
Was there a connection? Maybe—call it 20-40% plausible. O’Neill’s dug up weird overlaps: Manson’s freedom, West’s proximity, CHAOS’s timing. Posts on X lean hard into it—“CIA ran Manson to smear hippies”—but sentiment’s not proof. The absence of a paper trail (destroyed in MKUltra’s 1973 purge?) keeps it speculative. Could be the CIA watched him, used him indirectly, or just crossed paths in the ‘60s acid haze. Or it’s all noise—Bugliosi’s tale, flaws and all, might still hold.
It’s a rabbit hole. If you buy Trump’s chaos vibe, you might see Manson as a cog in a bigger machine. Me? I’d say there’s smoke—oddities worth a squint—but no fire yet. What’s your gut tell you—conspiracy or coincidence?

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What’s with Joe Rogan hosting anti-Jewish guests recently?

Posted on March 15, 2025 by Luke Ford

Grok says:

Joe Rogan’s recent guest choices have sparked some buzz, particularly with accusations of platforming people with anti-Jewish views. The main point of contention seems to be his March 2025 episode with Ian Carroll, a guy who’s spent years online pushing Holocaust denial and conspiracies about Jewish influence—like claiming the Rothschilds control everything or that Jews have historically brought conflict on themselves by being “outsiders.” On the podcast, Carroll framed the Holocaust as just one example of Jews clashing with others due to their “differences,” and Rogan didn’t push back much, letting the convo roll. This has folks on X and elsewhere calling it a soft endorsement of antisemitism, especially since Rogan’s got such a massive reach—millions of listeners who might not dig deeper into Carroll’s track record.
Rogan’s no stranger to hosting controversial figures; it’s kind of his brand. He’s had Alex Jones, Milo Yiannopoulos, and others who’ve flirted with edgy or outright bigoted takes. Back in February 2023, he caught heat for saying “the idea that Jewish people aren’t into money is ridiculous,” defending Ilhan Omar’s “Benjamins” tweet—a comment slammed by the ADL and others as leaning on old antisemitic tropes. More recently, his March 2024 chat with Kurt Metzger included Rogan calling Israel’s war against Hamas a “genocide” and suggesting they’re “imitating” the Holocaust, which groups like Democratic Majority for Israel called out as reckless and wrong. Critics say he’s either clueless or willfully amplifying divisive voices.
On the flip side, Rogan’s defenders argue he’s just a conversationalist, not a gatekeeper. He’s said plenty of times he doesn’t endorse every guest’s view—he’s there to talk, not debate. Posts on X from fans point out he’s also had pro-Israel voices like Bari Weiss and hasn’t shown personal animus toward Jews. His shtick is raw, unfiltered discussion, and he’s got a history of letting people speak, even if they’re way out there—think Robert Malone on COVID or Roger Waters on Israel. The Carroll episode fits that pattern: a niche internet figure with wild ideas gets a mic, and Rogan mostly listens.
What’s driving this “recently” perception? Timing and context. Antisemitism’s been a hot topic—hate crimes are up, per FBI stats, and cultural debates are tense post-October 7, 2023. Rogan’s platform, topping Spotify charts with 14.5 million followers, amplifies whatever he touches. Hosting Carroll now, when people are hyper-aware of these narratives, feels like pouring gas on a fire to some. Whether it’s intentional or just Rogan being Rogan—chasing interesting chats without much filter—that’s where the divide lies. What do you think he’s aiming for with these picks?

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What is Tucker Carlson’s attitude towards Jews?

Posted on March 15, 2025 by Luke Ford

According to Grok:

