I believe that the people in charge of the United States did a better than average job with the challenge of covid. I believe our primary response to them should be gratitude though I understand the evolved human response to resist domination that fueled the orneriness of conservatives. <\/p>\n
I believe that Tony Fauci, most of the time, spoke for the medical consensus with regard to covid. I agree with the public health consensus on covid – that social distancing was a good idea prior to vaccines. Once we had the shots, it was a good idea to get them because they lower your chances of serious injury or death. <\/p>\n
Because social distancing was necessary prior to vaccines, it was a good idea for the government to send people money and to do other things to help the country through a temporary emergency, even if it cost trillions of dollars. From the perspective of May 2020, our economy today is in far better shape than we could have then expected, even with the run of inflation. <\/p>\n
Conservatives who opposed these measures were wrong, and right-wingers generally displayed a maladaptive approach to covid when compared with the leftist approach of bigger government intervention. At times, however, right-wing critiques of covid reduction policies were cogent – such as the need to balance our needs for connection with the benefits of social distancing, the stupidity of big government social distancing overreach such as when the government restricted people from hiking and going to the beach and enjoying the great outdoors (getting outside to exercise is usually a great idea during an influenza epidemic), and the idiocy of keeping schools closed past the time of covid vaccine availability. Conservatives were probably right when they opposed the government imposing vaccine mandates. <\/p>\n
We have widespread left-wing tendencies to harm-reduction and fairness because these impulses are often adaptive. We also have widespread right-wing tendencies to fear of contagion, fear of outsiders, and fear of disorder because these impulses are often adaptive. <\/p>\n
In some situations, left-wing approaches tend to work better, and in other situations, right-wing responses, including the xenophobic police state, work better. <\/p>\n
An academic study released July 10, 2021, noted<\/a>:<\/p>\n Given research revealing conservatives are more sensitive to disease threat, it is curious that U.S. conservatives were less concerned than liberals with the COVID-19 pandemic. Across four studies that spanned almost ten months throughout the pandemic, we evaluated three potential reasons why conservatives were less concerned: (1) Motivated Political reasons (conservatives held COVID-specific political beliefs that motivated them to reduce concern), (2) Experiential reasons (conservatives were less directly affected by the outbreak than liberals), and (3) Conservative Messaging reasons (differential exposure to\/trust in partisan conservative messaging). All four studies consistently showed evidence that political (and not experiential or partisan messaging) reasons more strongly mediated conservatives’ lack of concern for COVID-19…<\/p>\n In the United States, polling has consistently suggested that conservatives are less concerned than liberals about the COVID-19 pandemic (Brownstein, 2020; Malloy & Schwartz, 2020). Conservatives’ relative lack of concern towards the pandemic is curious in light of a large body of social psychological research and theory suggesting strong ties between conservative ideology and threat (e.g., Altemeyer, 1996; Duckitt & Sibley, 2010; Feldman, 2003; see Choma & Hanoch, 2017, for discussion) \u2013 and especially to direct physical threats such as disease (for summaries, see Conway et al., 2019; Crawford, 2017). For example, research shows that disgust sensitivity \u2013 one of the psychological mechanisms by which disease threat operates \u2013 is associated with more conservative policy positions and voting tendencies (Brenner & Inbar, 2015; Helzer & Pizarro, 2011; Inbar et al., 2012; Liuzza et al., 2018; Oosterhoff et al., 2018; Shook et al., 2017). Indeed, research specifically on COVID-19 revealed that COVID-19-based primes increased conservatism (Karwowski et al., 2020). Complementary work at a socio-ecological level suggests that the presence of more communicable disease is generally associated with higher levels of politically conservative values and beliefs (Beall et al., 2016; Conway, Repke, & Houck, 2017a; Conway, Bongard, et al., 2017; Conway, Repke, & Houck, 2017b; Fincher et al., 2008; Murray et al., 2019; Tybur et al., 2016). In addition to showing culture-level pathogen prevalence’s association with traditionally conservative-related beliefs such as authoritarianism and autocratic governments (Conway, Repke, & Houck, 2017a; Conway, Bongard, et al., 2017; Conway, Repke, & Houck, 2017b; Fincher et al., 2008; Tybur et al., 2016), this line of research has also demonstrated more specific conservative ideological shifts based on the prevalence of active disease outbreaks (Beall et al., 2016). Taken together, this set of findings at both the individual and ecological levels has suggested to researchers that pathogen prevalence is associated with more ideological conservatism (see Conway et al., 2019, for a summary).