Blacks in America have an average IQ of 85 and American Hispanics have an average IQ of 90. These groups should vote in their self-interest, which means for a big welfare state.<\/p>\n
Ann Coulter writes<\/a>: <\/p>\n Republicans don’t need to treat Hispanics with the contempt that Democrats treat gun-owners. We do not dislike Hispanics. We do not dislike any group.<\/p>\n We just have to protect Americans first<\/a>\u2014American jobs, American taxes and American social programs being bankrupted by immigrants. Most voters don’t think it’s an outrageous imposition to ask people to obey our laws.<\/p>\n Donald Trump opened<\/a> his campaign talking<\/a> about Mexican rapists<\/a>, pledged to build a wall<\/a> and deport<\/a> illegals\u2014and has soared to the top of the polls.<\/a><\/p>\n The massive Hispanic blowback consists of this: Trump is getting about the same percentage of the Hispanic vote as Romney did.<\/p>\n I have no doubt that the 73 percent of Hispanics who will be voting against Trump are prepared<\/a> to be much angrier about it<\/a> than the 73 percent who voted against Romney. But the result won’t look any different on election night. Voting machines don’t register angry glints in people’s eyes.<\/p>\n On the other hand, by driving up the white vote<\/a>\u2014to say nothing of the black vote\u2014we will see a difference in the Republicans’ box score<\/a> on election night.<\/p>\n The Holy Grail year for Republicans is supposed to be 2004, when President Bush won a record-breaking 40 percent of the Hispanic vote.<\/a> He had to turn his entire White House<\/a> into a Hispandering<\/a> operation to do that\u2014and he still lost the Hispanic vote<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n It’s crazy to deform our whole platform in pursuit of some group that won’t give us at least 51 percent of its vote, anyway. The Democrats ignore white voters<\/a> and they were 73.7 percent of the electorate in 2012. Hispanics were only 8.4 percent that year.<\/a><\/p>\n I haven’t seen an estimate of the electoral percentage of gun-owners, but with one-third to half of all Americans owning guns, it’s a lot more than 8.4 percent.<\/p>\n Democrats know not to fritter time on constituencies they can’t win, but have buffaloed Republicans into wasting resources on a quixotic bid to win a slightly larger\u2014but still losing\u2014percentage of the 8.4 percent of the electorate that is the Hispanic vote.<\/p>\n You’ve been conned, GOP. You are never going to beat the Democrats at sucking up to foreigners<\/a>. And your conservative base will flee.<\/p>\n The GOP should expend precisely as much effort fawning over the Hispanic vote as Democrats do over the gun vote, the pro-life vote <\/a>and the white vote.<\/a><\/p>\n Republicans have got to stop believing The New York Times <\/em>line that the only honorable votes are from minorities. It’s honorable to get votes from taxpayers, too.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n Steve Sailer writes in 2006<\/a>: <\/p>\n In countries like the United States still blessed with a "market-dominant majority<\/a>"<\/b>, heightened racial heterogeneity means less support for social insurance programs for the least fortunate citizens combined with more race-based handouts for the best-connected.<\/p>\n \nAs Goodhart noted in 2004, pervasive Nordic-style social \nAnd also, to be frank, becauseblacks<\/a>, American Indians<\/a>, and to a somewhat lesser extent, Sweden<\/a> began its welfare state in 1935, and,amazingly, it hasn`t completely wrecked the Swedish work ethic<\/a> yet. Although American free marketeers have been gleefully anticipating the imminent demise<\/a> of the Swedish economy as far back as I can remember in the 1970s, last week`s GDP figures showed that Sweden grew 4.1 percent<\/a> over the last year. This quickly alienated white voters. The Democratic Presidential candidates` share of the overall vote plummeted from 61 percent in 1964 to 43 percent in 1968.