On X, where he’s freer to speak, Carlson’s hosted guests that set off alarms. In September 2024, he interviewed Darryl Cooper, a historian who downplayed Nazi intent in the Holocaust—calling Jews “prisoners who ended up dead” from logistical snafus, not genocide. Carlson called him “the best and most honest popular historian,” nodding along. All 24 Jewish House Democrats blasted it as “Nazi apologism”; Israel’s Amichai Chikli called him a “leading platform for Jew-hatred.” X posts raged: “He’s gone full antisemite—platforming a Holocaust denier isn’t neutral.”
Then there’s his Israel skepticism. During his Fox years, he dodged Middle East talk, but since 2023, he’s shifted—questioning U.S. support, hosting anti-Zionist voices like Munther Isaac (April 2024), who justified Hamas’s October 7 attack, and Jeffrey Sachs (December 2024), who spun conspiracies about Israel controlling U.S. policy. In a 2023 Candace Owens interview, he tied pro-Israel Ivy League donors to “white genocide”—a loaded phrase echoing antisemitic dual-loyalty tropes. Critics like Laurence Tribe on X see this as “an insurgent force on the right,” tying it to Trump’s rise.
Older clips sting too. In 2006-2011 radio hits (dug up by Media Matters), he tossed casual barbs—calling Iraq “more bearded Jews than a Lubavitcher convention” or Jon Stewart “a partisan Jew” whose real sin was leftism, not Judaism. Not damning alone, but they fit a pattern for detractors.
The Context
Carlson’s charisma—raw, defiant, unscripted—amplifies everything. His fans see a truth-teller; foes see a dog-whistler. Post-October 7, 2023, he called media reactions to the Hamas attack “disproportionate” for a “foreign tragedy”—a line some Jews on X took as minimizing their pain, though he didn’t target Jews directly. His Trump ties (speaking at the 2024 RNC, cozying up at Mar-a-Lago) muddy it further—Trump’s pro-Israel, yet Carlson’s orbit flirts with isolationism and figures like J.D. Vance, who won’t disavow him.
What’s He Really Think?
No smoking gun says Carlson hates Jews outright. He’s never said “I despise Jews” or pushed classic antisemitic canards like banking conspiracies. His beef seems broader—globalists, elites, whoever’s in his crosshairs—and Jews only catch flak when they overlap (e.g., Ivy League donors). But his guest list and rhetoric since leaving Fox—Cooper, Sachs, the “genocide” jab—give critics ammo to say he’s comfy with antisemitic fringes. Supporters counter he’s just contrarian, not prejudiced.
Chances are, his attitude’s less about Jews specifically and more about his chaos-driven worldview—America First, damn the rest. If that brushes antisemitic edges, he doesn’t flinch. X sentiment splits hard: half call him a “Jew-hater exposed,” half say “he’s just pissing off the woke.” You? Where’s your line—dog whistle or coincidence?

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Is John Podhoretz the greatest magazine editor in America today?

Posted on March 15, 2025 by Luke Ford

Grok says:

Whether John Podhoretz is the “greatest magazine editor in America today” is a subjective call, but we can break it down with some facts and perspective.
Podhoretz has been the editor of Commentary since 2009, taking over a publication with a storied history in conservative intellectual circles. His tenure’s been marked by a consistent neoconservative bent, focusing on politics, culture, and Jewish issues—pretty much in line with what his father, Norman, did when he ran the mag from 1960 to 1995. Under John, Commentary has stayed a go-to for right-leaning thinkers, with a circulation hovering around 34,000 (as of the late 2000s, though exact current numbers are tricky to pin down). He’s kept it relevant in a shrinking print landscape, leaning into online content and podcasts to broaden its reach.
His strengths? He’s got a distinct voice—witty, irreverent, and not afraid to stir the pot. His columns in the New York Post and pieces in Commentary show a guy who’s comfortable mixing pop culture with highbrow analysis, like when he’s riffing on movies or taking down progressive sacred cows. Supporters, like Andrew Ferguson from The Weekly Standard, have praised his “Mad magazine meets Foreign Affairs” vibe, suggesting he brings a fresh edge to a sometimes-stuffy tradition. He’s also got a pedigree—speechwriting for Reagan and Bush 41, co-founding The Weekly Standard—that gives him serious cred in conservative media.
But greatest? That’s where it gets dicey. Critics might argue he’s too tied to a niche—neocon ideas that some say peaked with the Bush years. His style’s been called juvenile or arrogant by detractors (think Glenn Garvin’s quip about him “constantly complaining his brilliance wasn’t appreciated” at The Washington Times). And Commentary isn’t exactly setting the world on fire circulation-wise compared to, say, The Atlantic (over 600,000) or even National Review. Other editors—like David Remnick at The New Yorker or Radhika Jones at Vanity Fair—might edge him out if you’re measuring by influence, innovation, or sheer readership. Remnick, for instance, has turned The New Yorker into a cultural juggernaut, while Podhoretz’s Commentary stays more of an insider’s read.
If you value a scrappy, ideological fighter who keeps a legacy mag punching, Podhoretz has a solid case. If you’re looking for broad impact or groundbreaking shifts, others might top the list. What do you think makes a “great” editor—raw talent, cultural sway, or something else? That could tip the scales here.

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What are the chances that Amy Wax wins her lawsuit against her university?

