JTA: For Jewish groups, Syrian refugees are a reminder — not a threat

I don’t know a single Jew in my real life who wants more Muslims in America. I suspect most Jews in America and in the West don’t want more Muslims around. Yet Jewish elites through the major Jewish organizations keep pushing for more Muslim immigration.

These Jewish elites are rich and they don’t have to worry so much about Muslim aggression. Regular Jews and regular goys pay the price for Muslim immigration.

WASHINGTON (JTA) – American Jewish organizations don’t see the Syrian refugees as a threat; they see them as a reminder.

With rare unanimity on an issue that has stirred partisan passion, a cross-section of the community has defended the Obama administration’s refugee policy in terms recalling the plight of Jews fleeing Nazi Europe who were refused entry into the United States.

“The Jewish community has an important perspective on this debate,” the Orthodox Union said in its statement. “Just a few decades ago, refugees from the terror and violence in Hitler’s Europe sought refuge in the United States and were turned away due to suspicions about their nationality.”

Echoed the Conservative movement’s Rabbinical Assembly: “We can sadly remember all too well the Jews who were turned away when they sought refuge in the United States on the eve of, and during, World War II.”

Eleven Jewish organizations joined another 70 groups in pleading with Congress to keep open the Obama administration’s program, which would allow in 10,000 refugees over the next year from among the 200,000 to 300,000 in Europe. Neither the Orthodox Union nor the Rabbinical Assembly signed the letter.

Among the signatories were mainstream bodies like the the Reform movement, the Anti-Defamation League, the American Jewish Committee and the National Council of Jewish Women, as well as HIAS, the lead Jewish body dealing with immigration issues, and the Jewish Council for Public Affairs, the umbrella body for Jewish public policy groups.

Officials from the organizations that support allowing in the refugees said they were not likening the magnitudes of the two catastrophes, but could not help noting the reluctance in the 1930s, as now, to accept refugees and the accusations that the refugees posed a danger.

“It’s obviously a sensitive comparison, but it’s the right point to make,” said Nathan Diament, executive director of the Orthodox Union Advocacy Center. Both the Orthodox Union and the Rabbinical Assembly added in their statements that the administration and Congress should also take into account legitimate security concerns, while pressing forward with resettlement.

The consensus among the three major streams of U.S. Jewry – Reform, Conservative and Orthodox – is derived from a shared understanding of Jewish scripture, said Rabbi Jonah Pesner, who directs the Reform movement’s Religious Action Center.

“Our role is to be the pure rabbinic voice that lifts people up beyond their narrow partisan views,” he said of rabbis.

Rabbi Steve Gutow, a Reconstructionist who is the outgoing president of the Jewish Council for Public Affairs, said sympathy for the refugee was written into the Jewish cultural genetic code.

“We’ve been facing the need to have refuge since we left Egypt,” he said. “To think about not speaking out flies in the face of who we are.”

Being on the losing side of a political debate is nothing new for organizational American Jewry, said the ADL’s CEO, Jonathan Greenblatt, noting that the ADL in 1958 solicited a book from a “young senator from Massachusetts” — John F. Kennedy — to counter rising anti-immigrant sentiment. The future president wrote and published “A Nation of Immigrants.”

“‘We were once strangers’ is core to our identity,” Greenblatt said.

There are signs that support for the refugees may not always be a partisan one.

The U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum, which has a rigorously bipartisan board, has weighed in backing the program. And Michael Chertoff, President George W. Bush’s secretary of Homeland Security, who is Jewish and otherwise has been sharply critical of the Obama administration, joined his Democratic successor, Janet Napolitano, in urging Obama to safeguard the resettlement program, describing the current screening program as “robust.”

Jen Smyers, the director of advocacy for Church World Service, one of several groups involved in refugee advocacy and resettlement, said she expected more Republican backing for the refugees once grassroots activists contact their representatives during the Thanksgiving break.

“This is a powerful week to be in touch,” she said, referring to the holiday commemorating refuge.

COMMENTS:

* Clergy and religious organizations are pressuring politicians to allow the resettlement of Syrian refugees in their states. This reminds me of the 1600 Rabbis for Obama who I fought years ago when I was chairman of Rabbis for Romney. I am a lonely voice who is attacked by organized groups and politicians primarily democratic. I will not back down . I hope you will voice your concerns to your clergy and politicians. They are backing Obama. I believe these Muslim refugees have not been vetted enough and our country and families are in jeopardy.

* So, Mr. Kampeas, it becomes clearer that you are a lib. These Jewish organizations are shameful. There is no comparison with the Jews on the St. Louis or any other Jews being turned away. Those Jews were really, really seeking refuge from those that would kill them. THese so called refugees are only about 10% families seeking true refugees. The rest are young men between 19 and 45 who are coming here and to other countries to take us all over. I am very thankful to G-d for making me Jewish, but I am shamed of all the stupid Jews who are cowards, afraid to fight, afraid to let people know they are Jewish, afraid to stand up for what is right and godlike in this world.

* You are not alone Rabbi Rosenberg. Many Jews stand with you! We know a hostile invasion when we see one. The major organizations are run by Democrat party lackeys and guilt-ridden Libs, who will rue the day they invited these Jew-haters, when they will, no doubt, give America a taste of what’s happened to France.

Posted in ADL, Immigration, Islam, Orthodox Union | Comments Off on JTA: For Jewish groups, Syrian refugees are a reminder — not a threat

A Nation Of Immigrants

Who can forget this stirring book, solicited by the ADL in 1958 and written in the president’s name.

According to Wikipedia:

The book was originally written by Kennedy in 1958, while he was still a senator.[1] It was written as part of the Anti-Defamation League’s series entitled the One Nation Library.[2] Subsequently, after gaining the presidency, he called on Congress to undertake a full reevaluation of immigration law; and he began to revise the book for further publication. In August 1963, excerpts of the 1958 pamphlet were published in the New York Times Magazine.[3] He was assassinated before completing the revision, but the book was nevertheless posthumously published in 1964 with an introduction by his brother, then Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy.[4] In 2008, the book was re-issued by the Anti-Defamation League.

