‘Trump’s Unapologetic Defense of the Rule of Law’

Heather Mac Donald writes: California’s cradle-to-grave welfare subsidies for illegal aliens and its widespread sanctuary policies have made the state a magnet for border-crossing migrants. That longstanding encouragement of immigration lawlessness has bred a sense of entitlement. The illegal-alien riots serve as an object lesson in Broken Windows theory: tolerate lawlessness in one sphere of activity, and you will cultivate it in another.

California’s Democratic officials and sanctuary activists take it as a given that ICE has no right to make immigration arrests at or around workplaces—which is where the Friday enforcement actions took place. This no-workplace enforcement principle, made up out of thin air, is just a site-specific variant of a broader rule that the open-borders lobby has willed into existence: the government may not create anxiety in illegal aliens.

For decades, the mainstream media has denounced any hint of enforcement in the interior of the country because the mere possibility of being picked up by ICE, however remote, was making the illegal-alien “community” “fearful.” Apparently, there is not just an entitlement not to be deported once you cross the border illegally but also an entitlement to be free from any concern that you might be deported. Since, therefore, ICE’s enforcement efforts were illegitimate—notwithstanding that agents acted pursuant to judicial warrants—radical resistance to those efforts was necessary.

California is also ground zero for the toleration of crime and disorder. Vagrants rule the streets in many parts of Los Angeles, San Francisco, San Diego, and other cities. Three of the country’s most influential pro-decriminalization, anti-incarceration district attorneys—Chesa Boudin in San Francisco, George Gascón in Los Angeles, and Pamela Price in Oakland—presided in California until recent electoral defeats. Southern California is the home of street takeovers—whereby large groups commandeer major intersections to race cars, often followed by looting of nearby convenience stores. The use of SUVs to ram into luxury stores and bodegas alike in order to clear out the merchandise seemed to originate in California after the George Floyd race riots, as did follow-home robberies, whereby thieves spot Rolex and other fine jewelry-wearers at restaurants and follow them home to assault them.

So when Los Angeles mayor Karen Bass says, as she did on MSNBC on Tuesday morning, “I’m going to do everything I can to keep Angelenos safe, no matter how they came here,” when California governor Gavin Newsom says in a fundraising appeal on Tuesday morning: “Keeping Californians safe has always been our number one priority,” many Californians will chortle bitterly. Of course, to be fair to Bass, her solicitude was directed to the city’s large illegal-alien population, not to its law-abiding citizens, in the same way that Bass and her fellow government officials direct their primary concern to the state’s homeless population and criminals, not to taxpaying, hardworking residents.

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Trump Vs Big Science

Heather Mac Donald writes: The claim that the Trump administration might push the NSF [National Science Foundation] to fund research with an “ideological bent” was rich. The NSF has been supporting ideologically driven research for years, much of it through its Directorate for STEM Education. The directorate’s $1.15 billion budget in 2024—a full ninth of the foundation’s $9.2 billion budget and much higher than funding for biology, computer science, and engineering—is just a starting point for gauging how much the NSF spent on education projects. Other directorates, nominally focused on hard science, also distributed education grants.

The NSF’s education grant-making has been focused on racial victimhood. The education directorate plays a key role in boosting the NSF’s diversity metrics. Its program managers—who approve and oversee grants—are disproportionately minorities, especially minority women. Grant recipients also tend to be disproportionately minority. This imbalance may reflect the composition of the applicant pool for once, since America’s schools of education, the feeders for NSF education program managers and education awardees, are themselves disproportionately minority. This skew is even greater in STEM-related education specialties, and not just because those specialties are devoted to formulating racism-based explanations for the underrepresentation of minorities in STEM. These education fields serve as a safe harbor for STEM graduates who opt out of STEM careers, and this category, too, is disproportionately minority.

NSF grant recipient James Holly Jr. is a typical case. In 2023, Holly received nearly $600,000 from the NSF’s Division of Engineering Education and Centers—part of the Directorate for Engineering, illustrating how education-related spending extended beyond the NSF’s Directorate for Education. Holly earned an M.S. in mechanical engineering from Michigan State University in 2014 and then pivoted to education, completing a Ph.D. in engineering education at Purdue University in 2018. Whatever his strengths as a mechanical engineer, his command of antiracism discourse is impeccable.

The abstract of Holly’s NSF project, “Learning from Black Intellectualism: Broadening Epistemic Foundations in Engineering Education to Empower Black Students and Faculty,” deserves an extended excerpt, since it epitomizes what had been the NSF’s education portfolio:

“The current discourse around the minimal presence of Black people in engineering is framed in terms of underrepresentation—the disparity between Black people’s demographic representation in the general populace and within the discipline. However, this narrative preserves Whiteness by passively neglecting the culture of racism in engineering. A discourse centered on who can be physically included without engaging the implications of power in knowledge production neglects the ways Black people are forced to give meaning to their experiences through the lens of Whiteness. Recent scholarship within engineering education suggests a need for (1) a modern, reparatory framework for helping engineering faculty and students understand political implications of engineering knowledge; and (2) an equity-focused resource to foster constructive evaluation of teaching. . . .

