{"id":162387,"date":"2025-07-27T06:01:44","date_gmt":"2025-07-27T14:01:44","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/lukeford.net\/blog\/?p=162387"},"modified":"2025-07-27T06:26:01","modified_gmt":"2025-07-27T14:26:01","slug":"how-tulsi-gabbards-revelations-about-the-obama-administrations-abuse-of-intelligence-decodes-the-rule-of-experts","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/lukeford.net\/blog\/?p=162387","title":{"rendered":"How Tulsi Gabbard’s Revelations About The Obama Administration’s Abuse Of Intelligence Decodes The Rule Of Experts"},"content":{"rendered":"

I use the philosophy of Stephen Park Turner<\/a> to decode the news:<\/p>\n

1. Expert Rule Over Democracy \u2013 Turner argues liberal democracies are increasingly run by expert commissions (like intel agencies) that operate outside democratic oversight. This makes them politically powerful yet unaccountable.
\nSource: Stephen Turner, Liberal Democracy 3.0<\/a><\/p>\n

2. Epistemic Coercion \u2013 Intelligence claims often can’t be challenged by the public or elected officials due to complexity and secrecy. Turner calls this “epistemic coercion”\u2014forcing acceptance of expert claims without the means to verify them.
\nSource: Stephen Turner, “Epistemic Coercion” (2014)<\/a><\/p>\n

3. The Steele Dossier & Brennan\u2019s Role \u2013 The infamous dossier was added to the intel assessment despite analyst objections. Brennan allegedly relied on a single oral defector account with no formal documentation\u2014classic case of intelligence used for political ends.
\nSource: RealClearInvestigations, “Russiagate Report Names Brennan…”<\/a><\/p>\n

4. Soft Coup Allegations \u2013 Gabbard suggests that Obama officials used the intelligence community to sabotage Trump\u2019s transition. If true, it amounts to an elite consensus rejecting election results and weaponizing national security tools.
\nSource: Fox News, “Tulsi Gabbard Investigation…”<\/a><\/p>\n

5. Post-Normal Science \u2013 Turner describes a system where truth is replaced with \u201creliable enough\u201d knowledge to justify policy. The Russia-Trump narrative fits this mold\u2014flimsy evidence legitimized by institutional authority.
\nSource: Philosophy of Science, “Post-Normal Science”<\/a><\/p>\n

6. The Intelligence-Media Complex \u2013 Taibbi argues media colluded with intelligence to push a narrative, not to report facts. Russiagate became a PR campaign, not journalism\u2014newsrooms traded investigation for advocacy.
\nSource: Matt Taibbi, Racket News<\/a><\/p>\n

7. Failure of Accountability \u2013 Despite evidence gaps and potential manipulation, figures like Brennan and Comey faced no real consequences. Turner would call this the immunity of epistemic elites; Taibbi sees it as a broken feedback loop in democracy.
\nSource: Tablet, “The Spies Who Lied”<\/a><\/p>\n

8. FISA Abuse \u2013 The warrant against Carter Page was allegedly based on unverified material. If true, it\u2019s an example of secret courts being used to target political opponents\u2014Turner would see this as bureaucratic logic overriding constitutional norms.
\nSource: DOJ Inspector General, FISA Report (2019)<\/a><\/p>\n

9. Weaponizing \u201cDisinformation\u201d \u2013 Turner critiques how misinformation labels are used to suppress dissent, framing disagreement as ignorance or extremism. The same dynamics were used to discredit Gabbard and others who questioned Russiagate.
\nSource: Hamilton 68 Dashboard<\/a><\/p>\n

10. Erosion of Democratic Legitimacy \u2013 If intelligence is used to shape political outcomes rather than inform policy, it signals a deeper breakdown. The mask of democracy remains, but real power lies with insulated expert networks.
\nSource: Stephen Turner, The Politics of Expertise<\/a><\/p>\n

Expert Rule Over Democracy: The Rise of Unaccountable Power in the Age of Commissions<\/strong><\/p>\n