The book contains a short history of immigration in the United States beginning in colonial America, an analysis of the importance immigration has played in American history, and John F. Kennedy’s proposals for the liberalization of immigration law.

In his book, A Nation of Nations: A Great American Immigration Story, Tom Gjelten writes:

John F. Kennedy had been talking immigration off and on for a dozen years… With the 1960 presidential election on the horizon, Kennedy set out to burnish his reputation as an immigration reformer. First came the 1958 publication of his book A Nation of Immigrants, written at the suggestion of the Anti-Defamation League, with an outline prepared by a Harvard historian. (One of Kennedy’s aides, Myer Feldman, was later quoted as saying he, not Kennedy, did the actual writing.) A year after the book’s publication, Kennedy introduced still another bill to do away with national quotas.

It’s so easy to go along with the treason lobby (aka the ADL, SPLC and all the other organizations pushing for the immigrations of groups that America struggles to assimilate). They do the work for you and you get to slap your name on it and rake in the money and applause. Betraying white people is massively incentivized. It’s cool to be anti-white and to work for white replacement. A Harvard historian will do an outline for you, an aide will write the book, and the ADL will publish it.

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Little Rock Police: Black Guy Kills White GF During Argument

KATV:

derrick-mason

The Little Rock Police Department has released the names of the victim and suspect involved in a homicide in the 2500 block of Bishop Street Tuesday morning.

According to Officer Ernest Hilgeman with Little Rock PD, the suspect, identified as Derrick Mason, called police just after 11 a.m. on Tuesday asking to speak with police. Mason said he had killed his girlfriend, according to a Little Rock PD release.

When detectives arrived on the scene, a woman, identified Jessica Berliew, was found dead in a home. Berliew’s body has been transported to the crime lab for an autopsy.

Mason was taken into custody and interviewed by detectives. According to police, after waiving his rights, Mason told police he killed Berliew when they got in an argument after she got home from work.

Mason has been charged with 1st degree murder.

Posted in Blacks, Crime | Comments Off on Little Rock Police: Black Guy Kills White GF During Argument

Boca Raton victim says hate crime was ‘nerve-wracking’

It’s rarely a good idea to start a fight just because somebody insulted you. It’s even more rarely a good idea to start a fight over an insult when you are a rabbinical student.

I’ve had people flip Heil Hitler salutes at me and yell similar insults and I always ignore them. There’s no way I’d start a fight over it.

REPORT: BOCA RATON, Fla. – The Jewish community in Boca is on edge as police say they are investigating a possible hate crime.

Investigators say the 19-year-old victim was walking in the area of 350 NE 2nd St.

The victim says on Saturday a male on a bicycle passed him and shouted, “Jews should go back to Auschwitz.. Hitler was right.” The victim responded with, “Why don’t you come back here and say that!”

The suspect rode over to the victim, repeated his statement and shoved the victim. As the victim fell, he twisted around so he landed face down and his forehead hit the ground.

The victim got up and exchanged punches with the suspect, before the suspect rode off on his bicycle.

“I’m doing better. It was just a little bit nerve-wracking having someone scream at me these things,” the victim told NewsChannel 5.

The victim is studying to be a Rabbi at the Chabad Center near Mizner Park.

Posted in Anti-Semitism, Chabad | Comments Off on Boca Raton victim says hate crime was ‘nerve-wracking’

Steve Sailer: When Society Encourages Mean Girls to Bully Boys

Steve Sailer writes:

Social psychologist Jonathan Haidt, whose 2012 book The Righteous Mind I reviewed in Taki’s, writes:

The Yale Problem Begins in High School

by Jonathan Haidt | Nov 24, 2015 | campus turmoil, free speech | 182 comments

A month before the Yale Halloween meltdown, I had a bizarre and illuminating experience at an elite private high school on the West Coast. I’ll call it Centerville High.

One possibility for the school Haidt is talking about is Lakeside School in Seattle, which Bill Gates and Paul Allen attended. Haidt gave a talk there on October 21.

I gave a version of a talk that you can see here, on Coddle U. vs. Strengthen U. …

But then the discussion began, and it was the most unremittingly hostile questioning I’ve ever had. I don’t mind when people ask hard or critical questions, but I was surprised that I had misread the audience so thoroughly. My talk had little to do with gender, but the second question was “So you think rape is OK?” Like most of the questions, it was backed up by a sea of finger snaps — the sort you can hear in the infamous Yale video, where a student screams at Prof. Christakis to “be quiet” and tells him that he is “disgusting.” I had never heard the snapping before. When it happens in a large auditorium it is disconcerting. It makes you feel that you are facing an angry and unified mob — a feeling I have never had in 25 years of teaching and public speaking.

After the first dozen questions I noticed that not a single questioner was male. I began to search the sea of hands asking to be called on and I did find one boy, who asked a question that indicated that he too was critical of my talk. But other than him, the 200 or so boys in the audience sat silently.

After the Q&A, I got a half-standing ovation: almost all of the boys in the room stood up to cheer. And after the crowd broke up, a line of boys came up to me to thank me and shake my hand. Not a single girl came up to me afterward.

After my main lecture, the next session involved 60 students who had signed up for further discussion with me. We moved to a large classroom. The last thing I wanted to do was to continue the same fruitless arguing for another 75 minutes, so I decided to take control of the session and reframe the discussion. Here is what happened next:

One of Haidt’s most illuminating techniques is simply to ask his audience to answer his questions by raising their hands.

Me: What kind of intellectual climate do you want here at Centerville? Would you rather have option A: a school where people with views you find offensive keep their mouths shut, or B: a school where everyone feels that they can speak up in class discussions?

Audience: All hands go up for B.

Me: OK, let’s see if you have that. When there is a class discussion about gender issues, do you feel free to speak up and say what you are thinking? Or do you feel that you are walking on eggshells and you must heavily censor yourself? Just the girls in the class, raise your hand if you feel you can speak up? [about 70% said they feel free, vs about 10% who said eggshells ]. Now just the boys? [about 80% said eggshells, nobody said they feel free].

