{"id":166392,"date":"2026-01-16T08:12:28","date_gmt":"2026-01-16T16:12:28","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/lukeford.net\/blog\/?p=166392"},"modified":"2026-01-16T09:40:24","modified_gmt":"2026-01-16T17:40:24","slug":"racial-succession-in-la-cienega-heights","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/lukeford.net\/blog\/?p=166392","title":{"rendered":"Racial Succession In La Cienega Heights"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Written with Gemini:<\/p>\n<p>The neighborhood historically known as Cadillac-Corning, now officially renamed La Cienega Heights as of 2003, serves as a poignant example of the complex social and legal dynamics that define modern Los Angeles. This 18-square-block area has been a site where various groups\u2014wealthy residents, business owners, and police\u2014have collaborated to establish and maintain racial and class boundaries through experimental policing strategies. For nearly four decades, it has functioned as a testing ground for policies that eventually spread throughout the city and the nation, making it a critical case study for understanding urban power structures.<\/p>\n<p>There&#8217;s a whole book on this topic &#8212; 2015&#8217;s <A HREF=\"https:\/\/www.amazon.com\/Police-Production-Boundaries-Critical-Society\/dp\/0813569753\">Police, Power, and the Production of Racial Boundaries<\/a> by Ana Munoz.<\/p>\n<p>The history of Cadillac-Corning is characterized by successive waves of ethnic groups using the area as a &#8220;pocket of affordability&#8221; to gain a foothold on the affluent Westside. In 1960, the neighborhood was nearly 100% white, with over 20% of the population being foreign-born, primarily from Poland and Russia. During this era, many residents were Jewish veterans and professionals who had successfully moved into Hollywood, retail, and real estate, eventually forming a significant power center around Century City.<\/p>\n<p>As upwardly mobile Jewish families moved to even more affluent areas, the neighborhood began to transform. By 1980, the demographics had shifted dramatically, with the white population dropping to 25%, while African Americans became the majority at 60%. Today, the area has transitioned again to become a predominantly working-class black and Latino immigrant neighborhood. This pattern of ethnic succession\u2014from Jewish to Black to Latino\u2014has been a defining feature of the neighborhood&#8217;s identity and its relationship with the surrounding wealthier enclaves.<\/p>\n<p>While the neighborhood offered opportunities for marginalized groups, its thriving has often been at odds with the interests of surrounding wealthier areas. These neighbors, frequently upper-class, white, and Jewish, viewed Cadillac-Corning as a threat to their own security and property values. This tension has fueled various forms of &#8220;status closure,&#8221; where elite citizens use their political and economic power to shape the neighborhood to their advantage.<\/p>\n<p>Gentrification in nearby areas like Echo Park and Silver Lake has been explicitly supported by the implementation of gang injunctions, which are seen as tools to &#8220;clean out&#8221; generational residents and pave the way for new businesses like Starbucks and high-end lofts. In Cadillac-Corning, wealthy residents have often been more militaristic than the police, demanding &#8220;zero-tolerance&#8221; and &#8220;broken windows&#8221; policing to eliminate perceived disorder and &#8220;riffraff&#8221;.<\/p>\n<p>The neighborhood&#8217;s reputation for violence and its status as a &#8220;tough pocket&#8221; have been used to justify highly repressive policies. Cadillac-Corning was the site of the first gang injunction in Los Angeles in 1987, which functioned essentially as a restraining order against an entire neighborhood. These injunctions allow police to criminalize otherwise legal behaviors, such as standing in public for more than five minutes or riding a bike with a pager.