In Liberal Democracy 3.0<\/a><\/em>, Stephen Turner outlines a sobering transformation within modern democratic societies: the rise of rule by experts. According to Turner, we are witnessing a shift away from the ideals of participatory governance and public deliberation, and toward a system dominated by unelected expert bodies\u2014what he terms \u201ccommissions.\u201d These institutions, ranging from intelligence agencies to regulatory authorities, wield immense political power, yet remain largely insulated from democratic accountability. In vivid detail, Turner shows how these expert-dominated structures are eroding the substance of democracy while preserving its fa\u00e7ade.<\/p>\n

Consider the U.S. intelligence community\u2019s role in shaping public understanding of foreign threats. Turner might argue that agencies like the CIA and NSA are archetypal expert commissions. They operate in secret, make decisions with global consequences, and yet are rarely subjected to meaningful oversight by Congress or the public. One telling example: the assessment that Vladimir Putin had a \u201cclear preference\u201d for Donald Trump in the 2016 election. This claim, as detailed in House Intelligence Committee reports<\/a> and declassified material, was based largely on an oral briefing from a single defector\u2014never corroborated, never documented. Yet it became a foundational narrative for years of investigation and political fallout. The intelligence community created a politically determinative \u201ctruth,\u201d immune from challenge due to its classified origins.<\/p>\n

This isn\u2019t new. Turner might point to the Iraq War as an earlier demonstration of expert power run amok. The infamous National Intelligence Estimate of 2002<\/a>\u2014claiming Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction\u2014was assembled by a small number of analysts and endorsed by the CIA. It was used to justify a massive military invasion, yet proved disastrously wrong. No commission members were held accountable. Public debate was neutered by the apparent \u201cneutrality\u201d and authority of expert consensus. The consequences were catastrophic, yet the expert institutions responsible emerged unscathed.<\/p>\n

Turner warns that this pattern is systemic, not incidental. Regulatory agencies such as the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) or the European Central Bank (ECB) operate under similar logics. These bodies issue directives, guidelines, and rulings that shape economies, environments, and even individual behavior\u2014yet their legitimacy comes not from the consent of the governed, but from the supposed expertise of their staff. In the EU, for instance, the European Commission<\/a> is empowered to set far-reaching policies across member states, even though it is not directly elected. Debates over austerity, banking policy, and climate targets are often preempted by technical assessments that shut down political dissent with the phrase, \u201cthe experts have spoken.\u201d<\/p>\n

The COVID-19 pandemic exposed this phenomenon in stark relief. Public health agencies, often unelected and operating in coordination with transnational bodies like the WHO<\/a>, became de facto rulers. Mask mandates, lockdowns, vaccine passports\u2014all were implemented through the logic of expert necessity. Disagreement was framed as anti-science; democratic deliberation was bypassed. In Canada, Australia, and parts of Europe, citizen protests against these policies were met not with public dialogue, but with suppression\u2014often defended on the basis of expert guidance. Turner would argue that this is a textbook example of what happens when \u201cneutral\u201d expertise is elevated above political contestation: the transformation of public health from a matter of governance into a technocratic imperative.<\/p>\n

Even education has not escaped this dynamic. School curricula, standardized testing regimes, and DEI frameworks are increasingly shaped not by elected school boards or parent groups, but by panels of academic consultants, foundation-backed researchers, and federal education departments. In some U.S. states, when parents raised concerns about curriculum content\u2014whether about gender ideology, racial politics, or pandemic policies\u2014they were met not with negotiation but with appeals to authority: \u201cThis is what the experts recommend.\u201d The result is alienation and disempowerment, not consensus.<\/p>\n

Turner\u2019s most striking insight is that these expert bodies don\u2019t merely advise policy\u2014they determine what is politically speakable. By framing key issues as technical rather than ideological, they remove them from public debate altogether. Should we allow oil drilling in Alaska? That\u2019s a question for environmental impact assessments. Should we impose new banking regulations? Let the central bank decide. Should surveillance tools be used on American citizens? Ask the national security council. The role of the citizen is reduced to passive spectator, while the real action happens inside the hermetically sealed world of expert deliberation.<\/p>\n