Me: Now let’s try it for race. When a topic related to race comes up in class, do you feel free to speak up and say what you are thinking, or do you feel that you are walking on eggshells and you must heavily censor yourself? Just the non-white students? [the group was around 30% non-white, mostly South and East Asians, and some African Americans. A majority said they felt free to speak, although a large minority said eggshells] Now just the white students? [A large majority said eggshells]

Me: Now lets try it for politics. How many of you would say you are on the right politically, or that you are conservative or Republican? [6 hands went up, out of 60 students]. Just you folks, when politically charged topics come up, can you speak freely? [Only one hand went up, but that student clarified that everyone gets mad at him when he speaks up, but he does it anyway. The other 5 said eggshells.] How many of you are on the left, liberal, or democrat? [Most hands go up] Can you speak freely, or is it eggshells? [Almost all said they can speak freely.]

Me: So let me get this straight. You were unanimous in saying that you want your school to be a place where people feel free to speak up, even if you strongly dislike their views. But you don’t have such a school. In fact, you have exactly the sort of “tolerance” that Herbert Marcuse advocated [which I had discussed in my lecture, and which you can read about here]. You have a school in which only people in the preferred groups get to speak, and everyone else is afraid.

What are you going to do about this? Let’s talk.

After that, the conversation was extremely civil and constructive. The boys took part just as much as the girls. We talked about what Centerville could do to improve its climate, and I said that the most important single step would be to make viewpoint diversity a priority.

On the entire faculty, there was not a single teacher that was known to be conservative or Republican. So if these teenagers are coming into political consciousness inside of a “moral matrix” that is uniformly leftist, there will always be anger directed at those who disrupt that consensus.

That night, after I gave a different talk to an adult audience, there was a reception at which I spoke with some of the parents. Several came up to me to tell me that their sons had told them about the day’s events. The boys finally had a way to express and explain their feelings of discouragement. Their parents were angry to learn about how their sons were being treated and… there’s no other word for it, bullied into submission by the girls.*

Tina Fey’s movie Mean Girls with Lindsey Lohan makes the point that girls have always been extremely adept on average at nonviolent bullying: girls tend to be quick and sharp at interpersonal thinking with a talent for knowing precisely where to slip in the psychological stiletto.

Of course, most of that talent has been deployed over the millennia against their rivals in the sexual marketplace, other females (although little brothers and henpecked husbands have been victims too). But now our society encourages girls, at the point where their social skills are most advanced relative to boys of the same age, to use their Mean Girls techniques to bully and silence boys in the name of Fighting Patriarchy.

It would be interesting to study how big a price females pay down the road in lack of romantic satisfaction due to being encouraged to psychologically emasculate the boys around them. Like I’ve been saying for a long time, there’ll be no final victor in the War Between the Sexes.

Posted in Feminism | Comments Off on Steve Sailer: When Society Encourages Mean Girls to Bully Boys

Study: Democrats Want To Be Led By Effeminate Milksops

From the Chateau:

Sometimes I don’t need to wield the shiv. The shiv wields itself.

“A deep tone of voice appeals to conservative voters. More generally, conservative voters seem to have a preference for politicians who look physically strong and masculine, while liberal voters prefer those who have less dominant features and seem more accommodating, perhaps even slightly feminine,” said Laustsen.

Since universal suffrage was passed into law, women voters have pushed America toward the extreme far Left. Now we have a biological underpinning that helps explain why. The liberal, social safety net, open borders preferences of women align with the political preferences of effeminate men (like John Scalzi, Alex Pareene, and Ezra Klein). The effeminate men never had much of a political voice until they were able to hitch the behemoth female voting bloc to their cause. And now we have gay marriage, mudsharking on prime time TV, and slut walks featuring half-naked fat chicks.

Laustsen and Petersen’s research proceeds from the observations that in order to understand the behavior of modern humans, you need to look into the evolutionary history that has shaped the psychology producing this behavior. In prehistoric times when the ancestors of modern humans were roaming the East-African savannah in small groups, it made sense to support the strongest members of the tribe when confronted with danger. Psychological mechanisms which 30,000 years ago saved our ancestors from being devoured by saber-toothed tigers and other fierce animals continue to be at work today, explaining, among other things, why people vote as they do along the left-right continuum.

“There are evolutionarily important reasons for the structure of our psychology. Our ancestors had to make a decision about which leader to follow, and it was crucial for their survival and reproduction that they picked the right one. As a species we are pre-programmed to think in a certain way about who we would like to be in charge. This affects choices that we make even today,” said Petersen.

Antibiotics and two oceans have enabled the rise of the American Leftoid.

Is this knowledge useful for the politicians? For example, would it be helpful for conservative politicians to tone down their dominant, masculine personality traits in hopes of snatching voters further to the left who tend to find less dominant features more attractive?

“Democrats are often seen as empathic, compassionate types. Republicans, by contrast, are often considered as strong leaders with a moral compass. This kind of subjective views may have real importance in cases where a Republican candidate is seen as more empathic than his Democratic opponent and trespasses into his territory. Perhaps he can gain some votes there,” he said.

If Trump can successfully merge themes of closed borders, White dispossession, and oligarch wage gutting, while connecting with the White working class Democrats and Independents, he will walk into the White (again) House.

In related news, effete, rich liberal Democrats are the only group that wants hordes of Muslims streaming across the nation’s borders, and eventually across their rectal borders.

Posted in Politics | Comments Off on Study: Democrats Want To Be Led By Effeminate Milksops

Israel Studies Professor Hounded by Anti-Israel Texas U Activists, Forced to Wear Disguise on Campus

News: Chanting “Long live the Intifada,” University of Texas at Austin activists recently stormed a class to protest and disrupt a talk by a guest lecturer.

Waving Palestinian flags and shouting anti-Israel epithets, twelve members of the Palestine Solidarity Committee (PSC) entered the public event, sponsored by Institute for Israeli Studies Professor Ami Pedahzur and hosting Stanford University military historian Dr. Gil-Li Vardi.

Throughout the incident — during which Pedahzur insisted that the invasive students either “sit down and learn something” or leave — the PSC activists filmed everything on their cellphone cameras.