<\/p>\n This presents a psychological puzzle. If conservatives are more sensitive to disease threat, why did American conservatives seem less concerned with a worldwide disease pandemic in which the United States has at points had the highest number of confirmed cases (World Health Organization, 2020)?<\/p>\n …the effect of conservatism on perceived coronavirus threat was significantly reduced as COVID-19 experiences\/impacts increased…<\/p>\n …conservatives cared less (and that liberals cared more) about the disease outbreak because they had political beliefs that intersected with the COVID-19 pandemic.13 These political beliefs provided motives for both conservatives and liberals to view the pandemic through a lens that would lead them to assign more or less threat to the disease. For conservatives, this means that because they (for example) do not want government restrictions \u2013 and the full acknowledgment of the threat might make those restrictions more psychologically plausible \u2013 they are motivated to downplay the severity of the threat. Perhaps surprisingly, our data reveal this is not the result of differential exposure to, and trust in, conservative political messaging. Although it might be tempting to suggest that this effect is about conservatives heeding Donald Trump’s sometimes-dismissive message about COVID, our data show it clearly was not about Trump specifically \u2013 but rather more fundamentally ideological.<\/p>\n …the ideological match between group-level ideologies and the outcomes of a pandemic (or indeed, any culture-wide phenomenon that might cause anxiety) will be crucial in determining public responses to a given crisis. Ideological groups who feel a pandemic will benefit their own ideological ends will be more likely to view it as a threat; ideological groups who feel a pandemic will hurt their own ideological ends will be less likely to view it as a threat. Thus, if conservatives believe a threatening pandemic will hurt their ideological ends, they will be less likely to view it as threatening; and if liberals believe a threatening pandemic will help their ideological ends, they will view it as more threatening.<\/p>\n …An Atlantic headline suggested that \u201cRed and blue America aren’t experiencing the same pandemic\u201d (Brownstein, 2020). Our data reveal that is indeed true. But the primary point of divergence is not because of differences in objective experiences or political messaging; rather, our data suggest it is because conservatives and liberals have ideological beliefs that predispose them to believe that COVID-19 is differentially threatening. But our data also suggest that these differences are less prominent among people on both sides who report they are impacted by the pandemic directly. <\/p><\/blockquote>\n This analysis rings true to me. If public health experts said the main thing we need to do to lower health risks from covid is to stop immigration, then conservatives would have welcomed that government intervention. Instead, public health experts said the main thing we need to do to lower health risks from covid is to increase government control over your life and to limit your freedoms because we experts know better than you do. That rubbed conservatives the wrong way. <\/p>\n When covid was politicized in March of 2020 to damage Trump and Republicans, it makes sense that Republicans would reject much of public health advice. <\/p>\n Those running the American covid response were often on the left and they often used words that rubbed Republicans the wrong way. Much of the ornery rejection of common sense public health measures during covid developed because of the way it was communicated by the people in charge.<\/p>\n When you look at the left-wing preoccupations of people in public health prior to covid, it makes sense that those not on the left reacted to their covid pronouncements with suspicion. <\/p>\n If you are not on the left, then you likely have felt the left and our leading institutions use emergencies (from climate change to homelessness to the trans craze) to increase their power over us. <\/p>\n The 2013 book Verbal Judo: The Gentle Art of Persuasion<\/a> said in chapter six:<\/p>\n Eleven Things Never to Say to Anyone (And How to Respond If Some Idiot Says Them to You)<\/p>\n 1. \u201cCOME HERE!\u201d<\/p>\n Ironically, this command actually means \u201cGo away,\u201d especially when said by an intimidating authority figure. Many street people automatically translate the phrase as \u201cRun like the devil!\u201d<\/p>\n To you and me, \u201cCome here!