<\/p>\n<p>While these measures are framed as public safety initiatives, they often result in a dual criminal justice system where people of color are targeted for behavior that is ignored in wealthier neighborhoods. For example, &#8220;broken windows&#8221; policing often targets street vendors, who are seen as a form of &#8220;blight&#8221; by community groups but are welcomed by many neighborhood residents who rely on their services. This conflict highlights how what is &#8220;good&#8221; for those seeking a sanitized, high-value neighborhood is often challenging to the latino and black working-class families who live there.<\/p>\n<p>In 2026, the analysis of Ana Mu\u00f1iz\u2019s work reveals that the &#8220;Cadillac-Corning&#8221; neighborhood\u2014now La Cienega Heights \u2014remains a foundational case study for how the State and private citizens collaborate to enforce social and racial boundaries. The book&#8217;s genealogy of repression identifies a pattern where architectural and demographic shifts in the mid-20th century set the stage for modern-day &#8220;hyperpolicing&#8221; and &#8220;status closure&#8221;.<\/p>\n<p>The history of the 90035 area illustrates a dramatic cycle of ethnic succession and the pursuit of neighborhood stability.<\/p>\n<p>The Golden Age Context: In 1960, Cadillac-Corning was 99.6% white , with a significant population of Jewish veterans and professionals who moved west to bypass the WASP downtown elite.<\/p>\n<p>A Westside Power Center: By the mid-1960s, Jewish residents had established a major power base in Century City and the surrounding areas.<\/p>\n<p>Flight and Retention: As upwardly mobile Jewish families moved to even more affluent neighborhoods, they often retained their presence in the area as landlords for the incoming African American population.<\/p>\n<p>Neighborhood Defense: In response to rapid integration, Jewish community organizations initially attempted to hold meetings to engage residents and prevent &#8220;Jewish flight,&#8221; fearing the neighborhood would lose its &#8220;exclusive prep school&#8221; feel.<\/p>\n<p>By 2026, the &#8220;mass factory&#8221; of gang injunctions is increasingly recognized by elites not as a public safety tool, but as a mechanism for land grabbing and displacement.<\/p>\n<p>The Archetype: The 1987 injunction against the Playboy Gangster Crips in Cadillac-Corning served as the global model for criminalizing entire neighborhoods.<\/p>\n<p>Protecting Pockets of Wealth: This first injunction was not placed in the area with the highest violent crime, but rather where the borders of wealthy, white, and Jewish neighborhoods were becoming &#8220;porous&#8221;.<\/p>\n<p>Commercial Clearing: Injunctions are frequently followed by redevelopment, as seen in Echo Park and Silver Lake, where they are used to &#8220;clean out&#8221; generational residents to reassure homebuyers and attract businesses like high-end lofts and coffee shops.<\/p>\n<p>The current state of the neighborhood is defined by a tension between the &#8220;numbing need for civility&#8221; and the actual needs of the residents.<\/p>\n<p>Upstanding Citizen Chaos: Wealthy homeowners associations in the 90035 area often exhibit more &#8220;conservative militancy&#8221; than the police.<\/p>\n<p>Selective Disorder: Community groups use Broken Windows theory to target street vendors as &#8220;blight&#8221; or &#8220;deliverymen of chaos&#8221;.<\/p>\n<p>Vigilantism: Emboldened by zero-tolerance rhetoric, some residents have moved beyond reporting &#8220;disorder&#8221; to practicing citizens&#8217; arrests and following neighbors they deem &#8220;riffraff&#8221;.<\/p>\n<p>The Dual Justice System: This environment has created a two-tiered system where people of color are disproportionately punished for behavior\u2014like standing on a sidewalk for five minutes\u2014that is considered innocuous in any other context.<\/p>\n<p>Policing strategies at the boundary between high-prosperity and high-crime areas often shift from &#8220;service-oriented&#8221; to &#8220;control-oriented&#8221; methods. In 2026, these borders are maintained through a combination of high-tech surveillance, environmental design, and aggressive street-level enforcement.<\/p>\n<p>1. &#8220;Targeted&#8221; Resource Allocation and Crime Mapping<\/p>\n<p>Police departments increasingly use Crime Mapping and geographic information systems (GIS) to visualize crime &#8220;hot spots.