{"id":92638,"date":"2016-04-05T09:49:11","date_gmt":"2016-04-05T17:49:11","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.lukeford.net\/blog\/?p=92638"},"modified":"2016-04-05T09:51:41","modified_gmt":"2016-04-05T17:51:41","slug":"the-anglo-saxon-as-pariah","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/lukeford.net\/blog\/?p=92638","title":{"rendered":"THE ANGLO-SAXON AS PARIAH"},"content":{"rendered":"

Andrew Fraser writes in his 2011 book The WASP Question<\/a>:<\/p>\n

This book seeks to explain why WASPs (a subtly, perhaps deservedly
\nderogatory acronym coined sometime in the late Fifties to
\ndenote White Anglo-Saxon Protestants) rarely rise to the conscious,
\nprincipled defence of their collective biocultural interests, even in the
\nface of obvious aggression from their racial, ethnic, and religious rivals.
\nOne expects to find Anglophobia among other ethnic groups,
\nmost notably perhaps the Irish and Jews; such antagonism is the natural
\nand ordinary consequence of inter-ethnic competition. WASPs,
\nhowever, simply absorb such hostility; they, too, hold their ancestors
\nresponsible for uniquely monstrous crimes against humanity. Accordingly,
\nself-loathing WASPs no longer look to an ethnoreligious community
\nof memory as the indispensable source of collective meaning,
\nvalue, and purpose.
\nIndeed, the few proudly Anglo-Saxon patriots scattered around the
\nworld are now political pariahs. By contrast, the thoroughly deracinated
\nWASPs who eschew atavistic tribal loyalties are generally welladjusted,
\nother-directed characters eager to go with the flow. Few
\nsuch ^organization men_ and even fewer ^liberated_ women possess
\nthe psychological independence necessary to flout convention and
\nthink for themselves, much less to express genuine solidarity with
\ntheir co-ethnics, past and present. Denouncing and despising every
\nexplicit expression of in-group solidarity among their own kith and
\nkin, WASPs have lost their collective soul. In an age of diversity, they
\nare the invisible race. But their fate is not foreclosed; neither the gene
\npool nor the spirit of the Anglo-Saxon race is doomed to extinction.<\/p>\n

Over the next century, a saving remnant of Anglo-Saxon Protestant
\nethnopatriots, outcasts from a society in which the normal has become
\nabnormal, will become a highly visible minority. Sooner or later, they
\nwill step out of the shadows to speak for a people reborn, an ethnonation
\nlike any other, requiring its own place in the sun.
\nAdmittedly, such a prophecy is counter-intuitive. In present circumstances,
\nany WASP who tries to revive older traditions of ^British
\nrace patriotism_ immediately breaches the bounds of acceptable political
\ndiscourse. Paradoxically, pariah status is now an essential precondition
\nto the rediscovery of collective identity among people of
\nBritish ancestry. Useful comparisons can be made between the newly
\nemancipated Jewish parvenu in Europe during the nineteenth century
\nand the novel situation facing WASPs who have become strangers in
\ntheir own lands. Upwardly-mobile Jews such as Karl Marxws father in
\nGermany often foreswore open solidarity with their own race and religion
\nso as to gain admission to polite society and the professions.
\nOnly a few isolated individuals insisted that the emancipation of the
\nJews must amount to more ^than an opportunity to ape the gentiles;_
\nthey sought instead the ^admission of Jews as Jews to the ranks of humanity._
\nIn rejecting the ^opportunity to play the parvenu,_ such men
\nbecame ^conscious pariahs._ Today only a small minority of WASPs
\ndare to become conscious pariahs by refusing to renounce their racial
\nparticularity. According to the Jewish scholar Hannah Arendt, this is
\nan intolerable state of affairs. In her view, it is a fundamental truth of
\nthe human condition that an individual of any nation or race can enter
\nthe ^world history of humanity only by remaining and clinging stubbornly
\nto what he is._ The systematic denial of that truth reveals the
\nspiritual emptiness at the heart of modernity: The ^normal,_ welladjusted
\nand utterly deracinated liberal WASP passing in polite society
\nas a cosmopolitan and enlightened ^citizen of the world_ is actually
\n^no less a monster than a hermaphrodite._1 The question arises: Why
\nare so few WASPs willing to cling any longer to who they are. The answer
\nlies in the Anglo-American tradition of constitutional patriotism,
\na civil religion that transformed the abnormal renunciation of in-
\ngroup solidarity among Anglo-Saxon Protestants into the touchstone
\nof political normality.
\nIn her private and social life, Hannah Arendt clung stubbornly to
\nthe particularistic bioculture and historic folkways of the Jewish people
\neven as she publicly prescribed a thoroughly secular and cosmopolitan
\ntradition of civic republicanism for her adopted country. She
\ndismissed as fanciful the notion that America is or ever was a Christian
\nrepublic. She claimed that the religious roots of the American republic
\nare to be found not in ^the Christian faith in a revealed God_
\nnor in ^Hebrew obedience to the Creator who was also the Legislator
\nof the universe._ If the founders ^can be called religious at all,_ Arendt
\nargued, it was only in ^the original Roman sense_ of the word
\n^religion._ According to Arendt, Roman religion had little to do with
\nparticipation in the divine; it was more concerned with a pious respect
\nfor the halo of time shrouding the origins of the republic. One wonders,
\nhowever, whether Arendt ever made the conscious calculation
\nthat the ethnic interests of her fellow Jews are best served by detaching
\nthe American republican tradition from the Anglo-Saxon blood
\nand Christian faith of the nationws founding people.