\u201d is vaguely threatening. It says, \u201cYou haven\u2019t obeyed me, so now I\u2019m ordering you to move when I want you to move.\u201d<\/p>\n I learned in police work that it\u2019s much more effective to casually approach a person and say, \u201cExcuse me, but I need to chat with you a second,\u201d or even \u201cCould I chat with you a second?\u201d I gave the other party the feeling that he had some choice, but my implication was clear.<\/p>\n 2. \u201cYOU WOULDN\u2019T UNDERSTAND.\u201d<\/p>\n I don\u2019t know about you, but I find this phrase so insulting that I can almost hear the comma and then \u201cstupid\u201d implied at the end. No matter who this is said to, it puts the listener off. Better to say, \u201cThis might be difficult to understand, but . . .\u201d or \u201cLet me try to explain this . . .\u201d<\/p>\n There\u2019s no harm in warning people that what you\u2019re about to say is complicated and that it\u2019s okay if they don\u2019t get it at first. You can even put the onus on yourself: \u201cI hope I can explain this . . .\u201d Just don\u2019t prejudge their ability to comprehend. And certainly don\u2019t whip them in advance for what may be your failure to communicate.<\/p>\n 3. \u201cBECAUSE THOSE ARE THE RULES.\u201d<\/p>\n That phrase would make just about anybody want to throw up. But if you\u2019re enforcing rules that exist for good reasons, don\u2019t hesitate to explain them. Your audience might not agree, but at least they will have been honored with an answer. For instance, if you tell children they have to go to bed at a certain time and they demand to know why, explain that they will be less cranky and able to have more fun the next day if they get adequate sleep. Tell them that you need their help in doing your job as a parent. \u201cIt\u2019s my responsibility to bring up healthy, happy kids. You do your part, and I\u2019ll do mine.\u201d<\/p>\n 4. \u201cIT\u2019S NONE OF YOUR BUSINESS.\u201d<\/p>\n Here is the slam – dunk of verbal abuse. It\u2019s usually said by a frustrated parent, but it\u2019s occasionally heard among friends too. The phrase angers people because it brands them as outsiders and brusquely cuts them off. It also exposes you as someone who doesn\u2019t have a good reason for answering the question. It makes it seem that you have no power behind your position. 5. \u201cWHAT DO YOU WANT ME TO DO ABOUT IT?\u201d<\/p>\n What a cop – out! The pseudo question, almost always accompanied by sarcasm, is seen as an evasion of responsibility. It\u2019s also a sign that you\u2019re exasperated. <\/p>\n 6. \u201cCALM DOWN!\u201d <\/p>\n I have a lot of fun with this intrinsically contradictory command, in my seminars, especially with police officers but also with service personnel. I scrunch up my face into a mean grimace and ask them how calming it is when I say (shouting now), \u201cCalm down!\u201d 7. \u201cWHAT\u2019S YOUR PROBLEM?\u201d<\/p>\n This snotty, useless phrase turns the problem back on the person needing assistance. It signals that this is a \u201cyou versus me\u201d battle rather than an \u201cus\u201d discussion. The typical reaction is defensive. \u201cIt\u2019s not my problem; you\u2019re the problem!\u201d<\/p>\n 8. \u201cYOU NEVER . . .\u201d OR \u201cYOU ALWAYS . . .\u201d <\/p>\n These absolute generalizations are lies. <\/p>\n 9. \u201cI\u2019M NOT GOING TO SAY THIS AGAIN.\u201d<\/p>\n That is almost always a lie on the face of it, because what usually follows the above phrase? The thing you just said you weren\u2019t going to say again! And you will probably say it again and again. This threat traps you, because if you\u2019re really not going to repeat yourself, you\u2019re left with one option: action. If you\u2019re not prepared to act, you lose credibility.<\/p>\n 10. \u201cI\u2019M DOING THIS FOR YOUR OWN GOOD.\u201d<\/p>\n That is guaranteed to turn any listener into an instant cynic. No one believes it. It begs the sarcastic comeback, \u201cOh yessssss. Sure, I bet.\u201d<\/p>\n 11. \u201cWHY DON\u2019T YOU BE REASONABLE?\u201d<\/p>\n Not once in my life has anyone come up to me and said, \u201cYou know what? I\u2019m in left field today, totally irrational.\u201d People may know they\u2019re a little forgetful or flaky or out of it, but they\u2019re not going to admit to being unreasonable. So you\u2019re only inviting conflict with a question like this.\n <\/p><\/blockquote>\n May 20, 2020, the Foundation for Economic Education published<\/a>:<\/p>\n Citing research from the brain scientist Gary Marcus, Haidt said the initial organization of the brain essentially comes with a \u201cfirst draft.