Dominic Cummings

From the New York Review of Books: “Cummings, while individually odd, is in many ways a familiar political archetype. The annals of politics are replete with advisers who seemed to be impregnable and uniquely insightful until, just like that, they fell out of favor—often pushed by their own hubris. In that sense, if not ideologically, the Bannon comparison is perhaps apt. In TV drama terms, Cummings came to resemble less Sherlock Holmes than Malcolm Tucker, the foul-mouthed spin doctor from the British political satire The Thick of It whose Machiavellian reign of terror eventually petered out into impotence. As Darren Lilleker, a professor of political communication, wrote last year, the depiction of Cummings as a Svengali is part of a discourse that pervades British politics, one that “allows the political leader to be portrayed as the innocent at the mercy of their gurus.” But this itself, Lilleker noted, “is essentially a piece of spin.””

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Desmond Ford: His Life & Times

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‘Man who told police he fatally shot ex-Hardeeville fire chief in 2017 found not guilty’

Comments at Steve Sailer:

* Not to worry. This kind of miscarriage of justice in state court is easily fixed by bringing federal civil rights charges against the miscreant. After all, it’s an interracial crime. I’m sure Joe Biden’s Justice Department will get right on it.

* The innocent want a judge; the guilty prefer a jury.

* The press reports were very poorly done so it’s hard to understand what went on. It sounded like the murder charge failed due to lack of proof of intent or what is sometimes called “premeditation” . Perhaps the jury was poorly instructed. Premeditation doesn’t require that you plan for a murder in advance – you can achieve the necessary intent an instant before you fire the gun.

The stories don’t explain why there weren’t alternative charges such as manslaughter or felony murder. It’s very unusual for a confessed murderer to just be allowed to walk. They couldn’t even get him for possession of a gun used in a crime because they concluded that there was no crime.

As local newspapers have disappeared, the quality of local reporting has fallen steeply. Wokeness is not a good substitute for quality. We have seen this even in the news pages of “quality” newspapers such as the NY Time and the WSJ. But Wokeness is like Covid – the strong experience it as a cold and for the weak it is deadly. The internet has already put local newspapers in the nursing home and Wokeness has pushed them over the edge. If you’ve already lost 3/4 of your circulation, going Woke and losing half of the quarter that remain means that you have to close up shop unless you can migrate to the “non-profit” sector where the paper will be supported by wealthy Democrat donors.

* The jury system should be eliminated in every country that have them. It was designed in ancient England where a man could be judged by a jury of his peers. In those days, there were only three types of people in society… peasant farmers, nobles and priests. Today, with the complexity and racial divisions in society, to say that the jury system is fair is nothing but a joke. Better to be judged by one educated judge who knows the law than by twelve ignorant clowns. Today being forced to sit on a jury is an enormous inconvenience to any productive person and it’s a crime that in this day and age that we still have this atrocious artifact lingering in our legal system. It should be dispensed with as we did with judge’s wigs.

* If Steve Sailer was a “Citizenist,” his posts wouldn’t overwhelmingly concentrate on pointing out the flaws of non-Whites and discussing White racial interests. When was the last time Steve said something sympathetic about non-Whites (or critical about Whites)?

His views are very strongly Pro-White Nationalist. Due to his calm temperament, he’s definitely more moderate than some of the more extreme posters who hang out here (many of whom are fed posters), but his views fit within the ideology.

However, due to political&social persecution of White Nationalists, he has to rebrand himself in certain ways.

Sort of how illegal aliens became “undocumented workers.” Amnesty became “a path to citizenship.”

Branding is important.

You couldn’t be a “Capitalist” in the Soviet Union, but you could argue for mild, pro-market reforms. You can’t be a White Nationalist in today’s America, but you can be a “Citizenist” and still push views that accomplish 80% of what WNs want.

There’s a reason why he highlights stories like this, but doesn’t do posts on a topic like Muslim refugees who were displaced by the US “War on Terror.”

His main interest (other than HBD) is promoting the ethnic interests of his people. He’s basically a White activist. Though he blogs under his real name, so he has to speak cautiously.

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Confrontation Talk: Arguments, Asymmetries, and Power on Talk Radio

Here are some highlights from this 1996 book:

* In sum, use of the “You say (X)” device can show how closely hosts are monitoring callers’ talk for potential arguables. The oppositions that are constructed frequently focus on very minor details of the caller’s talk: use of extreme case formulations, generic references, or inappropriate descriptors. Moreover, the contrastive device not only works in the construction of controversy by locating empirical inconsistencies in a caller’s account. Quoting a caller’s assertion back and subsequently allowing it, through the contrast, to be judged as faulty enables hosts to project doubt about the verisimilitude of the caller’s account without taking on the question of its actual truth or falsity.

* We thus find evidence of how callers both recognize and resist the contrastive and the skeptical nature of the “You say (X)” device. First, the use of continuers at the boundaries of “You say (X)”-type components demonstrates callers’ recognition that such units can and indeed should project some further talk from the host. Secondly, callers’ occasional attempts to modify hosts’ attributions suggests that they also may recognize the potentially damaging skepticism achieved through this device, and can be seeking to resist such doubt-casting by hosts. A final significance of this discussion is that it once again shows hosts pursuing controversy, and pursuing it singlemindedly with the use of a particular formal device.

* One way, then, in which talk radio hosts can use interruption as a control device is to cut into an unacceptable response-in-progress in order to press for a response that would be acceptable. Clearly, it is not open only to hosts to engage in this practice. There is no rule or process which disables callers from producing post-response-initiation interruptions in order to press for acceptable responses. Yet the fact is that in all the calls I have recorded and transcribed, I find no examples of callers doing this.