&#8221; In border communities, this creates a visible disparity in presence:<\/p>\n<p>Oversaturation: High-crime neighborhoods often experience &#8220;oversaturation,&#8221; where police presence is intensified to act as a deterrent. This includes frequent foot beats and tactical missions.<\/p>\n<p>Strategic Visibility: In adjacent prosperous areas, police visibility is often used as a &#8220;community reassurance&#8221; tool. Officers may be deployed to these borders specifically to prevent &#8220;spillover&#8221; crime, reinforcing the sense of a guarded perimeter.<\/p>\n<p>2. Environmental Control (CPTED)<\/p>\n<p>Crime Prevention through Environmental Design (CPTED) is a method that modifies the physical environment to make areas less attractive to criminal behavior. At the borders of prosperity, this often looks like:<\/p>\n<p>Guardianship Symbols: Prosperous areas are reinforced with signs of &#8220;guardianship,&#8221; such as enhanced street lighting, well-maintained landscapes, and clear ownership markers (fences, private security signs).<\/p>\n<p>Blight Remediation: In high-crime zones, police and local organizations focus on &#8220;cleaning up&#8221; physical disorder (vacant lots, abandoned buildings) to eliminate perceived &#8220;opportunity channels&#8221; for crime.<\/p>\n<p>Business Improvement Districts (BIDs): These private-public partnerships often fund extra security and maintenance at the edges of wealthy districts, effectively creating a &#8220;buffer zone&#8221; that is more heavily monitored than public spaces.<\/p>\n<p>3. &#8220;Broken Windows&#8221; and Low-Level Enforcement<\/p>\n<p>The Broken Windows theory remains a dominant strategy for maintaining boundaries. By aggressively policing low-level &#8220;disorder,&#8221; authorities aim to prevent more serious crimes from taking root.<\/p>\n<p>Pretextual Stops: Officers may use minor traffic or equipment violations as a &#8220;pretext&#8221; to stop and search individuals crossing the border into prosperous areas.<\/p>\n<p>Zero-Tolerance Zoning: Enforcement of curfews, anti-loitering ordinances, and sidewalk obstructions is often higher at the borders. This effectively &#8220;closes&#8221; the status of the wealthy area by making it legally risky for &#8220;outsiders&#8221; to linger.<\/p>\n<p>4. High-Tech Surveillance and Predictive Tools<\/p>\n<p>By 2026, the border is often enforced digitally through Advanced Analytics and AI-powered tools:<\/p>\n<p>Biometrics and Facial Recognition: Automated systems monitor &#8220;soft targets&#8221; and transit hubs at neighborhood borders, flagging individuals with active warrants or &#8220;suspicious&#8221; patterns.<\/p>\n<p>Alternative Enforcement Tech: Technologies like automated report writing and integrated communication platforms act as &#8220;force multipliers,&#8221; allowing a smaller number of officers to maintain a high level of control over a boundary.<\/p>\n<p>While these methods are intended to keep the &#8220;prosperous&#8221; side safe, they often result in &#8220;Dual Justice Systems&#8221;\u2014where the same behavior is treated as a minor nuisance in one neighborhood but a criminal offense just a few blocks away. This disparity can lead to a decrease in police legitimacy and public trust among those living on the &#8220;crime&#8221; side of the border.<\/p>\n<p>The use of data-driven mapping can help law enforcement visualize these high-risk corridors to better allocate their limited patrol resources.<\/p>\n<p><iframe width=\"560\" height=\"315\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/DXMl29Q2lfk?si=lOa8BEN0hRHLV8Lo\" title=\"YouTube video player\" frameborder=\"0\" allow=\"accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share\" referrerpolicy=\"strict-origin-when-cross-origin\" allowfullscreen><\/iframe><\/p>\n<p>Gemini says: In 2026, urban sociology identifies a &#8220;policing paradox&#8221; where the demand for law enforcement is often highest in communities that trust it the least, while those who trust it most often demand it primarily for &#8220;boundary maintenance&#8221; and property protection.<\/p>\n<p>The intensity of policing preferred by a community is shaped by its social history, its level of &#8220;status closure,&#8221; and its perceived relationship with the state.