\u201d Studying the anthropological and historical records, Haidt found that five pillars of morality exist across disciplines, cultures, and even species:<\/p>\n care\/harm What\u2019s interesting is that these moral pillars differ sharply across ideological lines in America today. Haidt found that both conservatives and liberals recognize the harm\/care and fairness\/reciprocity values (though liberals value these a little more than conservatives). Things change, however, when examining the three remaining foundational values\u2014loyalty\/betrayal, authority\/subversion, and sanctity\/degradation. While conservatives accept these moral values, liberal-minded people tend to reject them.<\/p>\n The difference is extraordinary, and it helps explain the different ways Republicans and Democrats are experiencing the coronavirus. In May, a CNBC\/Change Research survey found that while only 39 percent of Republicans said they had serious concerns about COVID-19, 97 percent of Democrats said they had serious concerns.<\/p>\n While some of the divergence could stem from the fact that blue states have been hit harder by COVID-19 than red states, Haidt\u2019s research would suggest that another reason Democrats are more concerned is because liberals have an intense appreciation of the care\/harm moral pillar.<\/p>\n Indeed, the preeminence of the care\/harm moral can be found in the rhetoric of many progressives.<\/p>\n \u201cI want to be able to say to the people of New York, \u2018I did everything we could do,\u2019\u201d New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo announced in March. \u201cAnd if everything we do saves just one life, I\u2019ll be happy.\u201d<\/p>\n The care\/harm moral is even found in the latest social media emojis. Last month, as USA Today reported in an exclusive story, Facebook rolled out its new \u201ccare\u201d emoji.<\/p>\n \u201cThe new Facebook reaction\u2014an emoji hugging a heart\u2014is intended as shorthand to show caring and solidarity when commenting on a status update, message, photo or video during the coronavirus crisis that allow users to express how much they care about others,\u201d the paper reported.<\/p>\n Cuomo\u2019s language (and to a lesser extent Facebook\u2019s emojis) suggests that, for many, care for others is the preeminent virtue. As such, efforts to protect people must be taken above lesser social considerations.<\/p>\n Understanding the different moral framework conservatives and liberals are using helps us understand why blue states have taken a much more aggressive approach in efforts to limit the spread of COVID-19.<\/p>\n As The Atlantic explains, with a few exceptions, such as Ohio, Republican governors have been much more reluctant to impose sweeping restrictions on their residents than states led by Democratic governors. While governors in these states no doubt value care\/harm, their moral framework likely gives them a heightened concern of other social considerations, particularly civil liberties.<\/p>\n The lockdowns, the Constitution Center explains, have threatened many of America\u2019s most cherished civil liberties\u2014the freedom to assemble, the right to purchase a firearm, the ability to freely travel, the freedom to attend church or visit a reproductive health facility. They\u2019ve also put thousands of companies on a path toward bankruptcy by prohibiting them from engaging in commerce.<\/p>\n These infringements tend to be viewed as reasonable to liberals, who emphasize the care\/harm moral but are less likely to recognize the sanctity\/degradation moral. New Jersey Gov. Phil Murphy, for example, said he never even considered the US Constitution\u2014a document considered sacrosanct by many Americans\u2014when he issued his lockdown order.<\/p>\n \u201cThat\u2019s above my pay grade,\u201d Murphy told Tucker Carlson in April. \u201cI wasn\u2019t thinking of the Bill of Rights when we did this. We went to all\u2014first of all\u2014we went to the scientists who said people have to stay away from each other.\u201d<\/p>\n Similarly, Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer saw no problem in suspending the Freedom of Information Act to prevent outside groups from assessing the model state officials used to justify locking down the entire state.<\/p>\n Those who view civil liberties and constitutional rights as sacred, however, are less than comfortable with such an approach. They will be less inclined to sacrifice sacred principles to support sweeping state efforts to protect people (and are probably more likely to see such efforts as counter-productive).<\/p>\n To be sure, some progressives do see civil liberties as sacred, and some of them have expressed dismay and bewilderment that so many progressives, in their enthusiasm for the care\/harm moral, have abandoned civil liberties.<\/p>\n \u201c[The COVID-19 crisis is] raising serious civil liberties issues, from prisoners trapped in deadly conditions to profound questions about speech and assembly, the limits to surveillance and snitching, etc.,\u201d the progressive journalist Matt Taibbi recently wrote in Rolling Stone. \u201cIf this disease is going to be in our lives for the foreseeable future, that makes it more urgent that we talk about what these rules will be, not less\u2014yet the party I grew up supporting seems to have lost the ability to do so, and I don\u2019t understand why.