\nArendt, of course, is far from being the only political theorist to
\ndraw a bright line between the Christian faith and classical republicanism.
\nJGA Pocock, a New Zealand-born WASP, is perhaps the most
\naccomplished historian of the Atlantic republican tradition. He, too,
\ndistinguished between Christians who include the whole of humanity
\nin their quest for eternal life and civic humanists. For the latter, the
\nrepublic was universal only in that ^it existed to realize for its citizens
\nall the values which men were capable of realizing in this life;_ it remained
\n^particular in the sense that it is located in space and time._
\nBoth Arendt and Pocock presented the classical republic as a secular
\nassociation of persons ^formed with a view to some good purpose._
\nRace and religion play little or no role in the work of either writer. Arendt
\nconcentrated on the abstract categories of work, labor, and action
\nin her analysis of the constitution of the public and private realms in
\nthe Athenian polis.2 In effect, she discovered the prototype of the
\n^proposition nation_ in the city states of pagan antiquity. In fact, she
\noffered her modernist rendition of civic humanism as an antidote to
\nthe primeval urge to discover the divine in the blood and spirit of a
\nparticular people. She found a ready market for that prescription
\nwithin the WASP intelligentsia. Certainly, both Arendt and Pocock
\nexercised a profound influence on my own intellectual development.3
\nHaving fallen under the sway of their purely political civic humanism,
\nI was ill-prepared to comprehend the scale of the immigration disaster
\nunfolding before my eyes in Australia, Canada, and the United
\nStates.4
\nArendt sought to liberate political theory from the biological imperatives
\nof natural necessity while providing a secular alternative to
\nthe alleged ^wordlessness_ of apolitical ethnoreligious communities
\ngrounded in Christian charity. Accordingly, she rejected the ^Germaninspired
\nnationalism_ that regarded ^a nation to be an eternal organic
\nbody, the product of inevitable natural growth of inherent qualities,_
\nand explained ^peoples, not in terms of political organizations, but in
\nterms of biological superhuman personalities._ Renouncing ^all neoromantic
\nappeals to the volk,_ Arendt ^maintained that onews ethnic,
\nreligious, or racial identity was irrelevant to onews identity as a citizen,
\nand that it should never be made the basis of membership in a political
\ncommunity._ Arendt was no less hostile to the theological image of
\nthe nation as ^the incarnation of a divine absolute on earth,_ observing
\nthat ^America was spared the cheapest and most dangerous disguise
\nthe absolute ever assumed in the political realm, the disguise of
\nthe nation._ She recognized, of course, that the price homo Americanus
\npaid for that release was severance from the blood and faith he shared
\nwith his kinfolk in the Old World.5
\nAs a callow legal scholar steeped in both the chronic ethno-anaemia
\ncharacteristic of the Canadian WASP and the civic culture of the
\nAmerican Republic south of the border, I, too, was proof against romantic
\nappeals to the Volk. Indeed, in the earnestly bilingual and bi-
\ncultural atmosphere of Canada in the late 1960s and early 1970s, I was
\nsimply bewildered by the ethnic grievance-mongering of newly empowered
\nQu\u00e9b\u00e9cois activists billing themselves as ^the White niggers
\nof America._ It was perhaps natural to seek succor in Arendtws irenic
\nvision of a political religion brought down to earth, one capable of
\ncreating public spaces in which the civic virtues of a self-selecting aristocracy
\nwould transmute the raw facts of social plurality into a common
\nworld transcending ^the life-span of mortal men._6
\nMy first encounter with Arendtws civic humanism came through
\ntwo books, The Human Condition and On Revolution. I was only dimly
\naware of Arendtws Jewish identity; she barely mentions Jews or Judaism
\nin either work. In retrospect, however, her political philosophy
\nwas inseparable from her identity as one of many German Jewish intellectuals
\ntransplanted to America as political refugees. It was easy
\nfor Arendt to conclude that a pariah people such as the Jews were safer
\nin a pluralistic republic founded upon universal principles of constitutional
\nlaw than in an organic nation grounded in the racial identity
\nof a gentile majority.
\nTo her credit, Arendt sought to hold Jews to the same standards she
\nset for the American republic. She criticized Zionists repeatedly, both
\nbecause they accepted the idea of ^the Jew in general_ as a biological
\ncreature and because they tied the goal of a Jewish homeland to an
\nabsolutist political theology of sovereignty. She insisted that ^The real
\ngoal of the Jews in Palestine is the building up of a Jewish homeland.