<\/p>\n<p>1. Affluent &#8220;Enclave&#8221; Communities: The Commodity Model<\/p>\n<p>In wealthy, predominantly white neighborhoods (like the areas surrounding 90035 or higher-income &#8220;Aggie&#8221; commuter zones), policing is viewed as a public utility or a commodity purchased with tax dollars.<\/p>\n<p>Desired Intensity: Moderate to High\u2014but exclusively &#8220;service-oriented.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>The Logic: These residents demand high visibility to deter &#8220;outsiders&#8221; and maintain property values. They often exhibit &#8220;Conservative Militancy,&#8221; urging police to be more aggressive against low-level &#8220;disorder&#8221; (homelessness, street vending) that they perceive as a threat to their neighborhood\u2019s curated aesthetic.<\/p>\n<p>Primary Tool: &#8220;Broken Windows&#8221; policing and private-public partnerships like Business Improvement Districts (BIDs).<\/p>\n<p>2. Targeted Minority &#038; Working-Class Communities: The Protective Paradox<\/p>\n<p>In neighborhoods like La Cienega Heights (90035) or historically Black and Latino districts, the relationship with policing is defined by &#8220;Legal Cynicism.&#8221; * Desired Intensity: High responsiveness with Low intrusiveness.<\/p>\n<p>The Logic: These communities often suffer from high rates of violent crime and genuinely desire police protection. However, they reject the type of policing they usually receive\u2014which is often characterized by surveillance and harassment rather than solving serious crimes.<\/p>\n<p>The &#8220;Double Burden&#8221;: They experience &#8220;under-protection&#8221; (slow response times for serious calls) alongside &#8220;over-policing&#8221; (aggressive stops for minor infractions). Consequently, they may &#8220;pull back&#8221; from calling 911 following high-profile incidents of police violence, even when they need help.<\/p>\n<p>3. Gentrifying &#8220;Frontier&#8221; Communities: The Boundary Model<\/p>\n<p>These are the &#8220;border communities&#8221; between crime and prosperity where ethnic succession is in progress.<\/p>\n<p>Desired Intensity: Extremely High (from newcomers) vs. Low (from long-term residents).<\/p>\n<p>The Logic: New, affluent residents use the police as a &#8220;Boundary Maintenance&#8221; tool to redefine how the community operates. They are significantly more likely to call the police for &#8220;quality-of-life&#8221; complaints (noise, public space usage) to signal that the neighborhood\u2019s &#8220;status&#8221; has changed.<\/p>\n<p>The Clash: Long-term residents view this increased police presence as a tool of displacement and a direct threat to their safety and social networks.<\/p>\n<p>4. Rural &#8220;Honor&#8221; Communities: The Autonomy Model<\/p>\n<p>In the &#8220;Aggie&#8221; and &#8220;Redneck&#8221; cultures you encountered in Auburn, the preference for law enforcement is filtered through a lens of local autonomy and physical grit.<\/p>\n<p>Desired Intensity: Low (interpersonally) to High (territorially).<\/p>\n<p>The Logic: These groups often value &#8220;handling it themselves&#8221; and may view federal or outside state intervention (like ICE or &#8220;big city&#8221; police tactics) as an overreach. However, they support law enforcement that aligns with their &#8220;honor code&#8221;\u2014policing that protects their specific cultural boundaries and targets groups they perceive as threats to their way of life.<\/p>\n<p>In affluent enclave communities, the primary goal of policing is status maintenance, and &#8220;good&#8221; policing is defined by high visibility and the proactive removal of &#8220;blight&#8221; or &#8220;outsiders&#8221; to preserve neighborhood aesthetics and property values.<\/p>\n<p>For working-class and minority communities, the focus is on personal safety, where &#8220;good&#8221; policing is measured by rapid response times to violent incidents and a complete lack of harassment during the course of daily life.<\/p>\n<p>In gentrifying frontier areas, the primary goal is often cultural displacement, with &#8220;good&#8221; policing defined by the strict enforcement of &#8220;civility&#8221; codes intended to attract new investment and signal a change in the neighborhood\u2019s social status.