<\/p>\n Here in the U.S., the big increase in diversity from immigration has not yet led to much in the way of increased tax-and-spend redistribution policies on the national level. (Instead, President Bush has pursued an “Apr\u00e8s moi le deluge” strategy of cut-tax-and-spend.)<\/p>\n This pattern, though, can be seen in some states. New Mexico, which has always been ethnically diverse, is notorious for its economic fecklessness and dependence on the federal treasury. After six generations as Americans, the Hispanics of New Mexico continue to exhibit traditional Hispanic attitudes toward political economy, suggesting that the miracle cure of “assimilation”, which is supposed to solve all our problems with immigrants Real Soon Now \u2026 won`t.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n Steve Sailer writes in 2011<\/a>: <\/p>\n In the \t\t\t\t\tsummer of 2001, <\/span> Jorge G. \t\t\t\t\tCasta\u00f1eda Gutman<\/span><\/a> was one of the most important men in the Western Hemisphere. \t\t\t\t\tAs the foreign minister of <\/span> Vicente \t\t\t\t\tFox,<\/span><\/a> the newly elected president of <\/span> democratizing Mexico<\/span><\/a>, \t\t\t\t\tCasta\u00f1eda was a figure of considerable glamour as he \t\t\t\t\tnegotiated with a yielding Bush Administration a <\/span> vastly \t\t\t\t\tambitious Mexican plan<\/span><\/a> that merely began<\/em> with amnesty for illegal aliens.<\/span><\/p>\n At the \t\t\t\t\ttime, I found Casta\u00f1eda a fascinating figure\u2014in part because \t\t\t\t\the wasn\u2019t a terribly <\/span> diplomatic diplomat.<\/span><\/a> Instead, he was something rare in Mexico: a \t\t\t\t\tcontroversialist, a public intellectual who had a lot on his \t\t\t\t\tmind and didn\u2019t mind explaining it.<\/span><\/p>\n Now, \t\t\t\t\thaving largely given up on trying to foist Mexico\u2019s problems \t\t\t\t\tonto the U.S., an older and possibly wiser Casta\u00f1eda is back \t\t\t\t\twith a consistently interesting new book: <\/span> Ma\u00f1ana \t\t\t\t\tForever? Mexico and the Mexicans<\/span><\/em><\/a>, \t\t\t\t\tabout how Mexico should and (perhaps) can solve its own \t\t\t\t\tproblems.<\/span><\/p>\n When \t\t\t\t\tGeorge W. Bush entered the White House in 2001, his chief \t\t\t\t\tforeign policy goal was an immigration deal with Fox. \t\t\t\t\tCasta\u00f1eda recounts the <\/span> Mexican \t\t\t\t\tleadership\u2019s visit to Washington in early September 2001<\/span><\/a>:<\/span><\/p>\n \u201cFox was further \t\t\t\t\tinformed by Bush, Secretary of State <\/span><\/strong> Colin \t\t\t\t\tPowell<\/span><\/strong><\/a>, \t\t\t\t\tand National Security Advisor <\/span><\/strong> Condoleezza Rice<\/span><\/strong><\/a> that, despite the known reluctance of Congress, the \t\t\t\t\tadministration would attempt to deliver on its promise of \t\t\t\t\tsome sort of immigration deal by the end of 2001. The \t\t\t\t\tspecifics were not entirely clear, but private conversations \t\t\t\t\tby senior officials in both governments suggested that a \t\t\t\t\tcompromise could include a legalization process for Mexicans \t\t\t\t\tin the United States without papers, as well as a <\/span> <\/strong> temporary worker program<\/span><\/strong><\/a> for new migrants at a level well above the existing legal \t\t\t\t\tflow, though below the total illegal sum.\u201d<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Here at \t\t\t\t\tVDARE.com, we followed these high-level conversations with \t\t\t\t\tconcern. Fortunately, by <\/span> 9\/5\/01<\/span><\/a>\u2014i.e. \t\t\t\t\tbefore<\/em> Arab \t\t\t\t\tterrorists forced immigration enthusiasts to \t\t\t\t\t\u201clie low\u201d<\/strong> temporarily, in the <\/span> unguarded words<\/span><\/a> of Cato\u2019s Steve Moore <\/span>\u2014we had concluded that Congress was unlikely to \t\t\t\t\tratify quite that blatant a betrayal of Americans. \t\t\t\t\tSimilarly, Bush subsequently failed to push his immigration \t\t\t\t\tplans through Congress in <\/span> 2004<\/span><\/a>, <\/span> 2006<\/span><\/a>, \t\t\t\t\tand <\/span> 2007<\/span><\/a>. <\/span><\/p>\n In retrospect, what Casta\u00f1eda calls a \t\t\t\t\t\u201cnew place for Mexico \t\t\t\t\tunder the American sun\u201d<\/strong> was <\/span> fatally \t\t\t\t\teclipsed by 9\/11<\/span><\/a> less than a week later. <\/span><\/p>\n Several \t\t\t\t\tthings happened at once: <\/span><\/p>\n First:<\/span><\/em><\/strong> the Bush Administration\u2019s attention, and that of the \t\t\t\t\tAmerican public, was turned toward the Muslim world. This \t\t\t\t\ttorpedoed Bush\u2019s hope for amnesty and a massive guest worker \t\t\t\t\tprogram\u2014although it also allowed Bush to follow a policy of <\/span> malign \t\t\t\t\tneglect<\/span><\/a> of <\/span> border \t\t\t\t\tsecurity<\/span><\/a> that proved nearly as disastrous.