\nThis goal must never be sacrificed to the pseudo-sovereignty of a Jewish
\nstate._ Zionists, she believed, ought to recognize the rights of the
\nArabs already living in Palestine; turning the Palestinians into another
\npariah people in their own country could never be justified. Indeed,
\nshe held up America as a model for the sort of polity that should be
\ncreated in Palestine.7 It now seems clear that we were both doomed to
\ndisappointment; modern political and social life is utterly resistant to
\na revival of classical republicanism for reasons that are both biological
\nand theological. <\/p>\n

For those prepared to heed its lessons, the last fifty years have
\ntaught us a great deal about the intractable biocultural reality of racial
\ndifferences and the consequent limits on pluralism in a modern republican
\npolity. Certainly, the bloody and interminable conflict between
\nZionists and Palestinians suggests a certain naivet\u00e9 in Arendtws
\nview that ^the very category zJeww is a human convention masquerading
\nas a biological fact._8 On the other hand, she had good reason to
\nfear that the political theology of sovereignty would exacerbate racial,
\nreligious, and ethnic conflict in a self-proclaimed Jewish state ruling a
\nmulti-ethnic society. Meanwhile, experience in the ^Anglo-Saxon
\ncountries_ strongly suggests that European man alone bears the spirit
\nof civic republicanism, a tradition still largely alien to other races and
\npeoples.
\nThe civil rights revolution combined with the reverse colonization
\nof the West by the Third World has undermined the very possibility
\nof a common world presumptively shared by the citizens of a republican
\npolity. The corporate welfare state celebrates diversity, and thereby
\nfosters, deepens, and strengthens the myriad biocultural divisions
\nbetween men and women, homosexuals and heterosexuals, blacks and
\nWhites, Jews and Christians, Muslims and the entire Western world. It
\nhas become an axiom of postmodern politics that the perspective of
\nany one group is incommensurable with that of others. Representation
\nof individuals must give way therefore to the representation of
\ngroups. The common good has been deconstructed as an illusion conjured
\nup by powerful and privileged groups to protect their own particular
\ninterests.
\nBetween-group competition is now an inescapable and ubiquitous
\nfeature of life for WASPs in a multiracial society. Unfortunately, even
\nas racial and ethnoreligious tensions spill over into a low-intensity
\ncivil war, well-meaning but ineffectual WASPs remain resolutely
\nblind to both the biological and the theological dimensions of their
\ncollective identity.
\nNATION OF NATIONS
\nThe major premise underlying this book was best articulated by
\nHarold Cruse, easily the most incisive black nationalist thinker of the
\nSixties. Cruse recognized what most Americans of Anglo-Saxon ances-
\ntry are still loath to admit; namely that America is ^a nation of nations,_
\n(an observation now equally applicable to Australia, Canada,
\nNew Zealand, and the United Kingdom.)9 He identified AngloSaxons,
\nNegroes, and Jews as the main players in the inter-ethnic
\nstruggles shaping the (re)distribution of prestige, power, and resources
\nin American society and politics.
\nFor my purposes, Crusews most important insight is the following
\ndeceptively innocuous but explosively unorthodox proposition:
\nAmerican WASPs require and deserve explicit recognition as an ethnocultural
\ngroup comme les autresfas an ethnonation in itself, if not
\nyet for itself.10 Unfortunately, as Cruse knew all too well, America is a
\nnation that habitually lies to itself. Moreover, WASPs are the worst
\noffenders. America is indeed a polyethnic nation of nations but AngloSaxon
\nProtestants havefever since the foundation of the Republicf
\nrefused to incorporate that patently obvious reality into their political,
\nconstitutional and theological discourse. The myth of the proposition
\nnation has a long history.
\nIn the well-ordered multinational America of Crusews dreams, each
\nof the major ethnic groups would ^produce a native radicalintellectual
\ntrend, which trends should complement one another._11 In
\neffect, intellectuals provide each ethnonation republic with a corporate
\nidentity; every people acquires its own legal personality empowered
\nto invoke as it is bound to respect three fundamental constitutional
\nconventions of the multiracial republic: mutual recognition,
\nconsent, and continuity.12 On Crusews theory, it is the civic duty of
\nevery Anglo-Saxon, Negro, and Jewish intellectual to participate in
\nthe collective consciousness of his ethnonation. In practice, members
\nof the Jewish intelligentsia alone volunteeredfeagerly and oftenfto
\nserve as the common (if rarely contrite) conscience of their proudly
\nethnocentric people. Highly educated Jews take their communal responsibilities
\nseriously, ceaselessly working to promote a powerful
\nspirit of in-group solidarity among their co-ethnics. As a consequence,
\nthe American Jewish community is not just a nation in itself; it is also
\nan ethnic group famously ready, willing, and able to act for itself. In
\npursuit of their self-proclaimed mission to heal the world, Jewish activists
\nmoved quickly and decisively to forge an alliance with black
\nAmericans against an allegedly common foe, Americaws hegemonic
\nWASP elites.13
\nThe vast majority of American Negroes followed Jewish advice to
\nforswear black nationalist strategies, as advocated, inter alia, by Booker
\nT Washington, Marcus Garvey, and Harold Cruse. Such counsel
\nmay have been ^good for the Jews_ but Cruse was convinced that it
\npoisoned the well-springs of political, cultural, and economic autonomy
\nin black America. Negroes are now an ethnonation for itself only
\nin the degraded sense that their leaders clamour incessantly to increase
\ntheir entitlements under the federal Leviathanws racial spoils
\nsystem. A race so (dare one say, slavishly) dependent upon governmental
\nlargesse hardly counts as a nation in itself.