Yet Turner isn\u2019t just making a procedural point. He argues that this shift constitutes a fundamental change in what democracy is<\/em>. We may still hold elections and enjoy civil liberties on paper, but the meaningful levers of power\u2014those that shape policy outcomes\u2014are increasingly housed in institutions immune to public input. This is \u201cLiberal Democracy 3.0\u201d: a system where experts rule under the banner of neutrality, where accountability is replaced by credentialism, and where legitimacy stems not from debate but from bureaucratic process.<\/p>\n

The implications are profound. In this regime, dissent is not merely ignored\u2014it\u2019s pathologized. Skeptics are labeled conspiracy theorists, populists, or deniers. The public, lacking technical expertise, is told to \u201ctrust the science,\u201d \u201cbelieve the intelligence,\u201d or \u201clisten to the data.\u201d But as Turner warns, this is not democracy. It is rule by epistemic monopoly.<\/p>\n

To reclaim democratic agency, Turner calls for a reinvigoration of political judgment. This means not rejecting expertise, but refusing to let it override the core democratic principle: that the governed must have a say in the rules that govern them. Expertise must serve democracy\u2014not the other way around. Until that balance is restored, we remain trapped in a system where the most powerful actors operate behind closed doors, armed not with public support, but with credentials and clearance levels.<\/p>\n

That\u2019s not liberal democracy. That\u2019s rule by technocratic decree, and it\u2019s already here.<\/p>\n

Epistemic Coercion: How Secrecy and Complexity Undermine Democracy<\/strong><\/p>\n

Stephen Turner\u2019s concept of epistemic coercion<\/em> describes a subtle but powerful mechanism through which modern expert institutions\u2014especially intelligence agencies\u2014exert political control. In essence, epistemic coercion happens when individuals, including elected officials, are forced to accept expert claims not because they are persuasive or transparently justified, but because they are too complex, secret, or technical to challenge. As Turner puts it, this dynamic represents a structural imbalance between the public and the experts\u2014where one side holds all the information and defines the terms of legitimacy, while the other is expected to comply without understanding.<\/p>\n

This is not just an academic theory. It\u2019s playing out right now in real time.<\/p>\n

The \u201cTrust Us\u201d Era of Intelligence<\/strong><\/p>\n

Take the recent declassification of documents related to the U.S. intelligence community\u2019s 2016 assessment that Russia \u201caspired\u201d to help elect Donald Trump. According to revelations covered by RealClearInvestigations<\/a> and discussed by journalists like Matt Taibbi<\/a>, this assessment hinged largely on an oral briefing from a single Russian defector\u2014a claim that was never formally documented or peer-reviewed within the intelligence community. Yet this unverified statement formed the backbone of a years-long investigation, media narrative, and political obsession.<\/p>\n

Most of the public\u2014and most members of Congress\u2014never saw the raw intelligence. They were told to accept the conclusion because \u201call 17 agencies\u201d agreed (a claim later walked back). When a few dissenters asked questions, they were labeled as conspiracy theorists or \u201cRussian assets.\u201d This is a textbook case of epistemic coercion: the intelligence community makes an unchallengeable assertion cloaked in classified processes, and dissent becomes suspect by default.<\/p>\n

COVID-19 Origins and the Lab Leak Taboo<\/strong><\/p>\n

Another example: the early dismissal of the COVID-19 lab-leak hypothesis. In early 2020, major media outlets and health authorities treated the possibility that the virus originated from a lab accident in Wuhan as misinformation. Social media companies enforced this consensus, deplatforming users who raised questions. The World Health Organization and U.S. public health officials relied on expert panels to shape the narrative, many of whom had undisclosed ties to the Wuhan Institute of Virology or gain-of-function research.<\/p>\n

Why was this hypothesis shut down so quickly? The reasoning wasn\u2019t transparent; the public wasn\u2019t shown the data or analysis behind the judgment. Instead, we were told to \u201ctrust the experts.\u201d Only much later, under pressure and after FOIA releases, did the discussion reopen. Even then, the underlying information remains murky. The entire episode revealed the power of epistemic coercion in public health: expert claims became politically binding long before they were scientifically settled.<\/p>\n

