More Stimulating Talk Radio!

00:00 Former KFI talk radio producer and attorney Justin Levine joins to discuss David Foster Wallace’s 2004 essay on talk radio, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=139794
13:00 Justin was fired three times from KFI, twice by PD Robin Bertolucci
17:00 Talk radio’s similarities to Top 40 radio, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=139199
27:00 Justin Levine’s talk radio diet
28:00 John and Ken Show, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_John_and_Ken_Show
33:00 KABC’s Dick Cavett-style talk
35:00 Talk: A Novel by Michael Smerconish, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=139199
37:00 John Ziegler, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Ziegler_(talk_show_host)
39:00 David Foster Wallace, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/David_Foster_Wallace
54:00 Big Tech was libertarian just five years ago
57:00 Blacks & Latinos have their own radio stations
1:00:00 Callers don’t matter much for talk radio
1:05:30 Marc Germain aka Mr KFI
1:09:20 Howard Stern’s boring
1:27:40 How to make your show better! David G. Hall, Media Strategist
1:42:00 Lack of Character: Personality and Moral Behavior, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=139670
1:49:00 John M. Doris: “Making Good: Can We Realize Our Moral Aspirations?”, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GORGNufWFTI
1:55:00 The Left’s New Religion – censorship
2:21:00 We compete for attention
2:25:00 Andy Ngo returns to Portland, beaten by Antifa
2:33:40 Barricade Gage on Arizona’s vote audit
2:40:00 The limits of virtue, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HxLNKpLcU1k
2:41:00 Anti-Vax Televangelist Rick Wiles Who Calls Covid God’s Punishment Hospitalized w/ Covid
2:44:00 Michael Flynn Casually Calls For Military Coup
2:48:00 Trump Telling People He’ll Be Reinstated As President by August
2:50:00 Tucker Carlson on covid origins
2:51:30 Vanity Fair investigation of covid origins, https://www.vanityfair.com/news/2021/06/the-lab-leak-theory-inside-the-fight-to-uncover-covid-19s-origins
3:02:45 Biden Creeps On Young Girl In Audience
3:06:00 Sam Hyde Sees The Amazon WageCage™ For The First Time
3:07:00 Only Fans For Israel

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Understanding the Rise of Talk Radio

From a 2011 academic paper:

* The format of political talk radio is unchanging, surprising perhaps in light of the richness and interactivity of other modern media. A political talk radio show is easy to describe: a host (or sometimes a team of two) talks about current events, says provocative if not outrageous things, and takes calls from listeners.

* Research by political scientists on talk radio has focused on trying to measure the impact of exposure to such programming on attitude formation. The research is quite sophisticated and the findings are complex and sometimes contradict.

* With the emergence of every new media technology AM-FM, or “terrestrial,” radio seems more and more like an antique ready for the museum. Indeed, with the exception of political talk radio, terrestrial radio is struggling financially.

* The talk radio business model is worrisome because it represents the growth of an industry that makes profits in large part by peddling political outrage and fueling the fires of polarization. America has always had such businesses (think yellow journalism) but never on the scale of what is available today. Embedded in the successful business model for talk radio is an incentive for hosts to be provocative to the point of being offensive to people who are not among the loyal following. The program content we have described in this article may be part and parcel of a free society with a strong First Amendment, but that is no less reason to be concerned about the prevalence of political commentary designed to make us as angry and fearful as possible.

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How The Elites Use & Abuse Science To Control The Masses (6-2-21)

00:00 Mare of Easttown
01:30 Road rage is genetic
05:00 Figureheads, ghost-writers and pseudonymous quant bloggers: The recent evolution of authorship in science publishing, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=139864
23:00 The Scientific Revolution, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=139893
27:50 Unregistered 167: Eric Kaufmann, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EXh1i3s0RC8
43:00 Nudgelords: Given their past track record, why should I trust them this time?, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=139876
44:00 Disgraced scientist Brian Wansink, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brian_Wansink
45:00 Cass Sunstein – what’s his track record? Terrible! https://statmodeling.stat.columbia.edu/2021/02/07/nudgelords/
52:00 Anthony Fauci and the tragedy of the legible, https://astralcodexten.substack.com/p/webmd-and-the-tragedy-of-legible
57:00 The Monoculture Of Migration Studies, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=139899
58:40 Ruston joins to discuss nationalists who hate Israel
1:18:00 ‘Christianity Will Have Power’, https://www.nytimes.com/2020/08/09/us/evangelicals-trump-christianity.html
1:29:30 As Israel’s Dependence on U.S. Shrinks, So Does U.S. Leverage, https://www.nytimes.com/2021/05/24/world/middleeast/Israel-American-support.html
1:59:00 ‘Most Americans want to go back to normal, but some wish to make permanent the ‘temporary’ COVID controls’, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=139902
2:18:00 How spy agencies use journalists to spread lies
2:20:00 Tucker Carlson on Anthony Fauci
2:28:00 The Pandemic’s Wrongest Man, https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2021/04/pandemics-wrongest-man/618475/