Since that episode, which took place on Friday, November 13, mere hours before Paris was brutally attacked by ISIS terrorists, Pedahzur, professor of government and founding director of the Institute for Israel Studies, has become the focus of a PSC intimidation campaign. This includes a petition circulated by the PSC and claims that Pedahzur was violent.

“We were met with physical force and intimidation,” the PSC said in a statement.

A UT Austin professor as well as an attendee escalated what was supposed to be a reading of a prepared two-minute statement, culminating in professor Ami Pedahzur physically pressing his body against a PSC member, nose-to-nose in a move to physically intimidate the student. Pedahzur had to be restrained by 3 people.

Watching the video of the episode, which was uploaded to YouTube by PSC members immediately after they crashed the event, one gets a sense of the menacing nature of the demonstration — on the part of the students, not those trying to subdue them.

In an exclusive interview with The Algemeiner on Tuesday, Pedahzur described the incident, the first of its kind he says he has experienced in his career — as professor of government, the Arnold S. Chaplik Professor in Israel and Diaspora Studies and founding director of the Institute for Israel Studies — and the ongoing nightmare he is now living as a result of it. Wearing a disguise on campus and fearing for the safety of his family and students says it in a nutshell.

“Along with the PSC petition smearing my name and accusing me of inappropriate behavior, I’ve received death threats,” Pedhazur said. “But no one at the university has offered to protect me or my students. That is why I went to the police last Monday to request protection for my class — titled ‘Suicide Terror’ — which is in a basement, so in an emergency situation, it would be very hard to evacuate 95 students. I couldn’t take the chance that because of my name, someone would try to do away with a ‘Zionist professor.’”

The first course of action Pedhazur took was to vacate the offices at the Israeli Studies Institute, and, he said, “Police gave us recommendations on how to secure the facility, so as not to put anybody at risk.”

What the university did in the immediate aftermath of the incident was to instruct Pedahzur to defer all requests from journalists to its public affairs department. Pedahzur’s silence “gave the groups the opportunity to smear me. The whole field was open to them.”

Posted in Anti-Semitism, Israel | Comments Off on Israel Studies Professor Hounded by Anti-Israel Texas U Activists, Forced to Wear Disguise on Campus

France: A Society Ripe for Submission

Quadrant: His imagining of an Islamic France is no simple provocation. Rather, this deep, gripping and haunting novel is a recent high-point for European fiction. No current writer gets anywhere near Houellebecq’s achievement in finding a fictional way into the darkest and most necessary corners of our time.

Douglas Murray writes:

Michel Houellebecq (left) is a genius. He is also a nihilist. And not the fashionable type of American nihilist (“nihilism with a happy ending”, as Allan Bloom once called it), but a connoisseur and practitioner of the fullest-blown fin de millénaire French nihilism. For Houellebecq and his main characters life is a solitary and pointless labour, devoid of interest, joy or comfort aside from the occasional—generally paid-for—blow-job.

The fact that the poet of such an existence can have been celebrated by his peers (Houellebecq has been awarded the Prix Goncourt, among other prizes) is perhaps less surprising than the fact that such a writer has proved so popular. For almost two decades his books have been best-sellers in their original French and in translation. When books sell this well—especially when they are also quality, rather than pap, literature—it is because they must speak to something of our times. It may be an extreme version of our present existence, but even the unarguably bracing nature of the nihilism would not be sufficient as an attraction without at least a disgusted flicker of self-recognition from his readers.

Houellebecq’s first important novel, Atomised (1999), laid out what became a signature scene. He depicts a society and a set of lives with no purpose whatsoever. Familial relations are poisonous where they are not absent. Death, and the fear of it, fills the space which was once absorbed by the business of God. At one point in Atomised the lead character Michel takes to his bed for two weeks, and repeatedly asks himself as he stares at a radiator, “How long could Western civilisation continue without religion?” No revelation comes from this, only more looking at the radiator.

Michel’s half-brother Bruno is told by a girl that he has a very pessimistic view of the world. “Nietzschean,” he corrects her, before feeling inclined to add, “Pretty second-rate Nietzsche at that.” In the middle of what is described as “depressive lucidity” there are—apart from sex—no moments of pleasure. Christine, with whom Bruno has been having a halting, meaningless conversation, interrupts a silence by suggesting they go to an orgy on a nudist beach. The philosophical state of their culture has washed across them and submerged them under in its own pointlessness. At one point we read, “In the midst of the suicide of the West, it was clear that they had no chance.” The joys of consumerism are certainly not enough, but they can prove diverting. As Bruno is meant to be arranging for the burial or cremation of his mother’s body he plays Tetris on his Gameboy. “Game over,” it says, and plays “a cheerful little tune”. (Mother-son relationships in Houellebecq are especially non-existent, a fact which the interviews with and writings by the novelist’s now late mother confirm as certainly autobiographical.)

Although Atomised works as a meditation on the state of the culture, it works less well as a novel and even less well as narrative. Although the rarity of events is part of the point, in the absence of any plot-drive Atomised always risks contaminating its readers with the fatal ennui of its characters. But if the themes and characters of Atomised are repeated in Platform (first published in English in 2002) they also find there something to centre on. Again graphic sex, repetitions and variations of the same are the only light in the gloom. Valerie, a woman who is willing to do absolutely everything sexually with the main character, Michel, is a good find and a source for hope. But even so, the genitals, it is made clear, are “meagre compensation” for the misfortune, shortness and pointlessness of life. And horror followed by acceptance and then indifference towards human suffering lead to no enlightenment or interest. “On the whole, I am not good,” the narrator tells us, “it is not one of my characteristics. Humanitarians disgust me, the fate of others is generally a matter of indifference to me, nor have I any memory of ever having felt any sense of solidarity with other human beings.” However, in Platform another worldview imposes itself on Houellebecq’s characters.