\nThose enjoying the WASP lifestyle, on the other hand, represent a
\nnational group only in itself. Americans of British ancestry have never
\nconstituted an organic whole prepared to act for itself. Cruse predicted
\nthat the USA would pay a heavy price for the failure of WASP intellectuals
\n(and their Negro counterparts) to recognize, promote, and defend
\ntheir distinctive ethnonational identity. Cruse took it for granted
\nthat, in a multinational republic, every self-respecting, morally upright
\nracial, religious, and ethnic group will shoulder its collective responsibilities
\nin the process of identity politics.
\nJews were quick to grasp the proffered opportunity vigorously to
\ndefend their distinctive ethnocultural, economic, and political interests.
\nJewish leaders demanded and received public recognition of their
\nright to a front row pew in the sacramental shrine of the Constitutional
\nRepublic. Accordingly, a triumvirate of Protestant, Catholic, and
\nJewish worthies now typically presides over the ceremonial expression
\nof Americaws constitutional faith. And because corporate membership
\nin the religion of the Republic carries certain privileges, it became
\naxiomatic that Jews must consent to social and economic policy
\ndecisions affecting their group interests. Finally, Jewish intellectuals
\nenlisted private, corporate, and governmental support to ensure their
\ncontinuity as a self-governing ethnonation. Unfortunately, they have
\nnot always accorded reciprocal recognition to the biocultural interests
\nand constitutional claims of other ethnic groups. On the other hand,
\nneither Anglo-Protestant nor Catholic Americans have been particularly
\nadept, much less highly principled players in the game of interethnic
\ncompetition.
\nIn The Slaughter of Cities E Michael Jones describes the successful
\ncampaign by WASP and Jewish elites to cleanse American cities of
\nCatholic ethnic enclaves.14 Relocated to the suburbs, Polish, Irish, Italian
\nand other Catholic ethnic identities were flattened into a homogeneous
\nWhiteness supposedly shared with Protestants and Jews. Like
\nCruse, Jones believes that America would be a better place today if
\nCatholic ethnic intellectualsfnot least of all those in the Churchfhad
\ndone their job, thereby enabling each of those distinctive ethnic
\ngroups to survive in and for itself. Instead, Catholic ethnics like
\nWASPs and Negroes before them fell lock, stock, and barrel for utopian
\npromises of health, wealth, and personal power marketed by the
\ncorporate welfare state as the American Dream. That Faustian bargain
\nexacted a heavy price, spiritually if not materially, from Americaws
\nconstituent ethnonations.
\nThis book is not, therefore, a narrowly ethnocentric piece of proWASP
\nadvocacy. On the contrary, it mounts an attack on my coethnics;
\nnamely the American WASPs who for over two centuries now
\nhave waged a reckless, revolutionary, and relentless cultural war on
\nthe ethnoreligious traditions which once inspired the Anglo-Saxon
\nprovince of Christendom to greatness. American WASPs and their unruly
\nancestors have done much for which they ought to fear the wrath
\nof God. Their salvation may depend upon their willingness to renounce
\nnot just the statist idolatry rampant in the religion of the Republic
\nbut also the enchantments of Mammon for which they have
\nsold their collective soul. It is well past time for WASPs to accept the
\nresponsibilities and burdens of ethnonationhood. In return, they will
\nearn the right to bear, once again, the ethnonym of their illustrious
\nAnglo-Saxon ancestors.
\nAmericaws constitutional faith has been not good for the WASPsf
\nor any other population group. In the medium- to long-term, even
\nhighly successful Jews will suffer if the WASP disease goes untreated.
\nAnglo-Saxon Anglophobia is a spiritual disorder whose morally debilitating
\nsymptoms are highly contagious. Should WASPs fail to regenerate
\ntheir historic ethnonation, such morbid ethnomasochism is sure
\nto bring out the worst in other racial, religious, and ethnic groups.
\nAlready Americaws rainbow republic exhibits dangerously high
\nlevels of Jewish hubris, Negro criminality, and Hispanic\/Mexican aggression,
\nas well as chronic moral decay within a rootless Catholic
\n^faith community_ desperately searching for its lowest common denominator
\nin the mobile mass of the global multitude. The ethnopathology
\nwhich laid homo Americanus low has spread to Anglo-Saxon
\nProtestants outside the United States. Whether they realize it or not,
\nthe mental and physical well-being of WASPs in Australia, Canada,
\nNew Zealand, and even in England, is inextricably bound up with the
\nfate of their co-ethnics in America.
\nEducated WASPs everywhere are remarkably resistant to suggestions
\nthat they, too, are an ethnic group. They prefer to imagine themselves
\nas autonomous individuals. Sometimes f if the thorny issue of
\nrace comes upfthey will, reluctantly, self-identify as ^Whites;_ but
\nmostly WASPs regard themselves as ^plain vanilla_ Americans, Australians,
\nCanadians, and Britons. WASPs around the world disapprove
\nof ethnonationalism f especially when it rears its ugly head
\namong their own kith and kin. This book offers intellectual support to
\nrecovering WASPs in their inner spiritual struggle to overcome their
\nethnologically peculiar but politically correct and etymologically
\nsound strain of homophobia.