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‘Most Americans want to go back to normal, but some wish to make permanent the ‘temporary’ COVID controls’

Martin Gurri writes:

* A handful of corporations now command the strategic heights over the economy and the information landscape, a concentration of power that is probably unprecedented in our history. Their natural impulse will be to consolidate and expand that power, if only to keep out the competition. If a bargain can be struck with the political class on a new, post-pandemic information order, these companies may well get their wish.

* Since the rise of Donald Trump in 2016, the elites have perceived the digital realm, correctly enough, as a vector of subversion. The web, it was asserted, delivered lies at scale—only such industrial quantities of deceit could account for the disaster of Trump’s election. In a four-year frenzy of righteousness, politicians like Barack Obama and Elizabeth Warren, intellectuals like Francis Fukuyama, and a vast chorus of academics and journalists have called for the regulation of content on behalf of truth and for the “breakup” of the companies that commodify falsehood. The lords of Silicon Valley have been repeatedly summoned to Washington, there to be chastised by their betters. But nothing changed until the pandemic changed everything.

Governments everywhere treated the appearance of COVID-19 as the equivalent of a state of war. With science as holy writ, an ad hoc system of control that contradicted basic individual rights but seemed necessary to survive the crisis was imposed from above on an anxious public. In essence, we were told to stay home and wash our hands like good children. The freedom to gather in places of worship and public parks became a crime against science and was revoked for the duration. And if the authorities often sounded clueless, the public felt even more frightened and confused. Not surprisingly, most of us went along with the restrictions.

No system of social control could function without the cooperation of the giant digital companies. They, too, were happy to go along. In what may have been the most consequential impact of the pandemic on American politics, Facebook, Google, Twitter and other platforms agreed to manipulate information searches so that only content approved by established health organizations would appear. Heretical opinions were blocked or removed. For Facebook that included “content coordinating in-person events or gatherings” as well as anti-vaccine arguments of any sort. By January 2021, YouTube had taken down 500,000 videos that strayed from the “expert consensus” on COVID-19.

The intent was to stop the diffusion of unscientific “misinformation” on the web and thus prevent harm. The practical effect, however, was to outsource editorial policy on billions of searches and reports to government officials and bureaucrats. The political elites now decided which “in-person events or gatherings” could be talked about on social media and which were to be met with silence. The temptation to push the mandate was obvious and irresistible. We should not be surprised that the system of control soon intruded into politics—or that its first target was that object of elite loathing, Donald Trump.

The digital silencing of Trump after the events of Jan. 6 could be justified in many ways. Mark Zuckerberg, for example, believed the president would “incite violent insurrection against a democratically elected government” if allowed to post on Facebook. Twitter also cited “the risk of further incitement of violence” as the reason for its ban. While these were debatable judgments, there could be little doubt that Trump had behaved with nihilistic abandon in his last weeks in office.

The difficulty came in discerning where to draw the line. More than 74 million Americans voted for Trump. As we have seen, a considerable portion agreed with the former president on the question of election fraud. Should they all be voted off the island?

The answer was an unhelpful “Maybe yes, but mostly no.” Twitter purged 70,000 Trump supporters on the grounds that they were associated with QAnon, the conspiracy theorists who purportedly spearheaded the attack on the Capitol building in Washington, D.C. YouTube terminated 8,000 channels guilty of “alleging that widespread fraud or errors changed the outcome of the 2020 presidential election.” Facebook banned ads that made the same claim, then extended the prohibition to all political ads—including ads for magazines of political commentary, like this one. Amazon, Google and Apple booted out Parler, a pro-Trump microblogging site, from their app stores and servers.

The motive had little to do with science or truth. The tech companies had been persuaded to yield control of content to the health bureaucracy. On politics, reflexively, they were now genuflecting before conventional elite opinion, as embodied in the grayheads of the Biden administration.

The lack of clarity surrounding the bans meant that the line could move again. Control of so much digital space by such few companies meant that, to a significant extent, our political disputes will be conducted under their purview. For those who have sought to tame the web, these two propositions added up to a golden opportunity.