Having given up his job as a civil servant, Michel takes Valerie on holiday to Thailand. He loathes the decadence of the tourism and the people who take part in it at the same time as taking part in it himself. One day Islamist terrorists—who also loathe the decadence on show but have a view of their own on what to do about it—storm the beach and massacre many tourists, including Valerie. After the 2002 Bali terrorist attacks this particular scenario was seen to have been prescient. But whatever respect Houellebecq might have enjoyed from this was mitigated by the trouble the book helped get him into in France. Even before the description of the beach-massacre the character Michel calls Islam an “absurd” religion. After the massacre his contempt for the religion builds to a paragraph in which he reflects:

It is certainly possible to remain alive animated simply by a desire for vengeance; many people have lived that way. Islam had wrecked my life, and Islam was certainly something which I could hate; in the days that followed, I devoted myself to trying to feel hatred for Muslims. I was quite good at it, and I started to follow the international news again. Every time I heard that a Palestinian terrorist, or a Palestinian child or a pregnant Palestinian woman had been gunned down in the Gaza Strip, I felt a quiver of enthusiasm at the thought that it meant one less Muslim. Yes, it was possible to live like this.

For this passage and others deemed offensive both from interviews and from Atomised (where a character describes Islam as “the most stupid, false, and obscure of all religions”) submission found himself the target of legal proceedings in France. Whether for this reason, or his often-cited desire to minimise his taxes, Houellebecq left France to live in Ireland.

Perhaps it was the stupidity which chased him away. After all, anybody who actually read Houellebecq—as opposed to (in the current fashion) excerpts they hoped to be offended by—could see that the characters in his novels are infinitely harsher in their criticism and contempt of the modern West than they are of the precepts and claims of Islam or Muslims. Houellebecq’s contempt always fires off in all directions. In Atomised Bruno at one point expounds his theory that there are no such things as homosexuals, only pederasts. But he also claims that heterosexuals like himself are never attracted to people their own age, only much younger versions—a problem at the root of most of his male characters’ discontents. Or you might turn to the description of the behaviour of Chinese people in Platform which climaxes with the narrator describing the Chinese as “an awful lot of pigs”. Dragging Houellebecq to court for being rude about Muslims was a demonstration of the grossest sensitivity top-trumps of our time, but it also showed a wild literary ignorance. Not only in hauling an author to court for his expressions, but in the fact that Houellebecq’s derision or contempt so clearly goes beyond the whines and pleadings of special-interest groups: his is a rage and contempt aimed against our age and our species as a whole.

Yet however great the acrobatics and pyrotechnics in a literature of this type, it is always the case that it must at some point either mature or fizzle out. The evidence that Houellebecq wasn’t going to fizzle out came with his 2010 Prix Goncourt-winning The Map and the Territory—the story of an artist called Jed Martin who makes himself fabulously wealthy through his deeply occasional work. This wealth allows him to seclude himself from a France doomed to become in the near future little more than a cultural theme-park for the new Russian and Chinese super-rich. The work is not only an exploration of the traditional Houellebecq themes (dysfunctional family life, empty sex, solitude) but a profound satire on modern culture. It includes a hilarious and devastating self-portrait—a reminder of the truth that the most savage critics always also turn their gaze on themselves. Jed visits the drunken writer Michel Houellebecq in his remote and unattractive Irish retreat. There are boxes everywhere and no furniture. “Have you just moved in?” his guest asks. “Yes. I mean, three years ago.”

Houellebecq’s self-portrait is, if the interviews and accounts of those who know him are anything to go by, remarkably accurate. Dissolute, alcoholic, depressive and meandering, the portrait of Houellebecq in The Map and the Territory shows an almost affrontingly desiccated life. It is also a life which produces enemies. A curious detail is that at one point in the novel, “Houellebecq” is found dead—decapitated, flayed and mutilated. This year that scene assumed less amusing overtones.

Houellebecq’s most recent novel, Submission, was due for publication on January 7 this year. Even before publication it had caused critical and political controversy. The plot takes French politics forward to the 2020s. The current French President, Francois Hollande, is coming to the end of a disastrous second term. The National Front party of Marine Le Pen is ahead in the polls. The moderate right of the UMP collapses, as do the Socialists. But another party has come together over recent years—a Muslim party led by a moderate Islamist who enjoys the support of France’s growing Muslim population. As the run-offs get closer it is clear to the other mainstream parties that the only way to keep the National Front from power is to unite behind the Islamist party. This they do, and the Islamist party wins. Using some old pliant French lefties for cover the Islamists set about transforming France, not least by taking control of education and making (with the help of substantial Gulf funding) all public universities, including the Sorbonne, into Islamic institutions. Gradually even the novel’s main figure—a dissolute scholar of J.K. Huysmans—sees the sense of converting to Islam.

In the few public comments he made about the book, Houellebecq was at pains to stress his admiration for Islam—a demonstration perhaps that the brow-beating and threats of the thought-police do work. It was to be expected that such pleas would be drowned out, if not for the reasons which transpired.

Among those to attack and ridicule Houellebecq for a plot many claimed was wilfully provocative was a satirical weekly magazine then little known outside France called Charlie Hebdo. The magazine—which has a long tradition of left-wing, secular, anti-clerical iconoclasm—had come to limited international attention in recent years after repeatedly showing itself willing to depict Islam’s prophet (a willingness it was almost alone in demonstrating after the 2005 Danish cartoons affair). There were assaults, including a firebomb attack, on their Paris offices but the publication held firm, as it had over their earlier critiques of the Pope and far-Right leaders including the National Front.

In expectation of the launch of the new novel, a typically ugly caricature of a hideous, gnome-like Houellebecq was on the cover of the magazine on that January morning when two Islamist gunmen forced their way into Charlie Hebdo’s Paris offices and shot ten of the magazine’s staff and two policemen. As the Yemen-trained French Muslim gunmen left the offices they were heard shouting, “We have avenged the Prophet Muhammad” and “Allahu Akbar” (“Allah is greatest”). Among the victims of their assault on the magazine’s morning editorial meeting was the economist Bernard Maris, a close friend of Houellebecq’s.

Paris and France went into several days of lockdown, and another assault (by another Islamist gunman on a Jewish food store) was still to come. Houellebecq’s publishers announced that his publicity tour was cancelled and the author himself went into hiding. Ever since he has been accompanied by bodyguards. And although the French state is helping to protect him it has by no means thrown itself behind him. In the immediate aftermath of the Charlie Hebdo attacks the country’s Socialist Prime Minister, Manuel Valls, chose to make an address in which he said, “France is not Michel Houellebecq … it is not intolerance, hatred and fear.” Obviously—unless he had got hold of an early proof—the Prime Minister had not read the novel.