<\/span><\/p>\n Second:<\/span><\/em><\/strong> The recession aggravated by 9\/11 stymied the wider part of \t\t\t\t\tthe <\/span> Fox-Casta\u00f1eda plan<\/span><\/a>. \t\t\t\t\tThis went far beyond immigration to something approaching \t\t\t\t\tthe European Union. Their goal was for America to give vast \t\t\t\t\tsums to Mexico for its economic development, just as Germany \t\t\t\t\thad subsidized Greece to bring the Greeks up to Europe Union \t\t\t\t\tstandards (at least in theory). <\/span><\/p>\n As \t\t\t\t\tCasta\u00f1eda told the Los Angeles Times<\/em><\/span>:<\/span><\/p>\n “That`s \t\t\t\t\twhat Fox essentially wants, the type of resource transfers \t\t\t\t\tthat occurred in Spain and, before Spain, in Ireland, and, \t\t\t\t\tafter Spain, in Portugal and Greece. The Germans were \t\t\t\t\twilling to build highways in Spain. Somebody else has to \t\t\t\t\tbuild our highways. We don`t have the money.” <\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n [<\/span>Jorge \t\t\t\t\tCastaneda: Mexico`s Man Abroad<\/span><\/em>,<\/span><\/a> by \t\t\t\t\tSergio Munoz,, <\/em>August 12, 2001]<\/span> <\/span><\/p>\n Even \t\t\t\t\tthen, at the tail end of the <\/span> Internet \t\t\t\t\tBubble<\/span><\/a>, \t\t\t\t\tit was impolitic for Casta\u00f1eda to point out in English the \t\t\t\t\tultimate logic of the Bush-Fox honeymoon. In 2011, of \t\t\t\t\tcourse, with <\/span> Greece\u2019s \t\t\t\t\tcorruption<\/span><\/a> undermining the <\/span> European \t\t\t\t\tUnion<\/span><\/a>, \t\t\t\t\tthis plan of turning Mexico into a giant Greece at American \t\t\t\t\texpense seems like another bullet dodged. <\/span><\/p>\n It\u2019s important to note, however, that these fond hopes \t\t\t\t\tcontinue to be nurtured in shadowy meetings among the \t\t\t\t\telites. In a footnote, Casta\u00f1eda praises the planning for a \t\t\t\t\t\u201cNorth American Economic Union, or Common Market\u201d<\/strong> still being done \t\t\t\t\tby \u201cthe <\/strong><\/span> North \t\t\t\t\tAmerican Forum<\/span><\/strong><\/a>, \t\t\t\t\tchaired by George Schultz, Pedro Aspe, and Peter Lougheed\u2026\u201d<\/span><\/strong><\/span><\/p>\n Third:<\/span><\/em><\/strong> in the <\/span> aftermath of 9\/11,<\/span><\/a> the Mexican public <\/span> just did \t\t\t\t\tnot endear itself to the stricken American public<\/span><\/a>. \t\t\t\t\tAs Casta\u00f1eda explains in his current book:<\/span><\/p>\n \u201cQuite simply, there was no outpouring of broad Mexican \t\t\t\t\tsympathy, support, and solidarity for the tragedy befallen \t\t\t\t\tits neighbor. Fox\u2019s<\/em> supposedly slow response would be forgotten; Mexican \t\t\t\t\tsociety\u2019s <\/em>coolness \t\t\t\t\twould not.\u201d<\/span><\/strong><\/p>\n Fourth:<\/span><\/em><\/strong> Casta\u00f1eda did not endear himself to the Mexican public.<\/span><\/p>\n Casta\u00f1eda had dazzled the American press before 9\/11 swept \t\t\t\t\taway Mexico\u2019s Moment, but his <\/span> cosmopolitanism<\/span><\/a> always made him an <\/span> awkward \t\t\t\t\tpolitical figure at home.<\/span><\/a> Known as El Guero<\/em> for his reddish-blond hair, he is the son of a 1970s \t\t\t\t\tMexican foreign minister and a Soviet Jewish translator who \t\t\t\t\tmet at the UN during Stalin\u2019s time. (Casta\u00f1eda\u2019s chief \t\t\t\t\tadvisor in the immigration negotiations was his elder \t\t\t\t\thalf-brother <\/span> Andr\u00e9s \t\t\t\t\tRozental<\/span><\/a>.) \t\t\t\t\tHe spent the first twelve years of his life in New York, \t\t\t\t\tGeneva, and Cairo. He then studied at the French \t\t\t\t\tLyc\u00e9e<\/em> in Mexico City, Princeton, and earned a doctorate in economic \t\t\t\t\thistory at the <\/span> University of Paris.