<\/p>\n<p>Rural &#8220;Aggie&#8221; communities prioritize territorial defense, viewing &#8220;good&#8221; policing as that which protects local autonomy and demonstrates &#8220;toughness&#8221; against perceived out-groups.<\/p>\n<p>The relationship between the intensity of in-group cohesion and the hostility toward out-groups is a central theme in social psychology, particularly within Social Identity Theory. This theory suggests that people don&#8217;t just perceive themselves as individuals, but as members of various groups, which provides a sense of belonging and social standing.<\/p>\n<p>When an identity is deeply &#8220;thick&#8221;\u2014meaning it is central to a person&#8217;s life, dictates their daily habits, and provides their primary moral framework\u2014the boundaries of that group become more rigid. In these cases, the &#8220;other&#8221; is often viewed not just as different, but as a potential threat to the group&#8217;s internal logic or survival.<\/p>\n<p>Social Categorization: We naturally categorize people into &#8220;us&#8221; (the in-group) and &#8220;them&#8221; (the out-group) to simplify our social world.<\/p>\n<p>Social Identification: We adopt the identity of the group we have categorized ourselves as belonging to. The more intense this identification, the more our self-esteem becomes tied to the group&#8217;s perceived superiority.<\/p>\n<p>Social Comparison: To maintain that self-esteem, we must perceive our in-group as better than out-groups. When the in-group is highly exclusive or feels under siege, this comparison often turns into &#8220;out-group derogation&#8221; or loathing.<\/p>\n<p>Secular vs. Fundamentalist Identities<\/p>\n<p>The difference often lies in the permeability of the boundaries.<\/p>\n<p>Secular\/Cultural Identities: These identities tend to be &#8220;thin&#8221; or &#8220;porous.&#8221; A secular person often shares significant cultural &#8220;surface area&#8221; with out-groups\u2014consuming the same media, working in the same professions, or participating in the same civic institutions. This overlap creates &#8220;cross-cutting cleavages,&#8221; which are proven to reduce intergroup conflict because you share other identities with members of the &#8220;out-group.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>Intense\/Totalizing Identities: In more insular communities, the group provides everything: education, legal frameworks, social life, and spiritual guidance. Because there is less overlap with the outside world, the out-group remains an abstraction. When the &#8220;other&#8221; is an abstraction, it is much easier to project fears or negative traits onto them.<\/p>\n<p>Beyond mere identity, Realistic Group Conflict Theory suggests that loathing increases when groups compete for limited resources\u2014whether those are physical (land, jobs) or symbolic (social status, moral authority). For a group with an intense, exclusive identity, any gain by an out-group can be perceived as a zero-sum loss for their own way of life.<\/p>\n<p>This is often where the concept of &#8220;status closure&#8221; becomes relevant. Groups may use their intense identity to close ranks and protect their social or economic standing, which naturally breeds resentment toward those on the outside and a defensive loathing of those trying to get in or change the social order.<\/p>\n<p>When group identity intensifies, the &#8220;out-group&#8221; is typically defined by those perceived to be in direct competition for resources, status, or cultural dominance. In the American context, this process follows a pattern where the &#8220;thickening&#8221; of an identity creates a more rigid boundary against a specific antagonist.<\/p>\n<p>1. White Americans<\/p>\n<p>For Whites who adopt a more salient racial or &#8220;nationalist&#8221; identity, the out-group is often defined by demographic replacement and institutional change.<\/p>\n<p>Out-groups: Immigrants (specifically from the Global South) and &#8220;elites&#8221; (media, academic, or political) perceived as facilitating demographic shifts.