The Ukraine War and \u201cDisinformation\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n

Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Western governments have leaned heavily on intelligence-based narratives about everything from battlefield conditions to alleged false-flag operations. In February 2022, just before the war began, the U.S. State Department publicly accused Russia of planning to stage a fake video showing a Ukrainian atrocity. When journalists asked for evidence, then-spokesman Ned Price replied with circular logic: \u201cIf you doubt this, you doubt the credibility of the U.S. government.\u201d<\/p>\n

That\u2019s the coercive twist\u2014epistemic claims are fused with national identity and institutional loyalty. The only verification offered was institutional authority. Again, the public was asked to take on faith what could not be verified. When The Grayzone<\/a> and other independent journalists raised questions, they were denounced as \u201cpro-Russian\u201d or \u201cuseful idiots.\u201d No dialogue, no transparency\u2014just coercion by expert fiat.<\/p>\n

Big Tech and the \u201cElection Integrity\u201d Complex<\/strong><\/p>\n

Social media platforms have become major actors in epistemic enforcement, often in collaboration with intelligence agencies. The \u201cTwitter Files\u201d<\/a>, released in 2022 and 2023, revealed how former FBI and DHS officials working inside Twitter helped flag, suppress, and remove content deemed to be misinformation\u2014sometimes based on vague or speculative claims. For example, tweets discussing the authenticity of the Hunter Biden laptop story were flagged as Russian disinformation, even though the FBI had had the laptop for over a year and knew it was genuine.<\/p>\n

Facebook, too, suppressed the story at the FBI\u2019s request. Mark Zuckerberg later admitted to Joe Rogan<\/a> that the FBI \u201cbasically came to us\u201d and told them to expect \u201cRussian disinfo.\u201d Again, the actual evidence wasn\u2019t made public. The reasoning wasn\u2019t shared. The platforms acted under pressure from expert institutions and justified their censorship in terms of national security and electoral integrity. Ordinary users had no chance to evaluate the claims\u2014they were simply locked out of the conversation.<\/p>\n

Weaponizing Complexity in Climate and AI Policy<\/strong><\/p>\n

In domains like climate change and artificial intelligence, epistemic coercion plays out more subtly\u2014but just as powerfully. Policymakers and the public are increasingly told that key decisions\u2014such as banning gas cars, setting carbon credit rules, or deploying AI surveillance\u2014are \u201cbased on the science.\u201d Yet the modeling behind these decisions is often opaque, non-replicable, or driven by massive institutional biases. When critics challenge climate projections or AI ethics frameworks, they are accused of being \u201canti-science\u201d or \u201ctechnophobes,\u201d rather than engaged participants in a political conversation.<\/p>\n

As Turner warns, this transforms democracy into a performance. Debates are framed not as disagreements over values or trade-offs, but as failures to understand \u201cthe facts.\u201d But who decides what counts as fact? The experts\u2014often behind closed doors, with funding streams and institutional incentives the public never sees.<\/p>\n

The Real Danger: Governance Without Consent<\/strong><\/p>\n

The danger of epistemic coercion is not just intellectual\u2014it\u2019s political. When people are forced to accept policies they can\u2019t verify or challenge, resentment builds. Trust erodes. Populist backlashes emerge not because people hate science or facts, but because they see through the charade: that policy is being made by people who don\u2019t have to explain themselves.<\/p>\n

Turner argues that this is fundamentally undemocratic. Expertise should inform public debate, not replace it. The moment expert judgment becomes binding without transparency or accountability, it becomes a tool of domination\u2014not service.<\/p>\n

We\u2019ve entered an era where \u201cBecause we said so\u201d is replacing \u201cHere\u2019s the evidence.\u201d That\u2019s not good enough\u2014not for scientists, not for spies, not for technocrats. The future of democracy depends on restoring the balance between expertise and accountability. Otherwise, we\u2019re not being governed by knowledge\u2014we\u2019re being ruled by the illusion of it.<\/p>\n