<\/span><\/a> <\/span><\/p>\n Thus \t\t\t\t\twhen Casta\u00f1eda became foreign minister in 2000, he often \t\t\t\t\tbotched the countless patriotic rituals that public schools \t\t\t\t\tinstill (if nothing else) in the average Mexican. He writes: <\/span><\/p>\n \u201cI found it \t\t\t\t\tdifficult to know \u2026 when to sing the national anthem, salute \t\t\t\t\tthe flag, or look circumspect, wistful, or happy \u2026 Worse \t\t\t\t\tstill, I was even less adept at respecting age-old customs \t\t\t\t\tof indirect communication, euphemisms, rhetorical \t\t\t\t\tflourishes, and elliptical expression.\u201d <\/span> <\/strong><\/p>\n This \t\t\t\t\tMexican mode of obfuscatory discourse was parodied by the \t\t\t\t\tgreat film comedian <\/span> Cantinflas<\/span><\/a>, \t\t\t\t\tthe most famous of Mexican movie stars (he was born <\/span> 100 \t\t\t\t\tyears ago<\/span><\/a> last Friday). A representative \t\t\t\t\tCantinflear<\/em>: \t\t\t\t\t\u201cThere\u2019s the rub, that it\u2019s not one thing or the other, but rather quite \t\t\t\t\tthe contrary\u201d<\/strong><\/span>.<\/span><\/p>\n Still, \t\t\t\t\twhile Casta\u00f1eda didn\u2019t make a terribly suave Mexican \t\t\t\t\tdiplomat (he left office in 2003 and now divides his time \t\t\t\t\tbetween Mexico City and <\/span> New York \t\t\t\t\tUniversity<\/span><\/a>), \t\t\t\t\the makes an above-average New York public intellectual. <\/span><\/p>\n And \t\t\t\t\tthat\u2019s a valuable thing, since practically nobody else in \t\t\t\t\tthe Boston – New York – Washington corridor knows much of \t\t\t\t\tanything about Mexicans. When discussing the impact of \t\t\t\t\timmigration policy, Northeastern public intellectuals often \t\t\t\t\tassume that Mexican immigrants in the U.S. will turn out \t\t\t\t\tlike Italians or Jews or blacks or whatever group they \t\t\t\t\thappen <\/span> to have \t\t\t\t\texperience with<\/span><\/a>. \t\t\t\t\tOr, they simply assume that Mexicans must be the opposite of \t\t\t\t\tthose <\/span> evil \t\t\t\t\trednecks in the Southwest<\/span><\/a> that <\/span> they \t\t\t\t\thate<\/span><\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n In contrast, while Casta\u00f1eda has had to learn a huge amount \t\t\t\t\tabout his fellow countrymen. And his \t\t\t\t\tMa\u00f1ana Forever?<\/em> is an admirably impatient attempt to diagnose and \t\t\t\t\treform the Mexican national character. <\/span><\/p>\n Like most intellectuals, Casta\u00f1eda\u2019s suggestions for his \t\t\t\t\tfellow citizens tend to boil down to: \t\t\t\t\t\u201cBe like me\u201d<\/strong> — more well-read, logical, educated, argumentative, \t\t\t\t\tand Americanized. But it\u2019s important for American \t\t\t\t\tintellectuals to hear from one of their own kind that, \t\t\t\t\toverwhelmingly, Mexicans \t\t\t\t\taren\u2019t<\/em> like him.<\/span><\/p>\n His book \t\t\t\t\tis also full of interest to Americans who might be wondering \t\t\t\t\twhat we are getting ourselves into by letting tens of \t\t\t\t\tmillions of Mexicans immigrate.<\/span><\/p>\n Casta\u00f1eda isn\u2019t an outstanding prose stylist in English, and \t\t\t\t\the sometimes struggles with the quantitative parts of his \t\t\t\t\tanalysis. Still, he\u2019s a fine observer. For example, he notes \t\t\t\t\tthat the <\/span> impoverished Indian south of Mexico<\/span><\/a> \u201ccontinues to provide much of Mexico\u2019s personality\u201d<\/strong><\/span>
\ninsurance schemes have flopped in America because of the
\nlack of solidarity across ethnic lines. <\/p>\n
Hispanics<\/a> have shown that they get corrupted faster by the "moral hazard"<\/b> of social insurance than do whites. <\/p>\n
\nIn contrast, in the mid-1960s when liberal northern states in America imported Swedish ideas about raising welfare for single mothers to generous levels, crime and illegitimacy rates among blacks shot upward almost immediately.<\/p>\n