This CAREER project will 1) examine the effects of recasting engineering knowledge through the legacy of Black intellectualism, and 2) advance educational justice by countering the epistemic violence within engineering and its sense-making practices. The anticipated outcomes of this study will equip engineering faculty with tools for equitable instruction, and more importantly, enhance Black students’ sense of belonging by bridging the gap between their engineering learning and social reality. Fugitive pedagogy will be used to investigate engineering faculty epistemic norms and explore ways to reconstruct disciplinary knowledge through Black intellectualism. The project will implement a social design experimentation methodology to study how engineering education can be transformed toward epistemic equity. Epistemic equity is operationalized through the idea of re-politicizing—grappling with cultural and political implications of technical systems—engineering courses and curriculum. The overarching question guiding the research plan is: How can Black intellectualism be used to re-politicize engineering pedagogy? Engineering faculty will develop a schema (Phase 1), engage in revising a course based on the schema (Phase 2), and develop a teaching evaluation tool to assess the outcomes (Phase 3). Phases 2 and 3 will be repeated in an iterative cycle three times, centering faculty and student voice is the hallmark of the integrated research and education plans.”

When Big Science proclaimed throughout spring 2025 that Trump’s budget cuts would devastate American scientific prowess, especially vis-à-vis China, “Learning from Black Intellectualism” was what the science establishment was referring to.

The following features of the Holly abstract were standard. It ignores blacks’ on average rock-bottom mathematical skills. It is this skills gap that causes black underrepresentation in engineering, not “Whiteness,” a “culture of racism,” or “epistemic violence.” (The number of black 12th-graders who are advanced in math nationwide is a statistical zero; 60 percent of black 12th-graders do not possess even basic 12th-grade math skills. The average black score on the math SAT in 2023 was 440 on an 800-point scale, compared with Asians’ average 629 math score.)

The abstract places all responsibility for increasing the representation of blacks in engineering on everyone and everything besides black students and their families. Engineering pedagogy must be “re-politicized” with “Black intellectualism.” Engineering education must be “transformed toward epistemic equity.” Not a word about cracking the books and completing problem sets.

Holly uses scientistic and hothouse rhetoric—“fugitive pedagogy,” “social design experimentation methodology,” “schema” and “phases” “repeated in an iterative cycle three times”—to create the illusion of exacting research protocols.

Multiply “Learning from Black Intellectualism” several hundredfold for a picture of the projects that the NSF had started to shed in the spring.

On April 18, the NSF announced that it would no longer fund projects that “give preference to some groups [based on] protected class or characteristics”—in other words, based on race and sex.

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Taking Down The Tent Cities

Adam Mill writes: Fixing the homeless problem begins by refusing to allow the homeless to occupy the public square. They do not have a constitutional right to inflict misery on the taxpayer. In 2023 the Supreme Court reiterated this in Grants Pass v. Johnson. The president promised to move the homeless “far away” from D.C. and homeless advocates and the left howled. What short memories these pearl-clutchers and social justice advocates have. Do you remember the mass protests that filled the streets when San Francisco relocated its homeless problem in anticipation of the APEC conference in 2023? Me neither. It’s always somehow different when Trump does it.

The reality of the problem is worse than this hypocrisy, however. The real tragedy is that the homeless are being exploited by the left to expand the social programs that enable street living. The programs are shockingly expensive and clearly make the problem they claim to address worse. This isn’t compassion. It’s short-sighted, feel-good gestures in the serve of special interests like contractors and government employees. Enough is enough. The homeless problem begins by moving the homeless people out of the public square into shelters where they can be cared for. They are not zoo exhibits, and we should no longer tolerate treating them as such.

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NYT: Someone Is Defying the Supreme Court, but It Isn’t Trump

Adrian Vermeule writes in the NYT: Since President Trump returned to the presidency for a second term, legal scholars and political writers have wrestled with a particular preoccupation: What if he defies court orders?

When actual examples of the administration violating court orders turned out to be hard to find, and contestable in any given case, some commentators broadened the notion of defiance to include so-called malicious compliance (or legalistic noncompliance). The idea here is that even if the president or his agents did comply with the terms of court orders, however unreasonable, they might be doing so in bad faith, with the covert motive of actually evading or circumventing the point of the order.

The issue of defying court orders is still with us — but it has taken a twist. Now the defiance is coming from inside the judicial branch itself, in the form of a lower-court mutiny against the Supreme Court. District Court judges, and in some cases even appellate courts, have either defied orders of the court outright or engaged in malicious compliance and evasion of those orders, in transparent bad faith.

In the past decade or so, increasing judicial overreach has caused harm to our constitutional order by limiting the ability of the executive branch to implement the program it was elected by the American people to pursue. It has been a scourge for both recent Republican and Democratic presidents, and it may provoke extreme measures to restore order. The recent defiance goes even further, threatening to damage the internal integrity of the judiciary, which ultimately relies on lower courts to follow the Supreme Court’s direction.

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WSJ: Populist Right-Wing Parties Lead Polls in Europe’s Biggest Economies

WSJ: The sense of economic decline together with rapid immigration is a toxic combination that has turned many voters against established political parties, said Jérémie Gallon, a former French diplomat and head of Europe for consulting firm McLarty Associates. “It’s the same story from smaller English cities to the French countryside to German towns, where many people feel like the traditional elites look down on them or ignore their concerns,” he said.

Bardella and National Rally have tapped into widespread anxiety that France’s Muslim minority, one of the largest in Europe, is encroaching on the secular values of the French Republic, and into a perceived decline of living standards among working-class and middle-class families. In recent years, National Rally has evolved from a fringe protest movement to the country’s largest single party in the National Assembly, France’s lower house of Parliament.

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