Interrogating Kamala Harris’s Black Identity (8-1-24)

01:00 Your identity does not belong only to you, it also belongs to the people who think of you
09:00 NYT: How dare Trump doubt Kamala!, https://www.stevesailer.net/p/nyt-how-dare-trump-doubt-kamala
43:00 Kamala Harris chapter in Profiles in Corruption: Abuse of Power by America’s Progressive Elite, https://www.amazon.com/Profiles-Corruption-Peter-Schweizer/dp/006289790X
1:02:30 Kamala is relatable
1:09:00 Black Pill: How I Witnessed the Darkest Corners of the Internet Come to Life, Poison Society, and Capture American Politics, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=156337
1:22:00 Kip joins to talk about the origins of rap.
1:24:00 Bart Whiteman, actor, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bart_Whiteman
1:39:00 Israel v Hezbollah, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iH0ewmNlFc8

Olympics reveal different peoples have different gifts (8-1-24)

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The Awesome, Terrifying Power of the Press (7-31-24)

01:00 Has the New Right Already Peaked? https://www.thebulwark.com/p/new-right-vance-twitter-already-peaked
02:00 Should Steve Sailer study the life of Kamala Harris? https://www.stevesailer.net/p/should-i-study-up-on-the-life-of
12:00 Donald Trump showed up to the National Association of Black Journalists
17:20 Harris and Trump Hammer Each Other as VP Pick Nears | Mark Halperin, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8fixnhqkBOk
18:00 How can Trump win the news cycle when he’s hated by the media?
30:00 The terrifying power of the press, https://www.eugyppius.com/p/the-awesome-terrifying-power-of-the
35:00 More of the terrifying power of the press, https://www.eugyppius.com/p/once-more-on-the-awesome-terrifying
51:00 Not Born Yesterday: The Science of Who We Trust and What We Believe, https://lukeford.net/blog/?p=156725
1:00:00 Israel news, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iH0ewmNlFc8
1:05:30 Media literacy, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Media_literacy
1:16:00 NYT: Some Republicans Embrace Conspiracy Theories on Trump Assassination Attempt, https://www.nytimes.com/2024/07/31/us/politics/trump-assassination-republicans-conspiracy-theories.html

Democrats shift from arguing Trump is a dictator to sneering that he’s weird (7-31-24)

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Has the New Right Already Peaked?

The Bulwark reports:

THE HYPERONLINE, CULTURE-WAR-FIXATED, democracy-skeptical movement known as the New Right is on the proverbial march. Their recent gains include Elon Musk’s acquisition of Twitter, which he has spent much of the last two years retooling to better suit their needs, and getting one of their own, JD Vance, on the Republican presidential ticket. The sorts of people who post memes of Donald Trump in Warhammer 40k armor are salivating at the thought that the next vice president, who might be a future president, could be groyper-adjacent.

But they may soon become victims of their own success: Both the recent changes at X (Musk’s new name for Twitter) and the choice of Vance as a running mate illustrate problems for Trump’s coalition that could hobble his campaign for the presidency.

The problems start with the New Right’s basic understanding of reality. The movement’s worldview rests on an insane theory of power: Members of the New Right unironically believe that American institutions are dominated by radical leftists who use their power and positions of influence to force their beliefs on an unwilling populace while suppressing dissent.

A weirdo from the internet named Curtis Yarvin calls this imaginary arrangement “the Cathedral.” Yarvin is a self-described “neo-reactionary” and “monarchist,” and he makes no secret of his hostility to democracy. I wouldn’t bother naming him—why elevate cranks?—but JD Vance refers to him as an influence, so the elevating has already been done. Vance and Yarvin have been friends for years, and both are also close to Silicon Valley billionaire Peter Thiel, Vance’s former employer, who has bankrolled the senator’s political career.

The problem with this theory of power is not just that it would classify as powerless the U.S. Supreme Court, state governments, market-dominating media outlets, churches, much of the business community, and many other right-leaning American institutions. That is already insane. But it also encourages its adherents to believe their ideas have widespread appeal, and the only reason their ideas aren’t dominant is that right-wing viewpoints are being erased from the public discourse by the people who control it. That conspiratorial belief is within bounds for them; what’s apparently out of bounds is the idea that most Americans really are neutral-to-positive regarding the values of democracy and diversity….

Because of their grievances and theory of power, the New Right believes its ideas appeal to a “silent majority” suppressed by powerful left-wing figures. This creates cognitive dissonance that blocks off self-awareness. The more they ensconce themselves in information bubbles to avoid reckoning with the actual opinions and desires of the public, the less they see how far they are from mainstream American opinion.