Of course it is worth stating from the outset—since in these times we seem to have to do such things—that even if Submission were the most anti-Islamic, “blasphemous” and offensive novel ever written Houellebecq would have the right to publish it and do so without being judged by politicians or gunmen who in their different ways fire off over books they don’t read. As it happens, Submission is not a simple provocation. It is a deep, gripping and haunting novel which proves a culmination point of Houellebecq’s work so far and, in my view, a recent high-point for European fiction. I can think of no writer currently working who can get anywhere near Houellebecq’s achievement in finding a fictional way into the darkest and most necessary corners of our time. Nor can I think of another writer currently working who would be able to write a novel of this depth, scope and relevance while also making it witty and page-turning.

The most intelligent criticism to date has come from reviewers who have objected to one layer of the novel which relates to the academic specialism of the main character. Francois is a typical Houellebecq leading man: a middle-aged academic whose parents’ deaths have no effect on him, who has short relationships with his younger female students and who since separating from an attractive young Jewish student, with whom he still intermittently has sex, switches to prostitutes though finds his libido insufficiently diverted. When Francois flees the looming chaos in Paris by going to the significantly chosen town of Martel in the south of France he tries to interest himself in Cro-Magnon man. At one point he reflects, “Cro-Magnon man hunted mammoth and reindeer; the man of today can choose between an Auchan and a Leclerc, both supermarkets located in Souillac.”

But Francois’s internal life is not only dry—it is also painfully in need of relief. As French culture and society decay all around him, two revelations in particular stand out. The first comes as a result of his Jewish girlfriend’s choice to leave France (another slightly prophetic idea) and join her family in heading to Israel. After their sexually athletic final meeting she asks him what he will do, especially now that the university looks as if it will close when the Muslim party comes to power. “We were standing at the door. I realised that I hadn’t the slightest idea, and also that I didn’t give a fuck. I kissed her softly on the lips, and said, ‘There is no Israel for me.’ Not a deep thought; but that’s how it was.” As anyone who has followed Europe’s recent tergiversations will know, that is a very deep thought, and a demonstration of the profligacy of Houellebecq’s genius that he can throw it away with such apparent ease.

But the deeper spiritual point in the novel lies precisely in Francois’s meditations on his scholarly interest. Houellebecq (like a lot of his literary critics) assumes that his readers will be unfamiliar with the work of Huysmans, but I would have thought that a significant portion will have read or at least heard of A Rebours (“Against Nature”), one of the central texts of late-nineteenth-century French decadence. By the point at which the novel starts Francois is tiring of his enthusiasm for Huysmans, in the way that many academics are after their first love is overlaid by years of the same lectures and questions. But the choice of Huysmans as a constant presence in the novel is more important and pertinent than some critics seem to realise. As the novel develops, Francois not only rediscovers part of his passion for Huysmans but also confronts one of the central challenges of Huysmans’s life. Like many of his contemporary decadents across Europe, Huysmans ended up being received into the Roman Catholic Church. It is a journey which, as everything falls apart around him and intimations and then sporadic and shocking outbursts of violence become commonplace across France, Francois tries to emulate.

Francois even heads back to the monastery in which Huysmans found his faith and in which the young Francois spent some time in search of his literary idol while a younger man. He sits in front of the Madonna and his meditations strain towards a goal. But he cannot do it: he may have returned to the source, and he may even be open to the moment but he cannot perform the necessary leap of faith. And so he returns to Paris, and there the university authorities—now Islamic—explain to Francois (as one they have generously pensioned off) the logic of Islam. And not just the logic that he will get his career back at the Sorbonne if he converts, but the logic it will make in other corners of his life. He will have wives (up to four, and younger—if he wishes—even than his usual tastes). And of course he will be part of a community of meaning for the first time. He will be able to continue enjoying most of the few pleasures he has had and will gain much more than he had thought possible in the way of comforts. Unlike the leap required to become a Catholic, the practical logic of Islam in a society ripe for submission as a whole becomes irrefutable. Houellebecq’s plea that the novel is by no means anti-Islam is not without foundation.

Is the novel’s vision plausible? I would say so—often deeply uncomfortably so. Endless small details rhyme. For instance in the run-up to the crucial election the French media and mainstream politicians deliberately obscure stories of real interest. One is reminded of the events last December in France when Muslim extremists kept driving into crowds of people while shouting “Allahu Akbar”, only for the politicians and media to dismiss these events as meaningless traffic incidents. Then there is the portrait of the Jewish community leaders who remain around to flatter their enemies and negotiate for themselves (as many did with the Nazis) even as everything signals their community’s destruction. And of course the novel’s truest conceit is the depiction of a class of politicians across the political divide so keen to be seen above all as “anti-racist” that they end up flattering and ultimately handing over their country to the worst racists of our time.

Houellebecq’s career has included several fateful coincidences of timing. But perhaps the most propitious is that his work has come to artistic maturity at just the moment to capture a society tipping from over-ripeness into something else. What precisely? More decadence, barbarism, or salvation? And if salvation, then what kind, and whose?

Douglas Murray is the author of Neoconservatism: Why We Need It, and is the Associate Director of the Henry Jackson Society, a British think-tank.

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Douglas Murray: Of Two Minds About a Singular Peril

Many physical casualties are yet to come. But the next political casualties should be the entire political class who have refused for so long to face some very bitter truths of their own devising. After Paris, they can be no longer seek asylum from reality in the merry myth of multiculturalism.

Douglas Murray writes:

Even more than most other first-world nations modern Europe suffers from a potentially fatal cognitive dissonance. All the time we hold two wholly contradictory ideas in our heads.

The first idea is that our countries are multicultural paradises where anyone from anywhere in the world can come and deserves to settle if they so wish. We believe that those who come here will assimilate, but at the same time we do not especially mind if they do not, and offer no incentives for them to do so. Indeed if they do not wish to assimilate we respect them for holding on to their own culture. At the same time it is natural that we should decry as “racist” anyone who wants to hold on to what is left of our own culture. This part of our brain talks about “integration” and “radicalisation” and “violent extremism” and all the other weakly euphemisms of our time.