<\/p>\n<p>The Process: Research shows that as White identity centralizes, &#8220;status threat&#8221; increases. According to PRRI (2024), 68% of Christian Nationalism &#8220;Adherents&#8221; believe immigrants are &#8220;invading&#8221; the country. The out-group is viewed as a threat to the traditional cultural and economic &#8220;closure&#8221; that historically characterized the majority.<\/p>\n<p>2. Black Americans<\/p>\n<p>Intensified Black identity often centers on collective resilience and justice, defining the out-group through the lens of historical and systemic power.<\/p>\n<p>Out-groups: White institutional power structures and, occasionally, &#8220;middleman minorities&#8221; (such as certain immigrant groups) who are perceived as extracting wealth from Black communities or receiving preferential treatment.<\/p>\n<p>The Process: Intensification often involves &#8220;linked fate,&#8221; where an individual\u2019s well-being is tied to the group. The out-group is loathed not as individuals, but as representatives of a system perceived to be &#8220;anti-Black.&#8221; In times of economic scarcity, this can extend to other minority groups competing for the same urban resources.<\/p>\n<p>3. Mexican\/Hispanic Americans<\/p>\n<p>As identity intensifies\u2014often in response to political rhetoric\u2014the out-group is defined by nativist hostility.<\/p>\n<p>Out-groups: &#8220;Anglo&#8221; or White nativists and political factions that advocate for mass deportation or the ending of birthright citizenship.<\/p>\n<p>The Process: Social Identity Theory shows that when Mexicans\/Hispanics are targeted by derogatory language, they develop &#8220;negative social identity&#8221; (Tajfel &#038; Turner). To counter this, the in-group consolidates, viewing the dominant &#8220;Anglo&#8221; culture as an oppressor, leading to a loathing of political movements that seek to restrict their presence or rights.<\/p>\n<p>4. Christians<\/p>\n<p>In America, intensified Christian identity\u2014specifically White Christian Nationalism\u2014focuses on a &#8220;threatened majority&#8221; status.<\/p>\n<p>Out-groups: Secularists, the &#8220;religiously unaffiliated&#8221; (Nones), and Muslims.<\/p>\n<p>The Process: As the Christian share of the population has dropped from 70% in 2007 to roughly 61% in 2024, the identity has shifted from &#8220;default&#8221; to &#8220;defensive.&#8221; The out-group is feared as a force of &#8220;moral decay&#8221; or &#8220;anti-Christian bias.&#8221; This often results in a push for legal &#8220;status closure,&#8221; where the group seeks to codify its values to prevent the out-group from gaining cultural ground.<\/p>\n<p>5. Muslims<\/p>\n<p>For Muslims, identity intensification is frequently a reaction to marginalization and foreign policy events.<\/p>\n<p>Out-groups: Pro-Israel\/Zionist groups (particularly during Middle East conflicts) and domestic &#8220;Islamophobic&#8221; political movements.<\/p>\n<p>The Process: Post-9\/11 and following recent geopolitical flare-ups, Muslim identity has become more central as a protective mechanism. The out-group is loathed as a &#8220;persecutor.&#8221; This can lead to deep alienation from broader civic institutions perceived as hostile to Islamic values or safety.<\/p>\n<p>6. Jews<\/p>\n<p>Jewish identity intensification in America today is largely centered on security and Zionism.<\/p>\n<p>Out-groups: The &#8220;Far-Left&#8221; (perceived as masking antisemitism as anti-Zionism) and the &#8220;Far-Right&#8221; (traditional White supremacist antisemitism).<\/p>\n<p>The Process: Since 2023, antisemitism reports in the U.S. have spiked significantly. This has caused American Jews to consolidate around a &#8220;security-first&#8221; identity. The out-group is feared as a source of physical threat or &#8220;purity tests&#8221; that seek to exclude Jews from public spaces (like campuses or professional groups) unless they renounce their connection to Israel.<\/p>\n<p>LF: &#8220;I suspect most people are happier with a more intense in-group identity but this creates challenges.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>Gemini says: This suspicion touches on a core tension in human psychology: the trade-off between personal meaning and social stability. Social scientists often refer to this as the &#8220;paradox of belonging.