{"id":156427,"date":"2024-07-15T05:30:23","date_gmt":"2024-07-15T13:30:23","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/lukeford.net\/blog\/?p=156427"},"modified":"2024-07-21T09:06:29","modified_gmt":"2024-07-21T17:06:29","slug":"joe-biden-the-new-class","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/lukeford.net\/blog\/?p=156427","title":{"rendered":"Joe Biden &#038; The New Class"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><A HREF=\"https:\/\/ronyguldmann.com\/\">Rony Guldmann responds to my email<\/a>:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\nHey Luke, I have been pondering your question about Biden&#8217;s cognitive decline,  even though that issue appears to have been at least temporarily superseded by the events of this weekend. <\/p>\n<p>As to what&#8217;s going on with Biden, I think you need to look at <A HREF=\"https:\/\/ronyguldmann.com\/conservative-claims-cultural-oppression\/\">Conservative Claims of Cultural Oppression<\/a>&#8216;s discussion of the New Class and its contradictions, which are perhaps manifested in the shielding of Biden. I note Alvin Gouldner&#8217;s observation that:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\nThe culture of the New Class exacts still other costs: since its discourse emphasizes the importance of carefully edited speech, this has the vices of its virtues: in its virtuous aspect, self-editing implies a commendable circumspection, carefulness, self-discipline and \u201cseriousness.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>So, Biden clearly presents a problem on this front. But, of course, a lot of people have strong career interests in a second Biden term, as unlikely as that now appears, and will not sacrifice these for the greater good. This is because, as I write:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p>\nHowever, Gouldner also stressed that the New Class is no gathering of benign technocrats selflessly promoting the public good.  For it is a morally ambiguous \u201cflawed universal class\u201d that is \u201celitist and self-seeking and uses its special knowledge to advance its own interests and power,\u201d and so \u201cembod[ies] the collective interest but partially and transiently.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>When you contrast Biden&#8217;s cognitive decline (and denial about it) with Trump&#8217;s triumphal, fist-raising defiance of death this weekend in Pennsylvania, you have the perfect symbolic embodiment of conservatives&#8217; belief that a decadent liberalism is sapping the vitality of the country, with Trump carrying the flame of that endangered vitality. <\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>I&#8217;ve been rereading Rony Guldmann&#8217;s book <A HREF=\"https:\/\/ronyguldmann.com\/conservative-claims-cultural-oppression\/\">Conservative Claims of Cultural Oppression<\/a> and found these references to the New Class:<\/p>\n<blockquote><p> Alvin Gouldner observes that higher education is the institution through which the \u201cNew Class  is  at  first  readied  for  contest  against  the  old  class.\u201d Colleges  and  universities  are \u201cthe finishing schools of the New Class\u2019s resistance to the old class.\u201d Taking this notion to its logical conclusion, conservative claimants of cultural oppression believe that the elite universities from which  the  liberal  elites hail  are  more  akin  to social  fraternities  than  to  Platonic  academies.<\/p>\n<p>Admission  to elite  colleges is commonly  seen  as  a  marker of  intellectual  merit.   But more important, writes [Angelo] Codevilla, is the candidate\u2019s contribution to a \u201csocial profile that fits the school\u2019s image of itself,\u201d a commitment to \u201cfit in,\u201d to be \u201cin with the right people,\u201d and give \u201cthe required signs that one is on the right side, and joining in despising the Outs.\u201d Academic merit is a social construction of the ruling liberal elites, an institutional filter designed to weed out conservatives and set the stage for widespread liberal domination. First inculcated in the university, the elites\u2019 \u201ctastes and habits\u201d are later enforced with the threat of social ostracism.  It is, writes Anderson, simply assumed in Rawls\u2019s Cambridge or Manhattan\u2019s Upper West Side or the CBS newsroom that one has \u201cthe correct liberal opinions,\u201d and those who do not will simply stop receiving dinner invitations. In withholding these invitations, liberals are just doing what they were trained to do in the college classroom, where the ostracism of conservatives was first introduced to them as \u201cprogressive\u201d behavior.<\/p>\n<p>The elite university believes it has replaced an old WASP-regime of social virtue revolving around gentility and \u201ccharacter\u201d with  a  new  regime  of  intellectual  virtue  revolving around  raw mental  firepower. But  conservative  claimants  of  cultural  oppression  charge that the new intellectual virtues are social virtues in disguise, just as automatic and unreflective as those of the WASP ancien r\u00e9gime. It is the elite universities, laments Gelernter, that produced Obama, the \u201csymbol of the new American elite, the new establishment, where left-liberal politics is no longer a conviction, no longer a way of thinking: it is built-in mind-furniture you take for granted without needing  to  think.\u201d    Consequently,  the  nation  is  \u201cfilling  inexorably  with  Airheads,  nominally educated yet ignorant; trained and groomed like prize puppies to be good liberals.\u201d222To defend liberalism as a mere conviction is to refuse the role of the liberal prize puppy, to refuse liberalism as a social identity. But perversely, it is liberalism qua social identity, qua automatic social reflex, that has been culturally credentialed as the embodiment of a privileged intellectual acuity. Just as the classic finishing schools strove to inculcate a certain physical posture, so the elite universities now inculcate a certain mental and spiritual posture through which to announce oneself curious, broad-minded,  given  to scientific  detachment and  dispassionate  analysis, etc.\u2014 that  is,  as  a member of the anointed in good standing. With this training having tethered students\u2019 self-esteem to liberalism, they become prize puppy liberals who cannot see that their intellectualism is really an exercise in social signaling&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>But just as the Left  relativizes  the  value  of economic  liberty to  the  interests  of  capitalists,  so conservatives relativize the value of expressive autonomy to the New Class culture of wordsmiths, artists, and entertainers.  