Posted on March 15, 2025 by Luke Ford

Grok says:

Evaluating Amy Wax’s chances of winning her lawsuit against the University of Pennsylvania (Penn) is a bit like handicapping a horse race with half the track still under fog. It’s March 15, 2025, and Wax, a tenured law professor, filed her federal lawsuit in January 2025, claiming racial discrimination and breach of contract after Penn suspended her for a year at half pay, stripped her named chair, and issued a public reprimand. This followed a years-long saga over her controversial statements on race, immigration, and academic performance, deemed “flagrant unprofessional conduct” by a faculty board in 2024. Let’s weigh the odds based on what’s in play.
The Case Basics
Wax argues Penn’s speech policies discriminate by race—punishing her, a white Jewish woman, for remarks about Black students while allegedly letting minority faculty slide on antisemitic or violent rhetoric (e.g., Dwayne Booth’s “blood libel” cartoon or Julia Alekseyeva’s posts praising a CEO’s killer). She’s suing in the Eastern District of Pennsylvania, citing violations of Titles VI and VII of the Civil Rights Act (racial discrimination), the First Amendment (via Penn’s public funding ties), and her tenure contract’s academic freedom guarantees. Penn says her conduct undermined equal learning opportunities, justifying sanctions under their rules.
Tailwinds for Wax
Legal Ground: The First Amendment leans her way if she can tie Penn’s actions to public funding (Title VI) or employment bias (Title VII). Private universities aren’t pure First Amendment zones, but Penn’s handbook promises “open expression,” and courts have slapped down schools for uneven speech policies—think Cohen v. San Bernardino Valley College (1996), where a professor’s punishment for edgy speech got reversed. If she proves a double standard, she’s got a puncher’s chance.

Academic Freedom: The Higher Education (Freedom of Speech) Act doesn’t apply (it’s UK law), but U.S. tenure traditions and Penn’s own policies enshrine broad expression rights. Her suit calls the “major infraction” process—meant for crimes like assault—a sham for speech disputes. If the court buys that, her odds tick up.

Evidence of Bias: She’s got comparables—Booth and Alekseyeva faced no formal discipline despite uproar. If discovery unearths more cases of Penn winking at non-white faculty’s provocations, her discrimination claim strengthens. X posts hype this angle: “Penn’s DEI shield is crumbling.”

Headwinds Against Her
Private Power: Penn’s a private entity—courts give them wide latitude to enforce conduct codes. If her tenure contract ties professionalism to DEI (likely), they can argue she crossed a line. Cases like Feldman v. Ho (7th Cir., 1999) let schools discipline tenured profs for disruptive behavior, even speech-related.

Conduct, Not Just Speech: Penn’s not just mad about her blog posts—they cite classroom bias and grade confidentiality breaches (e.g., her 2017 claim Black students rarely hit Penn Law’s top half). If they prove she targeted students, it’s less a free speech case and more a workplace violation. That’s tougher to overturn.

Cultural Tide: DEI’s a juggernaut in academia. Judges aren’t immune to optics—ruling for Wax could spark headlines about “protecting racism.” X critics say, “She’s cooked; courts won’t touch this.” Public pressure might nudge a cautious bench against her.

The Numbers Game
No identical case exists, but employment discrimination suits against universities offer a benchmark. Federal civil rights claims (Title VI/VII) win at trial about 20-30% of the time (DOJ stats, 2023), though most settle. Academic freedom cases are rarer—think Urofsky v. Gilmore (4th Cir., 2000), where profs lost a speech fight—but Wax’s tenure and Penn’s promises tilt her slightly above average. Let’s ballpark it:
Base Chance: 30-40%. She’s got law and precedent, but private rules and her record muddy it.

With Strong Evidence: 50-60% if discovery shows blatant racial double standards.

If It’s All Optics: 10-20% if Penn frames it as student harm and the court balks at controversy.

Wild Cards
Trump Era: Trump’s back in office—his DOJ might lean pro-free speech, though federal courts are slow and this is early days. X buzz says, “Trump’ll save her,” but that’s a stretch for 2025.

Judge Roulette: Eastern District’s got a mix—some conservative, some not. A First Amendment hawk boosts her; a DEI sympathizer sinks her.

Settlement: Penn might cut a deal—reinstate her quietly—to dodge a precedent. Happens in 60%+ of these suits.

Gut Call
I’d peg her at 35-45% to win outright—decent but not favored. She’s got a real case, but Penn’s got institutional heft and a narrative (student protection) that’s hard to crack. If she ties Trump’s charisma chaos to her fight—rallying a movement—pressure might shift, but courts aren’t rallies. What’s your read—think she’s got the edge or just swinging?

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