&#8221; Intense in-group identity provides a powerful psychological &#8220;high,&#8221; but it often functions like a closed circuit that creates friction with the outside world.<\/p>\n<p>The Benefits of Intensity: The &#8220;Thickness&#8221; of Life<\/p>\n<p>For the individual, an intense identity (a &#8220;thick&#8221; identity) offers three primary psychological benefits that a &#8220;thin&#8221; or secular identity often lacks:<\/p>\n<p>Existential Security: Intense groups provide a clear, unambiguous moral map. When your identity is high-intensity, you rarely have to wonder &#8220;What is the right thing to do?&#8221; or &#8220;What is my purpose?&#8221; The group has already answered those questions.<\/p>\n<p>High-Trust Cooperation: Within intense groups, social capital is extremely high. This is what Max Weber described when looking at certain sects; because members are so closely vetted and share such deep values, they can engage in economic and social cooperation with far lower &#8220;transaction costs&#8221; than strangers in a secular market.<\/p>\n<p>Reduced Loneliness: High-intensity groups demand more time and commitment (rituals, meetings, specific diets, or dress codes). While this is a &#8220;cost,&#8221; it results in a life lived in constant proximity to others, effectively curing the modern epidemic of atomization.<\/p>\n<p>The Challenges: The Cost of Closure<\/p>\n<p>The very things that make an intense group &#8220;happy&#8221; and &#8220;high-trust&#8221; are the things that make them a challenge for a diverse, pluralistic society.<\/p>\n<p>The Status Closure Mechanism: As identity intensifies, groups naturally move toward &#8220;closure.&#8221; They seek to monopolize resources or social positions for their own kind. This is efficient for the in-group but creates &#8220;boundary work&#8221; that feels like exclusion or hostility to everyone else.<\/p>\n<p>The &#8220;Out-group&#8221; Requirement: To maintain high internal morale, groups often need a &#8220;constitutive outside&#8221;\u2014an out-group that serves as a cautionary tale or a foil. It is difficult to maintain a high-intensity &#8220;We&#8221; without a clearly defined &#8220;They.&#8221; This is why, as you noted, intense identities often correlate with a fear or loathing of others; the loathing actually serves to strengthen the internal bond.<\/p>\n<p>Fragility in Pluralism: A society made of many &#8220;high-intensity&#8221; groups is essentially a collection of silos. When these silos must share a single government or a single piece of land, the &#8220;zero-sum&#8221; mindset takes over. If my group\u2019s &#8220;truth&#8221; is absolute, then your group\u2019s &#8220;truth&#8221; isn&#8217;t just different\u2014it&#8217;s a threat to my children&#8217;s world.<\/p>\n<p>The Modern Dilemma<\/p>\n<p>In America today, we see people fleeing &#8220;thin&#8221; identities (like &#8220;vague American&#8221; or &#8220;secular consumer&#8221;) because they feel empty and lonely. However, as they adopt &#8220;thicker&#8221; identities\u2014whether based on race, intense religiosity, or political factionalism\u2014the friction between these groups increases.<\/p>\n<p>We are essentially seeing a shift from &#8220;Bridging Social Capital&#8221; (connections between different types of people) to &#8220;Bonding Social Capital&#8221; (connections within the same type of people). Bonding makes the individual feel safer and happier in the short term, but it makes the &#8220;bridge&#8221; between groups harder to maintain.<\/p>\n<p>LF: &#8220;When your primary in-group identity is profession, that makes life easier. What are other intense in-group identities that make it easy to thrive in America now?&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>Gemini says: In modern America, thriving often depends on finding &#8220;thick&#8221; identities that offer high-trust networks without the extreme social friction of race or religion. While professional identity is a powerful stabilizer, other intense in-group identities provide similar &#8220;social shortcuts&#8221; to success and belonging.<\/p>\n<p>1. Educational &#038; Alumni Networks (The &#8220;Parallel Meritocracy&#8221;)<\/p>\n<p>Alumni networks, especially from &#8220;elite&#8221; or high-affinity institutions (like Ivy League schools, HBCUs, or large state schools with intense football cultures), function as a primary thriving mechanism.