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The Monoculture Of Migration Studies

Eric Kaufman writes about Peter Gatrell’s The Unsettling of Europe:

The book’s aim is to “make migration normal” by problematizing the native/immigrant distinction while convincing “native” Europeans to stop thinking of themselves as long-settled folk and more as mobile folk who reside in nations of migrants. It’s a ruse that only works because the book is a story-driven account that allows statistical reality to fade into the background. Such an analysis would show that western Europe’s foreign-born share was only around 2 percent in 1900, compared to 10-15 percent today. Globally, about 3 percent of the world was born in another country, but in the West, the share jumped from 7 to 12 percent between 1990 and 2017, with a big rise in long-distance North-South migration. This is new.

Even at the height of Britain’s short period of Jewish immigration at the turn of the twentieth century, no more than 5-10,000 arrived, compared to 200-300,000 net migrants per year in the 2000s. In short, Western Europe’s history from the Dark Ages to the 1950s is overwhelmingly that of long-settled populations, punctuated by a few migration events, and with a steady but low level of long-distance migration. Migration of diverse peoples is the crust on the loaf of Europe’s contemporary history, not the loaf itself.

In addition, while the “unmixing” of Europe through co-ethnic in-migration after both world wars involved large numbers of people, this had a qualitatively different cumulative effect due to ethnic assimilation in destination countries. It is thus far less consequential than recent “mixing” inflows which have had persistent population-level effects in the form of large-scale ethnic change. Only a few inter-ethnic domestic migrations, such as that of the Irish to mainland Britain or Andalusians to Catalonia, are comparable—and these had profound political repercussions.

Assimilation, national solidarity, and the longue durée are conspicuously absent from a book whose author is focused on the human rights of migrants and ethnic diasporas in the present. While the book rightly points out that co-ethnic, rural-urban and inter-regional migrants were othered, it obstinately refuses to point out how successful their ethnic assimilation has been compared to groups which have, to use sociologist Ernest Gellner’s terms, ‘counter-entropic’ traits such as a different religion, which slows down the assimilation process. Only in France, for instance, is there a high rate of intermarriage between Muslim minorities and the ethnic majority. Pew’s projections, which are the most sophisticated we have, show that current migration levels will see Sweden’s Muslim share rise from 8 percent in 2016 to 21 percent in 2050. Britain’s will increase from 6 percent to 17 percent, France’s from 9 to 17 percent. The ethnic majority share will drop below half the population by the end of this century in many of the main immigrant-receiving western countries.

Like other liberal observers, the author’s sympathy for the power of ethnic attachment and community seems to disappear when he switches his focus from dislocated migrants to unsettled natives. Migration events like that of the 2015 Migrant Crisis (yes, it was a crisis) symbolize a loss of identity, which is why they tend to catalyze support for Europe’s surging populist right. When Jean-Marie Le Pen defeated Lionel Jospin in 2002 with 18 percent of the vote, a million people came out on the streets in protest. When Jörg Haider’s Freedom Party won 27 percent of the vote and went into coalition with the mainstream right in 2000, the EU censured Austria. Some 15 years later, the numbers had nearly doubled: Norbert Höfer of the Freedom Party came within a hair of winning the presidency in 2016 with 48 percent of the vote and entered a coalition government soon after. Marine Le Pen won the first round with 34 percent in 2017. Both events were greeted with silence and fear as Anywheres wondered what happened. Since then, they have merely doubled down on their biases, learning nothing. To deride the nation-state and cry ‘xenophobia’ when barriers are erected is to fail to reckon with the possibility that “unsettling” societies, which Gatrell applauds, might not be such a hot idea.

There is also a failure to consider the arguments of liberal nationalist thinkers like David Miller, who point to the way national attachments underpin democracy and the welfare state. By comparison, when a supranational organization without a common identity like the European Union tries to redistribute more than a paltry 2.5 percent of Europe’s wealth, this founders because it lacks the unity that underpins democratic legitimacy. Gatrell also acts as if ethnic identity is completely detached from homeland nationhood. Thus barely a word is spoken about the umbilical connection between migrant diasporas and nationalist movements in their ethnic homelands, from the Irish to the Serbs and Hindus.

The academic field of migration studies is essentially a monoculture when it comes to pro-immigration sentiment. The few who dare to report findings that contravene the pro-migration narrative, like George Borjas of Harvard, David Coleman of Oxford, or Gary Freeman of the University of Texas, largely operate as pariahs whose work is the subject of derision from the open-borders mainstream. In such a milieu, Gatrell’s unevidenced claims that migration is a major driver of prosperity “needed” by countries (as distinct from employers), and which adds nothing but spice to boring societies, goes unchallenged. His belief that if there were better routes for formal migration then border fences, detention, and offshoring wouldn’t be required is gospel in his world but isn’t backed by systematic quantitative analysis.

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