And that, as Turner warned in 2014<\/a>, is epistemic coercion in action.<\/p>\n

Post-Normal Science: How \u201cReliable Enough\u201d Replaces Truth in the Politics of Knowledge<\/strong><\/p>\n

Stephen Turner\u2019s critique of post-normal science<\/em> lays bare one of the most dangerous shifts in modern governance: the replacement of truth-seeking with \u201creliable enough\u201d knowledge, engineered not to clarify reality but to justify pre-selected policy outcomes. In this paradigm, expert institutions no longer serve public inquiry\u2014they produce narratives under bureaucratic and political pressure. Turner\u2019s diagnosis maps perfectly onto today\u2019s major controversies, from Russiagate to climate policy to pandemic mandates. The through-line is this: once science becomes institutionalized in service of power, it stops being science and becomes a tool of legitimacy.<\/p>\n

Russiagate: \u201cReliable Enough\u201d for a Soft Coup?<\/strong><\/p>\n

The clearest example of post-normal science applied to intelligence is the Russia-Trump collusion narrative. In 2017, the U.S. intelligence community released an assessment concluding that Vladimir Putin had a \u201cclear preference\u201d for Donald Trump in the 2016 election. That phrase alone became a political atom bomb. It was cited relentlessly by the media, leveraged to launch FBI investigations, and shaped public discourse for years.<\/p>\n

But as later declassified documents and reporting by RealClearInvestigations<\/a>, Matt Taibbi<\/a>, and the Durham Report<\/a> revealed, this claim was built on astonishingly flimsy evidence: an oral-only briefing from a Russian defector, never corroborated, never entered into official records. It was essentially gossip with a high-level rubber stamp. Analysts objected. Brennan reportedly overrode them. The Steele dossier\u2014a partisan opposition research document paid for by the Clinton campaign\u2014was appended as an \u201cannex\u201d to the assessment despite being riddled with unverifiable or false claims.<\/p>\n

Yet it didn\u2019t matter. The assessment was \u201creliable enough\u201d to shape the national narrative. No one needed to prove it conclusively. The institution had spoken, and its authority made the claim real\u2014even if the epistemic foundations were rotten. This is post-normal science: when what\u2019s useful becomes more important than what\u2019s true.<\/p>\n

COVID-19 and the Science of Policy-by-Default<\/strong><\/p>\n

The pandemic response offers another case study in Turner\u2019s critique. In early 2020, Western governments made rapid, sweeping decisions\u2014lockdowns, mask mandates, school closures, vaccine rollouts\u2014all justified by \u201cthe science.\u201d But much of that science was unpublished, unreplicated, and, in some cases, clearly flawed.<\/p>\n

Take the early CDC recommendation against masking, later reversed without explanation. Or the \u201csix feet\u201d distancing rule, which multiple public health officials admitted was based not on peer-reviewed studies, but on institutional guesswork. Or the claim that COVID spread primarily through droplets, not aerosols\u2014a narrative that delayed recognition of indoor airborne transmission for over a year.<\/p>\n

Then there\u2019s the Pfizer vaccine trial data. Released under court order, it revealed that the vaccine was never tested for transmission prevention\u2014yet public health officials claimed it would \u201cstop the spread,\u201d using that justification for mandates. Was the narrative wrong? Yes. Was it convenient for policy? Absolutely. It was \u201creliable enough\u201d to generate compliance, and that was the goal.<\/p>\n

In post-normal science, the question isn\u2019t Is it true?<\/em> It\u2019s Can we use this to govern?<\/em><\/p>\n

Climate Policy and the Framing of \u201cSettled Science\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n

Climate change policy might be the most entrenched example of post-normal science at work. Institutions like the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) produce reports that are often framed as objective science. But the summary documents\u2014the ones that inform governments and the media\u2014are political documents negotiated between bureaucrats. The underlying models are loaded with assumptions about technology, behavior, and economics. Yet when these models are questioned, the response is not engagement\u2014it\u2019s moral outrage.<\/p>\n