\nANGLO-SAXON ANGLOPHOBIA AND THE NEW TRIBALISM
\nWASPs are the canary in a multiracial mineshaft. Cracks and fissures
\nsnake around them as the transnational corporate welfare state
\ndigs ever-deeper into the precious stocks of social capital accumulated
\nover centuries in the ^Anglo-Saxon countries._ Predictions of global
\nanarchy are rife as nations break down into warring races and tribes.
\nIronically, bereft of a powerful sense of collective identity, WASPs
\nface a future of individual isolation even as ^the quest for the memory
\nand spirit of the specific ethnic past has once again been renewed._ It
\nseems likely, according to Kotkin, that a new ^tribalismvforged by
\nglobally dispersed ethnic groups_ will shape the twenty-first centu-
\nry.15 This book comes to a similar conclusion: Adapting themselves to
\nthe chaotic challenges of the twenty-first century, prudent WASPs will
\nre-invent themselves as a global network of Anglo-Saxon tribes.
\nThe only alternative to the self-conscious reconstruction of AngloSaxon
\nethnohistory, indeed of an Anglo-Saxon ethnotheology, is everdeepening
\ndemoralization. The secular-minded WASP is now a tragicomic
\nfigure, the object of both pity and contempt. Unless WASPs
\nsomehow recover the tribal spirit of early Anglo-Saxon Christians
\nthey will sink still further into ignominious impotence. A once-proud
\npeople will have been swept aside without a fight, just another sad
\nstory of defeat and dispossession ending not with a bang but with a
\nwhimper. But they may yet find their way back to an alternative future.
\nDuring the first Dark Age, the Church served as the seedbed of
\nthe English nation; in our New Dark Age WASPs may discover that
\ntheir salvation, on earth as in heaven, lies in a return to the Old Faith
\nof medieval Christendom.
\nIn Deuteronomy 26: 16s19, God recognized Old Covenant Israel as
\nhis ^special possession._ Biblical prophecies of a New Covenant creation
\nwere fulfilled in AD 70 when Christ came ^on the clouds of heaven
\nwith great power and glory_ (Matthew 24:30) to oversee the destruction
\nof the Jerusalem Temple. The covenant world of the rebellious
\nand stiff-necked Jews who had rejected Christ perished along
\nwith the physical structure of the Temple. A new heavens and a new
\nearth appeared in which every nation (ethnos) was invited to enter into
\nthe Kingdom of God. The rulers of the pagan tribes of Anglo-Saxon
\nEngland jumped at the chance. Alfred the Great and other AngloSaxon
\nkings gladly recognized Jesus the Christ as their Lord. Their
\nsubjects soon conformed to the ways of the King of Kings.
\nBy keeping his commandments, England became the Christian prototype
\nof a holy nation; indeed the nascent English nation aspired to
\nbe a new Israel. In return, God raised England ^high above all the nations
\nwhich he has made,_ if only for a time. Contemporary WASPs
\nmust follow the example set by their remote ancestors in bringing
\n^praise and fame_ to God. By so doing, they can be reborn as ^a people
\nholy to the Lord._ Unfortunately, most WASPs today remain
\nwedded to secular humanism, the civil religion which underpins the
\npolitical economy of the modern state. So long as that bloodless faith
\nsurvives, the lost souls of the invisible race fall under a collective life
\nsentence of spiritual servitude.
\nWASPs are dead not just to their ancestral Christian faith but to the
\ncivic virtues essential to the constitutional health of the body politic.
\nForty years ago, Cruse charged that the then ^dominant and representative_
\nWhite ethnic group, ^the Anglo-Saxons and their Protestant
\nethic_ had abdicated ^their creative and intellectual responsibilities to
\nthe internal American commonweal._ Nothing since then has overcome
\nthe spiritual bankruptcy and ideological hubris, the ^threadbare
\ncultural heritage,_ associated with the steady hollowing out of AngloSaxon
\nprestige, power, and influence.16 The three-cornered ethnic
\ncompetition between Negroes, Jews, and old-stock Anglo-Americans
\ncontinues unabated, but with the addition of many new protected minorities
\nan ever-expanding diversity industry now honeycombs the
\nstructures of state and corporate power.
\nIn the business of inter-ethnic competition, there must be winners
\nand losers. Cruse was not surprised when upwardly mobile Jews
\nquickly stepped into the gaping intellectual vacuum left unattended
\nby feckless WASPs; before long, he predicted, Jews would ^dominate
\nscholarship, history, social research, etc._ WASP weakness was a critical
\nfactor in the vector of forces generated within the ^fateful triangular
\ntension_ between Anglo-Saxons, Negroes, and Jews. Cruse was
\nright to warn Anglo-Saxons that their ^group must produce its representative
\nradical-intellectual trend; or else social progress in America
\nwill be ethnically retarded, if not checkmated._17 Well ahead of his
\ntime, he stressed that in at least one crucially important dimension the
\nbiocultural phenomenon of race is, indeed, a ^social construct._
\nRace is a biological reality but not every racial difference represents
\nthe automatic, physical expression of particular gene pools. In fact, the
\nsocial construction of race is always a work in progress, a job that can
\nbe done well or badly. A people can use its God-given genetic capital
\nfor good or for ill. WASP intellectuals deserve to be chastised severely;
\nthey refuse to pay attention to the peerless skill with which American
\nJews crafted a collective identity solidly anchored in the ancient moral
\nimperatives of tribal loyalty. Well-schooled WASPs also turn a blind
\neye to shortfalls in the performance of non-European peoples. Con-
\nspicuous displays of altruism directed toward out-groups are valuable
\nstatus markers for educated WASPs indifferent to the claims of ingroup
\nsolidarity. The ^selfish gene_ has become incarnate in WASP
\nintellectuals who routinely defect to the other side(s) in the game of
\nidentity politics.