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Not Born Yesterday: The Science of Who We Trust and What We Believe

Hugo Mercier wrote in this 2020 book:

* Writers for the Washington Post and Foreign Policy claim Donald Trump was elected thanks to the “gullibility” of “ignorant” voters. A common view of Brexit—the vote for Britain to leave the European Union—is to see the Brexiters as “uneducated plebs” while those who voted remain are “sophisticated, cultured and cosmopolitan.”

In contemporary academic literature, the link between unsophistication and credulity mostly takes two forms. The first is in children, whose lack of cognitive maturity is often associated with gullibility. A recent psychology textbook asserts that as
children master more complex cognitive skills, they become “less gullible.” Another states, more sweepingly, that “children, it seems, are an advertiser’s dream: gullible, vulnerable, and an easy sell.”

The second way in which lack of cognitive sophistication and credulity are linked is through a popular division of thought processes into two main types, so-called System 1 and System 2. According to this view—long established in psychology and recently popularized by psychologist Daniel Kahneman’s Thinking, Fast and Slow—some cognitive processes are fast, effortless, largely unconscious, and they belong to System 1…

* In 2017, the Collins dictionary designated fake news, information that has no basis in fact but is presented as factual, its word of the year. This decision was a reaction to the abuse of fake news in two events that took place in 2016: the election of Donald Trump to the U.S. presidency, and the decision made in the United Kingdom, by referendum, to leave the European Union (Brexit). In both countries, a large majority of the elites and the traditional media, surprised and dismayed by people’s choices, searched for explanations. Fake news was a common answer.

“Fake News Handed Brexiteers the Referendum” was the title of an article in the Independent, a British newspaper. Across the Atlantic, the Washington Post ran a piece claiming, “Fake News Might Have Won Donald Trump the 2016 Election.” Even when it is not about politics, fake news is scary: a piece in Nature (one of the world’s foremost scientific publications) suggested that “the biggest pandemic risk” was “viral misinformation.”

Some fake news spread the old-school way, carried, for instance, by “Brexit buses” claiming the United Kingdom was sending £350 million a week to Brussels that could be redirected to the health services instead (in fact, the number is nowhere near that high, and most of the money goes back to the United Kingdom anyway). But fake news, which has always existed in one form or another, was seen as particularly threatening this time around because social media had vastly expanded its reach.10 In the three months leading up to Donald Trump’s election, the twenty most popular fake news stories related to the election garnered more than eight million shares, comments, and likes on Facebook. Among the most popular fake news were stories about Hillary Clinton, Trump’s opponent, selling weapons to the terrorists of ISIS, or the pope endorsing Trump. Through the sharing of fake news, and of partisan news more generally, social media have been accused of creating echo chambers that amplify people’s prejudices and polarize the population, leading to extreme political views.

What do the humoral theory of disease, blood libels, and Trump’s endorsement by Pope Francis have in common? Obviously, they are inaccurate pieces of information. They are also linked with outcomes ranging from the clearly terrible (ethnic attacks, the systematic mistreatment of patients) to the arguably suboptimal (Trump’s election, Brexit). It would be natural to think that these false beliefs led directly to the outcomes described: physicians practice bloodletting because they accept the humoral theory of disease; ethnic minorities are massacred because of the atrocities they are accused of committing; people vote the “wrong” way because they are misled by fake news.

* What about fake news, then? Can it sway momentous political decisions? Here I focus on the election of Donald Trump, the event for which the most data are available. At the individual level, there was a correlation between viewing fake news websites, which overwhelmingly supported Trump, and being a Trump supporter.21 At the state level, the more people visited fake news websites, the more likely the state was to vote for Trump. Does this mean that viewing fake news prompted people to vote for Trump? Not necessarily. The majority of people who visited fake news websites weren’t casual Republicans but “intense partisans,” “the 10% of people with the most conservative online information diets.” These people were very unlikely to have turned from Hillary voters to Trump supporters. Instead, they were scouting the web—not only fake news websites but also the traditional press—for ways of justifying their upcoming decision to vote for Trump, or of demonstrating their support.

A study by Brendan Nyhan and his colleagues supports this interpretation. Trump supporters were provided with accurate information correcting some of Trump’s false statements (rather than fake news, but the principle is the same). Most of them accepted
the corrections. Yet the supporters didn’t waver in their support for Trump. This suggests that the initial acceptance of the false statements hadn’t caused their support for Trump. Rather, they had accepted the statements because they supported Trump.