Yet all the time our brains hold another idea—ordinarily pushed to the very recess of our minds but always capable of breaking out. This holds the possibility that this is all nonsense. That integration if it does ever happen takes centuries to occur and has certainly not happened in present-day Europe. This part of the brain knows from observation and from an awareness of history that a strong religious culture when placed into a weak and relativistic culture will make itself felt long before it will significantly adapt. If there is a reason why we repress this instinct and favour the wilfully optimistic version of events it is because the consequences of accepting this truth are so utterly calamitous and damn the majority beliefs of a whole generation.

The migration crisis, which has been going on for years but has gained particular attention this year, is a fine example of these two parts of our brain struggling with each other. This year Germany is talking of taking in an additional 800,000 citizens—or 1 per cent of its current population. It plans to bring in a similar number of people mainly from Muslim-majority countries in each of the coming years. In other European countries the same numbers emerge. Perhaps to see this best you have to see it on a local level. In Malmo, Sweden, which once had a thriving Jewish community, just under 1000 Jews remain. Today, every day, around 1000 Muslim refugees arrive in Malmo. So every single day’s immigration of new immigrants dwarfs the remnants of a long-established community.

There are so many things to be said about the rotten thought-culture that has led to this pass. But the most instructive way of considering the confusion of Europe is to consider something that Chancellor Merkel herself said only five years ago. Back in 2010 she gave what at the time appeared to be a crucial speech. “Multiculturalism has failed,” she declared. So striking and significant was that 2010 statement that the then French President, Nicolas Sarkozy, and British Prime Minister David Cameron gave their own “multiculturalism has failed” speeches in the months that followed.

I remember the excited copy that ran. I wrote some of it myself. But when you look back on those speeches of only five years ago they make less than no sense. If by “multiculturalism” Merkel, Sarkozy and Cameron meant—as they seemed to mean—the living of parallel lives in the same society, then what have they done in the five years since to change this around? If you go to parts of the north of England, to Marseilles or the suburbs outside Paris and Berlin, the lack of integration is as bad as it was then: the men who wander around the north of England dressed for the hillsides of Pakistan; the women who wander around London dressed for seventh-century Arabia. Have these people changed their views but not their mode of dress? It seems radically unlikely.

And so we come to the true perplexity: if multiculturalism had failed when immigration was relatively low, why on earth would it work now that immigration is at a historic high? Why would multiculturalism in Britain have failed in 2011 but not in 2015 when the UK government has seen a ten-year high in immigration even before you take the latest migrant-wave into account?

But then almost nothing about the grand schemes of Europe’s political elites has made sense for some time. All are good at talking about how they will tackle problems “over there”. Few if any have any idea what to do about our problems “over here”.

After the latest terrorist atrocities in Paris, President Hollande said that France would be “merciless” in its pursuit of the perpetrators and in taking the war to the barbarians of ISIS. But surely he must know by now that this is the easy part. Bombing ISIS from the skies of Iraq or Syria is a pretty much cost-free exercise. The likelihood of losing even one French pilot is minimal and what fall-out there will be in Syria or Iraq can be ignored from France. The problem is the people at home. What is anybody going to do about them? What is Hollande going to do in an EU which has the free movement of peoples as one of its core objectives?

This is when a whole set of other aspects of our cognitive dissonance chime in. We will pretend, for instance, that we don’t have the domestic problem we have because we will reassure ourselves and each other that the “vast majority” of Muslims in our countries are opposed to terrorism like that which occurred in Paris. Earlier this year, after the first atrocities of the year in the French capital, the BBC commissioned a poll of British Muslim opinion. It found that 27 per cent of British Muslims were “sympathetic” to the Paris terrorists with another 10 per cent either saying that they didn’t know whether they were sympathetic to the attackers or refusing to answer the question. Our national broadcaster gave this story a necessarily positive spin by headlining it, “Most British Muslims oppose Mohammed cartoon reprisals”. There is your “most” and that is your “majority”. Only a mere quarter of the Muslims in your country are so fantastically unaware or unbothered about your laws and customs that they sympathise with violent reprisals for breaching Islamic “blasphemy” codes.

Two parts of the same brain. The first tells us that to be properly “European” we must allow anyone who wants to come here to come here; we must be against borders and for multiculturalism. The other part of the brain watches and waits. It can see that the new arrivals are not only coming in unprecedented numbers but are bringing unprecedented problems. The first part of the brain pretends they will assimilate and that given time Islam will go through its own “reformation”. The second part of the brain starts to realise that we may not have that time.

What will be the long-term effects of this? I would suggest that, as noted scholar of Islam Daniel Pipes has pointed out, the European publics will migrate further and further to the political right. And in reaction the European political class will migrate further and further to the left. You can already see it. In Sweden one liberal newspaper editor responded to the latest polling triumphs by the until-recently pariah Sweden Democrats by saying that he would be happy to flood Sweden with ISIS fighters in order to punish the Swedish electorate for voting for the Sweden Democrats. That isn’t such an unusual instinct. It is the same instinct that made one female refugee aid-worker and her colleagues hush up her recent rape at the hands of some recent arrivals. They feared that mentioning the rape might exacerbate anti-immigrant sentiment in Europe. This instinct fears that the European publics are far-Right extremists just waiting to break out, and the sad irony is that only by treating them in such a way for such a long time could anyone ever make them so.

The part of our brain that has fallen for the myths all these years has pushed restrictions on speech and behaviour and it is pushing them now. Sitting beside Mark Zuckerberg of Facebook at a UN lunch the other week in New York, Chancellor Merkel was heard by a microphone that was still live asking Zuckerberg what he was doing to stop Europeans writing anti-immigration things on Facebook. “We’re working on it,” was his reply.