\nOver the past century, the sheer ubiquity of such opportunistic behavior
\nproduced the terminal crisis of the Anglo-Saxon intellectual.
\nAnglo-Saxon Protestants were on the ropes by the mid-Sixties. The
\ncollapse was not confined to the USA. Cruse probably never took
\nmuch notice of Canada where Anglo-Saxons did manage, for a time,
\nto create a native, conservative intellectual trend, under the aegis of
\nthe British monarchy. But, there too, Anglo-Saxonism had taken several
\nbody blows by 1965. That year marked the publication of George
\nGrantws Lament for a Nation, a book mourning the defeat of an EnglishCanadian
\nnationalist movement grounded in ancestral loyalty to British
\ninstitutions rejected by the American Revolution. Around the same
\ntime, Britainws entry into the European Common Market broke the
\ngrip of ^British race patriotism_ on the politico-cultural imagination of
\nopinion leaders in Australia and New Zealand, as well as on the English
\nthemselves.18
\nAnglo-Saxon Anglophobia is a mysterious affliction, becoming
\npandemic among WASPs in tandem with the rise of managerial multiculturalism.
\nOfficial multiculturalism destroyed the common civic
\nculture that WASPs absorb with their motherws milk. Apart from
\nWASPs, it is now normal for virtually every significant social group to
\nconceive its racial, religious, ethnic, gender, or lifestyle interests in accordance
\nwith the tribal logic of identity politics. WASPs stand outside
\nthe new tribalism. They cling instead to the scrupulously secular,
\ncolor-blind, and gender-neutral norms of civic nationalism. WASPs
\ndonwt ^do_ identity politics; their sense of belonging is based not on
\nblood but on citizenship. Nor, needless to say, do they regard ingroup
\nsolidarity as a sacred obligation. Unsurprisingly, therefore, in
\nthe second half of the twentieth century, Australia, Canada, New Zea-
\nland, the UK, and the USA ceased to be Anglo-Saxon countries, spiritually
\nif not demographically.
\nIN SEARCH OF AN ANGLO-SAXON VOLKSGEIST
\nWhat is at work here is arguably a collective not an individual neurosis.
\nIn search of the deeply repressed Volksgeist of a disappearing
\npeople, we traverse the mundane domain of sociobiologyfto establish
\nthat religion has secular utilityfbefore ascending into the headier
\nrealm of Christian ethnotheologyfto establish that a religion of secular
\nutility is bad for the Anglo-Saxons.
\nOur story begins with the emergence of the English people as a socially
\ncohesive ethnoreligious community; it also tells of their overseas
\nexpansion. The entire narrative recounts an ongoing historical process
\nin which genes and culture co-evolve; throughout, the biocultural evolution
\nof the Anglo-Saxon peoples, ^at home_ and in the diaspora, is
\nevaluated in accordance with the orthodox Christian doctrine of nations.
\nIn other words, we look for the spirit animating the laws of God
\nand man as it shines through or recedes from Anglo-Saxon biocultures
\nwidely separated in space and time.
\nThe spirit of Anglo-Saxon Christendom manifested itself most publicly
\nin laws and constitutions. This book rests upon a historiographical
\naxiom laid down by Walter Ullman: ^The history of jurisprudence
\nis the history of civilization._ Medieval Europe created a legal civilization,
\nnowhere more obviously or successfully than in its Anglo-Saxon
\nprovince. The English, like other Christian peoples, ^were given their
\nreligion, their faith, their dogma in the shape of the law._19 Accordingly,
\nthis book assumes that there is no better introduction to any period
\nin Anglo-Saxon history and no more reliable mirror of their character
\nthan a study of the law enacted and practiced, first, in their island
\nhomeland and, now, throughout what remains of the civilization established
\nby the British diaspora.
\nAnother overarching theme revolves around the quest for the tragic
\nflaw in the Anglo-Saxon character. How did a once-heroic people
\nbring about their own downfall? Was the fatal flaw somehow encoded
\nin their genes or their culture, or even both at once? My thesis is the
\nsocial psychology of the Anglo-Saxons evolved in three stages, in a
\nprocess of ^punctuated equilibrium._ The primitive, magicoreligious
\ninfluences on the social character of the early Anglo-Saxon tribes were
\nsuppressed, first, by formal institutions (embryonic states and the
\nChurch) that fostered the dominant ^tradition-directed_ character
\ntype of medieval England; second, by the development of an ^innerdirected_
\ncharacter adapted to the early modern bourgeois market
\neconomy; and, third, by the emergence of the ^other-directed_ character
\ntype among WASPs in the service of the modern corporate welfare
\nstate.