Ask why nuclear power isn\u2019t more central to the green transition, and you’re called a shill. Ask how net-zero targets can be met without massive global inequality, and you\u2019re labeled a denier. But the science itself is full of uncertainty: climate sensitivity, tipping points, feedback loops\u2014all are debated. Still, the political apparatus insists it\u2019s \u201csettled.\u201d Not because it’s fully resolved, but because it\u2019s useful. Reliable enough.<\/p>\n

A vivid recent example: The 2021 IPCC report headline warning of “code red for humanity” was repeated worldwide. But the actual data showed a range of possibilities, many of which had more optimistic projections. The headline was selected not to reflect the spectrum of scenarios but to galvanize action. The truth was complex; the narrative was politically convenient.<\/p>\n

Big Tech, \u201cMisinformation,\u201d and Epistemic Theater<\/strong><\/p>\n

The content moderation policies of Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube during both the pandemic and the 2020 election were informed by another layer of post-normal science. Platforms worked with academic \u201cdisinformation experts\u201d and government agencies to flag, reduce, or remove content that challenged official narratives.<\/p>\n

Many of these flagged claims\u2014lab leak origins, vaccine side effects, Hunter Biden\u2019s laptop\u2014were initially labeled false and later turned out to be credible or outright true. But the institutions had already declared the \u201cscientific consensus,\u201d and that declaration gave them the power to silence dissent. This is epistemic theater: performative expertise that launders institutional bias as neutral truth.<\/p>\n

Emails released through the \u201cTwitter Files\u201d<\/a> show that government officials didn\u2019t even need solid evidence\u2014just a credible-sounding rationale. A tweet didn\u2019t have to be false<\/em>, just harmful<\/em>. The same goes for many \u201cscientific\u201d justifications for censorship. Their purpose wasn\u2019t clarity\u2014it was control.<\/p>\n

Post-Normal Science: From Objectivity to Output<\/strong><\/p>\n

Turner\u2019s core point is that in the post-normal era, the function of science has shifted. It no longer serves truth as an end in itself; it serves institutional needs. The incentives aren\u2019t aligned with discovery\u2014they\u2019re aligned with risk management, liability avoidance, and political cover.<\/p>\n

This shift is often subtle. Scientists themselves may not be cynical. But the system pressures them toward consensus, caution, and strategic ambiguity. Turner doesn\u2019t claim that expertise is dead\u2014he claims that its social function has changed. It now exists to make decisions seem inevitable, rather than debatable.<\/p>\n

That change has costs. Public trust erodes. Skepticism rises\u2014not out of ignorance, but out of recognition that what\u2019s presented as \u201cknowledge\u201d is often just bureaucratically validated narrative.<\/p>\n

Restoring the Line Between Truth and Usefulness<\/strong><\/p>\n

To break out of the post-normal trap, we need a cultural and institutional reckoning. That means reasserting the difference between what is true<\/em> and what is expedient<\/em>. It means building systems that encourage dissent, allow for error, and separate politics from scientific process\u2014not by pretending science is neutral, but by refusing to weaponize it.<\/p>\n

When Stephen Turner<\/a> warned of this transformation in 2014, it sounded abstract. Today, it\u2019s headline news. From pandemic policies to geopolitical crises to energy debates, we are living in a world where institutions no longer ask, What is true?<\/em> They ask, What can we sell as true long enough to get what we want?<\/em><\/p>\n

That may be good enough for power. But it\u2019s not good enough for democracy. Or for science.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

I use the philosophy of Stephen Park Turner to decode the news: 1. Expert Rule Over Democracy \u2013 Turner argues liberal democracies are increasingly run by expert commissions (like intel agencies) that operate outside democratic oversight. This makes them politically … Continue reading →<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[21791,42905],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-162387","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-america","category-stephen-turner"],"aioseo_notices":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/lukeford.net\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/162387","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/lukeford.net\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/lukeford.net\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lukeford.net\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lukeford.net\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=162387"}],"version-history":[{"count":10,"href":"https:\/\/lukeford.net\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/162387\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":162397,"href":"https:\/\/lukeford.net\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/162387\/revisions\/162397"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/lukeford.net\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=162387"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lukeford.net\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=162387"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/lukeford.net\/blog\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=162387"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}