And so we see the manner in which our continent will blow—restricting legitimate concerns and dismissing honest fears as dishonest bigotries. The only good news is that this suicidal part of our European mind, which has been the dominant part for several decades now, is beginning to lose ground to the part of the brain that still has some survival instinct. Perhaps it will succeed in wrestling back our collective mind. Perhaps it will be too late. What is certain is that after the dead of Paris are mourned the European publics will ask of their politicians why they have spent years setting the scene for just such attacks to happen. After the firebombing of Charlie Hebdo’s offices the French Foreign Minister, Laurent Fabius, criticised the magazine’s publication of cartoons of Mohammed, saying, “Is it really sensible to pour oil on the fire?”

The European publics are beginning to ask, “Who made our societies into this fire?” There will be many physical casualties to come. But the next political casualties should be the entire political class who fed us lies for years because they themselves would not face up to some bitter truths.

Douglas Murray is the author of Neoconservatism: Why We Need It, and is the Associate Director of the Henry Jackson Society, a British think-tank.

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How are US citizens vulnerable to NSA/Israel espionage?

Comment: “The Jerusalem Post ran an article worrying that the NSA’s spying on American citizens at the direction and for the benefit of Israel endangers the privacy rights of American Jews living in Israel. The author goes on to predict that the privacy rights of Jewish-Americans living in Israel will be scrupulously protected during surveillance operations that pass other Americans’ data to Israel. Jewish-Americans living abroad, in other words, will not be monitored and have their information shared to the same extent as that of goyim-Americans living abroad. The idea that the goyim might not want their personal lives perused by Israelis never seems to occur to the author.”

JPOST: How are US citizens in Israel vulnerable to NSA espionage?

How could it be legal for Americans in Israel to have less privacy protection from US National Security Agency spying than other US citizens? According to top-secret documents produced by Edward Snowden and distributed by the media, the NSA’s official rule is not to spy on the communications of US citizens whether they reside in the US or abroad.

However, reports mostly by The Guardian and The Washington Post dating back to August, including a new report in the Guardian on Wednesday, suggest that for Americans living abroad, this rule may have at least two gaping holes.

First, since August we knew that the NSA can spy on any US citizen communication with a foreign target, and the Snowden documents indicate that any foreign communication is presumed to be, or only needs to meet a very low standard to be declared, with a foreign target.

So US citizens living abroad may be presumed to be foreign targets and their communications collected.

While highly controversial, there is no easy resolution to this issue, which affects all US citizens abroad, not just in Israel, other than trying to get Congress or the president to change the rules.

Second and possibly a larger problem for US citizens in Israel, is a five-page document, titled Memorandum of Understanding between the NSA and its Israeli counterpart (the ISNU), disclosed on Wednesday, which indicates that the US sends “unminimized” communications to Israel, including that of US citizens.

“Unminimized” means ignoring the various safeguards the NSA usually follows when analyzing these communications, including a process of filtering out all information not relevant to national security.

Although the document formally obligates Israel to observe the same safeguards, it does not cite any enforcement mechanism or concrete “teeth” to ensure compliance (though Israel does have several obligations to report certain issues to an NSA liaison).

So what is really stopping Israel from misusing this information, especially where it involves US citizens who are dual-Israeli citizens? After the fact, someone could complain that the US had put its citizens in a risky position, but the US would not technically have violated anyone’s rights, having instructed Israel to observe the US Constitution’s Fourth Amendment protections of privacy rights.

How about suing Israel for violation of privacy rights or for its agreement with the US? Not an option. The document itself is technically only a letter of intent, not a contract or an enforceable agreement.

Letters of intent or understanding, without a later final contract, are just that, expressions of hope about a relationship between two parties – but not binding.

In fact, to keep the agreement classified and away from international judicial bodies, the document specifically says it creates no “legally enforceable rights,” is not an “international agreement” and is not “legally binding” under “international law.”

So the US may be accused of acting irresponsibly or rashly and Israel may have violated the intent of the newly revealed document, but no one’s privacy rights will have been violated and certainly no one has a good shot at a lawsuit.

Luckily that is probably not the end of the story with the Israel issue.

The truth is that the US probably did not sign a binding document with Israel with official “teeth” because it does not need to.

Israel is on a very short list of countries which receive massive intelligence information from the NSA.

If Israel abuses the relationship, the US can just turn off the faucet.

The one extra-legal scenario which still would likely not be covered would be where the NSA is winking at Israel to look under a rock which the NSA itself is not allowed to check.

While this does not prevent invasion of US citizens’ in Israel privacy on an individual, small-scale basis, it certainly makes it likely that, even without the shadow of a lawsuit, Israel will follow the privacy rights provisions carefully.

COMMENTS:

* Q; How are US citizens in Israel vulnerable to NSA espionage?
A: Same way Israeli Citizens in Israel are vulnerable to NSA espionage.

* NSA gives Israel all its data, not just on US citizens in Israel.

* The Guardian: Details of the intelligence-sharing agreement in the document, a five-page memorandum between the NSA and Israeli officials, show the U.S. government handed over intercepted communications that probably contain phone calls and e-mails of Americans, the Guardian said.
The deal was reached in March 2009, according to the undated memo, which lays out ground rules for the intelligence sharing. The Guardian said the memo, termed an agreement between the U.S. and Israeli intelligence agencies “pertaining to the protection of U.S. persons,” repeatedly stresses the constitutional rights of Americans to privacy and the need for Israeli intelligence staff to respect these rights.
But the memo places no limits on the use of the data by the Israelis. It says Israel is allowed to receive raw “sigint intelligence” that “includes, but is not limited to, unevaluated and unminimized transcripts, gists, facsimiles, telex, voice and Digital Network Intelligence metadata and content.”
According to the agreement, the intelligence being shared would not be filtered in advance by NSA analysts to remove U.S. communications, the Guardian reported.

* This is not the full extent. Not only are they getting unminimized intelligence direct from the NSA, they have a number of too-cozy relationships with American telephony companies. They have an Israeli company do the billing at a very cut rate, in short, they are collecting Intelligence that way.

And then there is another VERY interesting deal in the works with India, it seems an Israeli company (Verint) is building a system to spy on all 1.2 billion Indians. Allegedly for the Indian’s own intelligence service. It is probable that Israel will be getting much of the data.

(The Indian people SHOULD NOT let their government build this system regardless, domestic spying is a danger to civil liberties and WILL be horribly abused, there are plenty of examples worldwide.)

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