\u201d<\/p>\n If Haidt\u2019s theory is correct, the reason is liberals and conservatives are, generally speaking, approaching the COVID-19 pandemic through divergent moral frameworks.<\/p>\n After all, the argument isn\u2019t whether we should protect people.<\/p>\n \u201cIn any country, the disagreement isn\u2019t over harm and fairness,\u201d Haidt says. \u201cEveryone agrees that harm and fairness matter.\u201d<\/p>\n The argument isn\u2019t even over how to best balance the care\/harm moral with other considerations.<\/p>\n The disagreement is over whether efforts to protect individuals from COVID-19 should be balanced against other considerations\u2014including constitutional and economic ones\u2014at all.\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n Rony Guldmann writes in his work-in-progress Conservative Claims of Cultural Oppression<\/a>:<\/p>\n [David] Kahane\u2019s \u201cfree men and women\u201d may have had certain narrow sympathies and parochial prejudices. But they were also free from the tighter regimes of affective-instinctual control that define later stages of the civilizing process. They had the anarchic will of free men if nothing else. And it is therein that their freedom lied, an inner, spiritual freedom for which the Rockies and Great Plains are only symbols. Conservative claimants of cultural oppression resent, not modern society per se\u2014whose comforts and conveniences they do not, as Harris notes, really care to repudiate\u2014but rather the organized personality structure that emerges from it, the properly ordered sociability of the buffered identity. In issuing their claims of cultural oppression, conservatives express their longing for a mode of experience that is less compromised by this sociability\u2019s demands. They pine for a way of being that is less rationalized, intellectualized, and disengaged\u2014for human nature\u2019s authentic default consciousness. Such is the deeper meaning of the orneriness in relation to which the ostensible issues are always secondary. <\/p>\n This orneriness is why young conservative Todd Sweeney argues that \u201cconservative and punk sensibilities naturally complement each other.\u201d Conservatives, observes Sweeney, are naturally \u201cdrawn to imagery and a tone conveying order and discipline\u2014respectability and reverence.\u201d But while conservatives should continue to defend traditional values, they also need a broader understanding of what those values consist in. The nation whose goodness they praise stands, not only for peace and security, but equally for the risk and adventure in which America was once plentiful but which liberalism now seeks to extirpate. It was America that invented the cowboys and the frontier, as well as jazz, flappers, beatniks, bikers, rock \u2018n\u2019 roll, and the anarchic punk movement. And it has since rediscovered those roots in the Tea Party movement, a reminder that Americans haven\u2019t always been servile to government. America being a country founded on freedom and rebellion, it is a serious mistake for conservatives \u201cto accept the mantle of the fuddy-duddies\u201d and let \u201cthe country\u2019s free spirits, creative types, young people, and individualists go running to the other camp, where they\u2019ll end up, in a tragic non sequitur, aiding and abetting stifling collectivist bureaucracies like the Environmental Protection Agency.\u201d<\/p>\n Conservatives can see themselves as the true individualists because they identify the individualism of liberals with the ordering impulses of the buffered identity, which is what punk conservatism resists. Like the elites of old, today\u2019s liberals insist that the lower orders be \u201cnot left as they are, but badgered bullied, pushed, preached at, drilled, and organized to abandon their lax and disordered folkways and conform to one or another feature of civil behavior.\u201d Seen in the context of the mutation counter-narrative, the E.P.A. and other liberal institutions are merely carrying forth this longstanding tradition. Conservatives see their conservatism as their resistance to the badgering and bullying, and this is why they cannot but see liberals as tyrants and usurpers, crypto-fascists scheming to undermine their natural liberty.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" I believe that the people in charge of the United States did a better than average job with the challenge of covid. I believe our primary response to them should be gratitude though I understand the evolved human response to … Continue reading
\n Rather than saying, \u201cIt\u2019s none of your business,\u201d explain why the information cannot be revealed. <\/p>\n
\n The command flat out doesn\u2019t work. <\/p>\n
\nfairness\/reciprocity
\nloyalty\/betrayal
\nauthority\/subversion
\nsanctity\/degradation<\/p>\n