\nAs we enter a period of deepening economic crisis, hitherto suppressed
\nsocial and political tensions generated by the deliberate demographic
\ntransformation of the Anglo-Saxon countries seem certain
\nto become more acute. Unmistakeable symptoms of acute racial polarization
\nare already evident under the Obama administration in the
\nUSA. In this threatening atmosphere of political instability and economic
\ninsecurity, old-stock Americans, along with their co-ethnics in
\nEngland, Canada, and Australasia, will be compelled, sooner or later,
\nto join in the high-stakes game of identity politics. This book provides
\nthem with a game plan; it points, as well, to their greatest weaknessf
\nthe disgraceful absence of the team spirit so central to the old-time religion
\nof the fabled ^island race._
\nTen years ago, John Higham, a prominent WASP historian, observed
\nthat the full story of the ^shattering defeat_ of his own ethnic
\ngroup in the mid-twentieth century ^has never been told._ Shortly afterwards,
\nEric Kaufmann set out single-handedly to fill that void with
\na masterful book on the rise and fall of Anglo-America. One reason for
\nthe previous absence of academic interest in the decline of American
\nWASPs, Kaufmann remarked, is the unexamined presumption that it
\nwas ^a demographic inevitability of only limited relevance to todayws
\ndebates about Whiteness and multiculturalism._20 The conventional
\nwisdom holds that WASPs were bound to be overthrown, sooner or
\nlater, by subaltern ethnic groups. In rejecting the dominant interpretation,
\nKaufmann took a giant step forward. This book builds upon his
\napproach.
\nIn several important ways, however, it represents a radical departure
\nfrom Kaufmannws work. The most obvious difference between the
\ntwo books is in their respective historical and geographic scope.
\nKaufmann confines his narrative and analysis to the rise and fall of
\nhomo Americanus. This book examines the ethnogenesis of the English
\nnation; it also discusses the growth of the state and the companion
\nsystem of political economy that powered English colonial expansion
\naround the world.
\nKaufmann and I agree that ^the primary engine of dominant ethnic
\ndecline_ is to be found in ^cultural and ideological changes originating
\nfrom within the Anglo-Protestant community._21 But when Kaufmann
\ncelebrates the decline of the WASP, I decline to follow suit. Instead,
\nthis book laments the fall of Anglo-America (along with AngloAustralia,
\nAnglo-Canada, etc). Kaufmann sees in the ^expressive individualism_
\nof ^the New York Intellectuals_ positive signs that WASPs
\nwere reforming themselves over the course of the twentieth century.
\nIn my view, the rise of that cultural revolutionary movement signalled
\nthe onset phase of a malignant ethnopathology decked out in the rituals
\nand trappings of a false religion. On my analysis, the cosmopolitan
\ncreed embraced by Kaufmann is a clear and present danger to the inclusive
\nfitness of WASPs everywhere, not least of all because it severs
\nthem from their ethnoreligious roots in the ancestral homeland of Anglo-Saxon
\nChristianity.
\nMy interpretation of world-wide WASP decline, therefore, reflects
\nwhat might be termed an ^insiderws_ perspective on Anglo-Saxon ethnohistory.
\nKaufmann, on the other hand, remains an ^outsider_ sympathetic
\nto the demographic weight and biocultural interests of the
\nOther, an interpretative stance explicitly linked to his ultracosmopolitan
\nhybridity. He describes himself as ^entirely secular and
\nzneww immigrant in origin: part postwar Jewish, part Chinese, part
\nHispanic._ Born in Hong Kong, Kaufmann holds Canadian citizenship
\nand apparently passes for a White, North American ^Anglo._ Wearing
\nthe latter hat, Kaufmann rejects the explicitly anti-WASP attitudes of
\nthe radical left; instead he upholds ^the validity of both WASP and
\nzAmericanw as important ethnic options,_ open in principle to anyone.
\nSignificantly, however, he denies Anglo-Saxon Christians an exclusive
\nproprietary claim to the WASP brand.22
\nIn advanced societies, Kaufmann believes, WASPs will become an
\nupper-class status group in which Whites and Asians (as well as
\nmixed Eurasians) remain overrepresented. Ancestral ties to the British
\nIsles will matter little: ^In terms of authenticity, light skin and Anglo
\ncultural characteristics might serve to dignify WASP ancestryf
\nhowever partial and distant._ In fact, he declares, ^increasingly race
\nand ethnicity is being superseded by transethnic cleavages based on
\nstatus and ideology._ He predicts ^that racial boundaries, as with ethnic
\nboundaries, will continue to weaken, thereby generating a symbolically
\nfluid, highly privatized, post-ethnic social environment._23
\nKaufmannws optimistic take on the future of managerial multiculturalism
\nis a dangerous illusion. WASP identity is more than the leading
\nlifestyle preference of the rich and famous; it is the biocultural expression
\nof a deep-seated ethnopathology. We need to take sociobiology
\nseriously. Contemporary WASP behavior is profoundly dysfunctional
\nin circumstances of economic scarcity, social disorder, and political
\ninstability. If they are to survive and prosper, Anglo-Saxon ethnoreligious
\ncommunities must refuse to reward individuals engaging
\nin conspicuous public displays of out-group altruism. No longer can
\nthey afford to impose a high social price on the practice of ethnic nepotism
\nwithin their own tribal networks. Moral vanity of that sort is a
\nsin; it is also a maladaptive mistake threatening the survival of an entire
\nrace.