<\/p>\n<p>The Thrive Factor: These groups use &#8220;weak ties&#8221; that act like strong ones. Because you share an alma mater, a stranger is 3.5 times more likely to provide a &#8220;warm introduction&#8221; or a referral. It creates a closed loop of opportunity that bypasses traditional competitive hurdles.<\/p>\n<p>Out-group: People from &#8220;non-pedigreed&#8221; backgrounds or rival institutions. The loathing here is often subtle\u2014expressed as &#8220;cultural fit&#8221; bias in hiring.<\/p>\n<p>2. High-Commitment Subcultures &#038; Hobbies<\/p>\n<p>As traditional communities thin out, people are &#8220;upskilling&#8221; their hobbies into intense identities. This includes CrossFit communities, &#8220;Poly&#8221; or &#8220;Alternative Lifestyle&#8221; circles, or deep-tech niche groups (like AI safety or longevity enthusiasts).<\/p>\n<p>The Thrive Factor: These groups require a high &#8220;barrier to entry&#8221; (physical pain, specialized knowledge, or extreme time commitment). This acts as a vetting process. Within these groups, trust is absolute. A person in an intense hiking club or a niche gaming community can often find housing, jobs, or emotional support more quickly than through their local neighborhood.<\/p>\n<p>Out-group: The &#8220;uninitiated&#8221; or the &#8220;casuals.&#8221; The loathing is directed at those who want the benefits of the group without the &#8220;sacrifice&#8221; of the lifestyle.<\/p>\n<p>3. Purpose-Driven Niche Communities (The &#8220;Micro-Cultures&#8221;)<\/p>\n<p>These are groups centered on a specific &#8220;mission&#8221; or &#8220;vision&#8221; for the future, such as &#8220;Degrowth&#8221; advocates, &#8220;Effective Altruists,&#8221; or &#8220;Traditionalist&#8221; homesteaders.<\/p>\n<p>The Thrive Factor: These groups provide existential security. Members feel they are part of a &#8220;micro-culture of change.&#8221; They often share resources (tools, childcare, investment capital) in ways that make them more resilient to economic shocks than the average American.<\/p>\n<p>Out-group: The &#8220;status quo&#8221; or those perceived as &#8220;complicit&#8221; in the problem the group is trying to solve.<\/p>\n<p>Why These Identities Make Life &#8220;Easier&#8221;<\/p>\n<p>The reason these identities help people thrive is that they solve the &#8220;Trust Gap.&#8221; In a low-trust society, finding a reliable business partner or a loyal friend is expensive and risky. Intense in-group identities provide a &#8220;shorthand&#8221; for reliability.<\/p>\n<p>Alumni and Educational Groups<\/p>\n<p>Alumni networks drive success primarily through referrals and the mechanics of status closure. Because these networks often act as a &#8220;gatekeeper&#8221; to certain industries, the primary psychological benefit for the member is a sense of professional safety and the ability to access &#8220;warm&#8221; doors that are closed to the general public.<\/p>\n<p>High-Intensity Hobby Communities<\/p>\n<p>High-intensity hobby groups, such as those centered around extreme fitness or specialized endurance sports, find their success through vetting through sacrifice. By requiring a high physical or time commitment to belong, these groups generate high-trust social capital and physical fitness, as members know that everyone else in the group has the discipline to meet those same rigorous standards.<\/p>\n<p>Mission-Driven Niche Communities<\/p>\n<p>Mission-driven niche groups\u2014such as intentional communities or specialized advocacy circles\u2014thrive through resource pooling. This collective approach provides the individual with deep personal meaning and significant economic resilience, as the group often shares the costs of living, childcare, or business ventures to weather external social or financial shocks.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Written with Gemini: The neighborhood historically known as Cadillac-Corning, now officially renamed La Cienega Heights as of 2003, serves as a poignant example of the complex social and legal dynamics that define modern Los Angeles. 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