* Some political fake news—for instance, “WikiLeaks: Clinton Bribed 6 Republicans to ‘Destroy Trump’ ”—might sound plausible enough, at least to people with little knowledge of politics; that is, most of the electorate. But many stories would presumably sound quite absurd to almost everybody (e.g., “[Evangelical leader Franklin] Graham Says Christians Must Support Trump or Face Death Camps”). In this respect, political fake news resembles other fake news. In 2017, the biggest hit was “Babysitter Transported to Hospital after Inserting a Baby in Her Vagina”; in 2016, the runner-up was “Woman Arrested for Defecating on Boss’ Desk after Winning the Lottery.”35 As suggested by cultural evolution researcher Alberto Acerbi, the most implausible fake news stories, whether or not they are political, spread largely because they are entertaining rather than because they offer justifications for anything.36 The most absurd political fake news stories might also owe their appeal precisely to their over-the-top nature, as they make for great burning-bridges material.

* even people who recognized that some of their views were mistaken (in this case, some of Donald Trump’s untrue statements they had accepted) did not change their underlying preferences (voting for Trump). As long as the demand for justifications is present, some will rise to fulfill it. Before the internet made fake news visible for everyone to gloat at its absurdity, it could be found in the pages of specialized newspapers—such as the canards of eighteenth-century France—with exactly the same patterns as those observed now. Most of the time, the news was pure sensationalism: one of these canards announced the discovery in Chile of a creature with “the head of a Fury, wings like a bat, a gigantic body covered in scales, and a dragon-like tail.”64 But when people wanted to give voice to their prejudices, the canards obliged, for instance, by inserting Marie Antoinette’s head in lieu of that of the Fury to please the revolutionary crowds. And if newspapers couldn’t do it, word of mouth would.

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The Role of Identity in Conservative Claims of Cultural Oppression

In his work in progress, Conservative Claims of Cultural Oppression: On the Nature and Origins of Conservaphobia, Rony Guldmann writes:

* Notwithstanding their ostensible egalitarianism and pragmatism, the liberal elites are committed to their own particular brand of identity politics, complete with its own special kind of otherization. The “bitter clingers” who stand in the way of gun control are not merely criticized as misguided, but despised as occupants of a lower moral and cognitive order, atavisms of a barbaric past that liberals alone have superseded. Whereas now eclipsed traditionalist hierarchies revolved around perceived differences in things like sexual purity, work ethic, religious affiliation, family pedigree, and ethnic bona fides, the new status hierarchy of liberalism is rooted in “cognitive elitism” and centers around a morally charged division between those who are “aware” and those who are not. The former have the psychic maturity to accede to liberalism. The latter lack it and must be reformed. This kind of identity politics will always take refuge in some pragmatic-sounding pretext—e.g., the dangers of firearms or the drawbacks of home schooling. But conservatives dismiss this pragmatism as an elaborate façade for a status hierarchy that liberals refuse to acknowledge.

* The liberal virtues are in truth gestures of identity-assertion designed to come at the expense of conservative ordinary Americans.

* The modern liberal identity is not an unvarnished naturalistic lucidity, as liberals are wont to see it. For it embodies the contingent historical forces that first generated it, a new uniformization, homogenization, and rationalization that liberalism’s Enlightenment narratives conceal or discount.

* Given that the symbolic realism is invariably intertwined with the biological functioning of a symbolic animal, liberalism’s efforts to mark off a sphere of “real” harm-tracking morality from the realm of airy cultural grievances is necessarily parochial, the product of an ethnocentrism that cannot recognize how liberals and conservatives partake of a shared humanity one side of which liberalism discounts.

* the emergence of a conservative identity politics, a conservative politics of recognition. The tropes and ideals of the Left are being marshaled, not simply to advance one or another conservative cause, like ending abortion or untrammeled free markets, but moreover in defense of conservatives themselves as an unfairly maligned social group. This is what defines a conservative claims of cultural oppression.

* Social meanings can constrain us because they ground our identities. To preserve identity is to contain freedom—to limit the range of possibilities that one can seriously contemplate. This narrowness is the sine qua non of taking oneself seriously, which is what social meanings allow us to do.

* A biological male is within his rights to self-identify as a female and attach more importance to this inner self-conception than to his biological sex. But he cannot reasonably expect others—for who many such disjunction between biology and identity is foreign—do the same and recognize him as a female. His sexual self-identification is a private matter, but his biological sexuality is a public one, and others will respond to what they can see and hear. His perspective is legitimate, but so too is theirs. Both express equal but ultimately incommensurable frameworks of identity. He is on the losing end of this conflict, not because he is morally inferior, but because of a utilitarian calculus resting on 1) a social consensus that the sexes should use separate restrooms, 2) the fact that he is in the minority and3) the fact that the resources available for the construction of public restrooms are finite. Someone is going to be left feeling uncomfortable, and it is the greatest good of the greatest number that determines who this will be.

* The liberal identity is premised on the ethos of disengaged self-control and self-reflexivity, and this places it in direct conflict with those whose patriotism resists that ethos.

* most people’s need for cultural identity affirmation is largely defensive in nature…

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