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Tom Wolfe and the Rise of Donald Trump: A Review of Wolfe’s Writings

Wight Martindale Jr. writes in 2018:

* I believe that intellectually and, in some personal habits as well, Wolfe and Trump are similar. But they lived in separate worlds. Perhaps someday a doctoral student will show us that all along Wolfe was commenting on Trump.

For sure, they were both dedicated New Yorkers, loving the city’s energy and glamour. And both are great self-promoters. Trump had a TV show and sold himself along with his hotels and clubs as a brand. Wolfe got attention by wearing white suits, often with a white vest—winter or summer. When he was on the cover of Time in 1998 he added a white homburg, while holding a pair of white kid gloves and a white walking stick.

Most importantly, they both recognized themselves as natural drainers of the swamp, born iconoclasts. And they remained outsiders, for life. The political class dislikes Trump, and the West Side publishing world resents Wolfe. Trump has gone after an elite, bureaucratically protected political class, full of perks and power for themselves, using, rather than helping, the little people who elect them. They are both great defenders of the middle class, often feared by the elite (this is where the new rich and powerful will come from) and resented by the poor. Wolfe punctured the over-the-top pretentiousness of New York intellectuals—the secretive William Shawn (editor of the The New Yorker), the rival novelists who despised him, as well as insider celebrities like Leonard Bernstein (“Radical Chic: That Party at Lenny’s,” 1970). He bravely championed a new writer from Harlem, Claude Brown, whose book, Manchild in the Promised Land, was to sell four million copies (New York, July 18, 1965). “Brown,” Wolfe wrote, “makes James Baldwin look like a tourist.” Wolfe was a new kind of iconoclast, refreshingly different from people like Darwin or Freud, Marx or Chomsky. He made you laugh. He loved what he was doing. He was having fun.

I am not the only person who has noticed the Wolfe-Trump connection. No less than Niall Ferguson—Research fellow at Jesus College, Oxford, Senior Fellow at the Hoover Institution, and one-time Laurence Tisch Professor of History at Harvard—has made the same observation. Ferguson’s commentary in the May 18, 2018 issue of the South China Morning Post, goes back to 1987, the year Trump published The Art of the Deal and Wolfe wrote Bonfire–both books being about financial wheeler-dealers. “You can easily picture the young tycoon Trump rubbing shoulders with Wolfe’s character, Sherman McCoy, the bond-trading master of the universe,” Ferguson writes. Wolfe’s second novel A Man in Full, is about an Atlanta real estate developer with a gorgeous young wife and an embittered ex-wife. His business, like Trump’s, is loaded with debt and often in trouble.

Ferguson goes on to point out that in March 2016 Wolfe recognized that Trump’s candidacy was capitalizing on the widespread distress and contempt for government and said that Trump’s “real childish side” is part of his appeal.

“Childishness makes him seem honest,” Wolfe observed. He might have made another observation: Donald Trump was having fun upsetting things. He was not just rich, but happy with his toys, his influence, and his family. Wolfe’s established literary rivals, including Noman Mailer, John Updike, and John Irving, recognized Wolfe’s conservatism and said bad things about his novels. Wolfe counterattacked with “My Three Stooges,” in 2000. In this rivalry Ferguson sides with Wolfe writing, “Wolfe’s fiction is superior to theirs. For what Wolfe shows is that the obsession with money and the status it confers is only part of a triptych. Next to it, is sex—about which Croker, the central character in A Man In Full thinks a great deal—and race, America’s original sin, about which Wolfe wrote fearlessly. Most intellectuals missed completely the potency of Trump’s candidacy.”

* Why does Wolfe find this so offensive? First, The New Yorker style is exactly what Wolfe and the new journalism is not. Wolfe discovered new subjects and wrote about them in a flamboyant, original style, his style. He believed everything about The New Yorker writing was wrong. The passive-aggressive tone of its overediting had always limited the number of authors willing to submit stories. After John O’Hara, who wrote for The New Yorker for 38 years, the most used writers of fiction in its early days were Sally Benson (99 stories from 1929 to 1941) and Robert Coates. From 1935 to 1982 John Cheever sold the magazine 121stories, but he always viewed his editor, William Maxwell, as a competitor who was trying to squelch him.

Wolfe called this committee-driven style the “whichy thicket,” by which he meant “all those clauses, appositions, amplifications, simplifications, qualifications, asides, and God knows what else hanging inside the poor old skeleton of one sentence like some kind of Spanish moss.” This was the product of the fact-checking, proof reading, style-controlling system Shawn had created to preserve—Wolfe would say embalm—The New Yorker style. One rebel in the system described it to Wolfe as a literary “auto-lobotomy.”

Further, Wolfe continued, the magazine was always overrated. He lists two dozen good writers who published in Esquire first, and another dozen who published first in the Saturday Evening Post. Twisting the blade, he reminds us that J. D. Salinger was published in Esquire before he came to The New Yorker. He concludes that for 40 years The New Yorker has paid top prices and achieved a strikingly low level of literary achievement. What the magazine does have is advertisements; it has the perfect audience for those who purchase Lincolns and Cadillacs.

* For Wolfe, this was the literary establishment which he would challenge for the rest of his life, his own success being his ultimate victory. But the lines were drawn: Shawn would never allow anything resembling the “new journalism” into his magazine; its new home would be Clay Felker’s New York.

* As Maggie Haberman has written in the New York Times, “Tom Wolfe envisioned a Donald Trump before the real one came into tabloid being.”

* “Plenty of outsiders have tried to capture the spectacle that is Miami, and some, like Joan Didion (Miami, 1987), have succeeded to an extent. But nobody has ever conveyed the intricacies of the city and its roiling cultural cauldron with such breathless, gaudy literary acrobatics as Wolfe does in Back to Blood.”

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