\nKaufmann believes that Anglo-Protestant culture can survive even
\nif Anglo-Protestants cease to exist as a people. Of course, he is neither
\nan Anglo-Saxon nor a Christian; nobody expects him to be moved either
\nby the mystic moral magnetism of an ancestral faith or by the biological
\nbonds of blood brotherhood to mourn the passing of a oncegreat
\npeople. It is quite another matter when prominent WASPs coolly
\ncontemplate the socially engineered extraction of the spiritual essence
\nincarnate in the flesh and bone of their co-ethnics and its professionally
\nmanaged transplantation into the dead heart of an ever-more alien
\nnation. In such men, we see textbook examples of Anglo-Saxon Anglophobia.
\nA case in point: a recent, best-selling book by the late Samuel
\nP Huntington.24
\nUnlike Kaufmann who is, at most, an honorary ^Anglo_ by virtue
\nof his Canadian childhood, Huntington was an \u00fcber-WASP directly
\ndescended from early New England colonists. Despite his antecedents,
\nProfessor Huntington appeared unconcerned for the future of his
\npeople, expressing confidence that enlightened public policies can en-
\nsure the ideological hegemony of Anglo-Protestant culture in America
\neven as those carrying the genes of the first English settlers shrink to
\nan insignificant and voiceless minority. The thesis of this book is clear
\nand unambiguous: In the absence of a really existing Anglo-Saxon
\nChristian people, the civilizing influence of Anglo-Saxon Christian
\nculture will be extinguished. Anglo-Saxon Christians are already an
\nendangered species; their ethnoreligious community may simply
\nwither away, leaving behind only a few scattered remnants of the
\nfaithful.
\nIn its blindness, the rest of mankind will barely notice the cosmic
\ntragedy implicit in the death and destruction of a unique bioculture
\nborn in the sacred light of faith, hope, and charity. In recalling the
\nbirth of Old Englandws Volksgeist, tracing its life cycle to its apparent
\nend in modern America, and imagining its regeneration many decades
\nhence, this book resurrects the long-since buried and forgotten
\ncorpus of orthodox Christian ethnotheology.
\nThe novus ordo seclorum proclaimed at the creation of the American
\nRepublic was a major turning point in Anglo-American political and
\nconstitutional history; it also sealed the sorry fate of Anglo-Saxon
\nChristendom. Until then, colonial Americans formed the vanguard of
\nthe Anglo-Saxon diaspora, thereby laying the biocultural foundation
\nfor a trans-Atlantic ethnonation. My argument, following in the footsteps
\nof George Grant and his Loyalist forefathers, is that by renouncing
\ntheir ancestral allegiance to throne and altar, American revolutionaries
\ncommitted something worse than a political or constitutional
\nblunder. It was a mortal sin to deny and disown sacred bonds of faith,
\nblood, and honour. (I do not mean to imply that King and Parliament
\nwere as pure as the driven snow. Readers will find ample evidence
\nbelow to discourage any such inference.)
\nThis book reminds contemporary WASPs that their advanced state
\nof decay is visible proof that the wages of sin is deathfa theological
\ntruth that applies to bodies politic no less than to bodies natural. But
\nthe death of the WASP is not the predestined end of this story. Like
\nthe risen Christ, the Anglo-Saxon people will be born anew as they
\nshed the desiccated skin of the worn-out WASP. The final part of this
\nbook suggests that such a miracle may come to pass through the
\ntwenty-first century revival of Anglo-Saxon identity politics.
\nWriting in 1992 when the prospect of a ^progressively more integrated
\nworldwide economic system_ seemed unstoppable, Joel Kotkin
\nwas convinced that ^dispersed groups such as global tribes,_ along
\nwith ^their worldwide business and cultural networks_ were ^particularly
\nwell adapted_ for success. Today, as we ponder the impending
\ncollapse of our ever more unsustainably complex socio-economic systems,
\ntribal networks offer an even more attractive bolt-hole. Tribesf
\nthe ^organizational cockroach of human history_fhave shown themselves
\nto be highly adaptive collective survival mechanisms.25 If only
\nfor such pragmatic reasons, WASPs might recall yet another age-old
\nadage; charity begins at home. In the final analysis, however, home is
\nwhere the heart is. Not so very long ago, the heart of the British diaspora
\nremained ^at home_ in Old England. The natal narrative of that
\nblessed realm can still provide much-needed inspiration to the postmodern
\nrebirth of Anglo-Saxon tribalism. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Andrew Fraser writes in his 2011 book The WASP Question: This book seeks to explain why WASPs (a subtly, perhaps deservedly derogatory acronym coined sometime in the late Fifties to denote White Anglo-Saxon Protestants) rarely rise to the conscious, principled … Continue reading →<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[29620],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-92638","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-wasps-2"],"aioseo_notices":[],"aioseo_head":"\n\t\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t\n\t\t