Bork observes that the student radicals of the 1960s were later attracted to careers through  which  they  could influence  opinions  and  attitudes,73their  ultimate  passion.   But  not everyone shares this passion.  And the radical expressive individualism liberalism celebrates will only resonate for those who share this powerful need for symbolic manipulation\u2014and the social privilege that permits it.  It is only the molders of opinion and sensibility whose career paths require an unqualified right to continually transgress the boundaries of decency and good taste.  Liberals will  sugarcoat  this  aggression  in  anodyne abstractions  like  self-expression  or  autonomy.    But conservatives believe these abstractions are ideological instruments of elite domination, initiated in the 1960s and continuing to this day.  The 1960s were, as Kimball says, a revolution \u201cof the privileged, by the privileged, and for the privileged.\u201d74Itwas a revolution, not of individualists against  collectivists,  but  of  one  collective  against  another,  of  the  people  of fashion  against  the common people, whose cause has now been taken up by conservatives&#8230;<\/p>\n<p>Gouldner  argued that  the  New  Class  of professional  knowledge  workers  is a progressive  force in  some  ways. It  has  no truck  with traditional hierarchies, including all the privileges of the old class of bourgeois capitalists. The New Class furthermore promotes a linguistic culture, the \u201cculture of careful and critical discourse\u201d(CCD),  that  de-authorizes \u201call speech grounded in traditional societal authority.\u201d However, Gouldner also stressed that the New Classis not a group of benign technocrats selflessly promoting the public good.166Rather,it is a morally ambiguous \u201cflawed universal class\u201d167that is \u201celitist and self-seeking and uses its special knowledge to advance its own interests and power,\u201d168and  so \u201cembod[ies] the collective interest but partially and transiently.\u201d While the New Class is hostile to traditional bourgeois interests and values, it is itself a cultural bourgeoisie whose commitment to freedom is qualified by its interest in maintaining its cultural capital.  It may be egalitarian when attacking the privileges of the old class, bourgeois conservatives.  But it also seeks to maintain its own guild advantages, to which end it attempts to \u201ccontrol the supply and limit the production of its culture, to oppose any group that restricts its control over its culture, and to remove legal or moral restrictions on the uses for which its culture may be purchased.\u201d As the defender of free thought and expression, the New Class opposes formal censorship. But as a cultural bourgeoisie, it  has  its  own  interests  to  protect,  and  practices  unofficial  censorship  by  limiting  discussion  to members  of  its  own  elite, dismissing  those  who  have  not been  properly  credentialed  as irrelevant. Even as it subverts old inequalities, the New Class \u201csilently inaugurates a new hierarchy of the knowing, the knowledgeable, the reflexive and insightful.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>What liberals interpret  as  conservatives\u2019  primordial anti-intellectualism   is   better understood as a specific reaction to the New Class culture, to the cognitive privileges which that culture affords its liberal membership.  The New Class\u2019s cultural capital is ostensibly founded on the  culture  of  careful  and  critical discourse,  which  is  laudable if  taken at  face  value. But as  a culture, CCD must take on a life of its own in order to fulfill its cultural function as a hero-system, to which end its libertarian features will be compromised as necessary. Its membership seeks to be recognized, not merely as having been insightful on some particular occasion, but as \u201cthe reflexive and  insightful.\u201d    They  wish  to see themselves as the  kinds  of  people who  make  insightful observations.  And this requires that the concrete meaning and function of their intellectual ideals be circumscribed accordingly,  so  that  what qualifies  as  \u201cserious\u201d  speech is defined  by their identitarian needs\u2014the \u201cmainstream\u201d as the Duke deconstructionist put it. Professionalism, writes Gouldner, is \u201camong the public ideologies of the New Class, and is the genteel subversion of the old class by the new.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Translated into our framework, this is a hierarchy between those who stand above the \u201cpeculiarly human emotions\u201d and those who do not, between those capable of naturalistic disengagement and those whose sensibilities remain anthropocentricor \u201cpre-modern.\u201d This is the distinctively liberal \u201cbigoted clause,\u201d  the  distinctively  liberal  \u201cMoral  Order\u201d  in  relation  to  which  conservatism represents a form of contagion. The New Class may not feel disgust toward homosexuality or go out  of  their  way to  shame  unwed  mothers.   But  they  nevertheless  feel themselves  emancipated from a certain kind of \u201clowness,\u201d as Gouldner puts it, which they now identify with conservatism.  Hence their conservaphobia, which is simply the corollary of the ethos of disengaged self-control and self-reflexivity. Conservaphobia is always couched in a utilitarian fa\u00e7ade, as a response to the perniciousness  of  conservative  ideas.   But  conservatives  correctly  sense  that  it is  a  source  of intrinsic identitarian satisfactions, and this is why they claim cultural oppression.<\/p>\n<p>The elitism of the liberal elite is an elitism, not of wealth, status, or even education, but of moral  luck,  the  fact  that  they  have  been  undeservedly  blessed  with  the  capacity  to  sublimate, intellectualize, and etherealize their illiberalism, and thus be illiberal with comparative impunity. Their illiberalism may be less pernicious by some measures. But this is nothing for which they deserve any credit, because this is a difference of social background and personal constitution, not individual courage or intrinsic virtue.  Just like everyone else, they have been, as Heidegger says, thrown into a particular field of social meanings.  And their good luck on this front is, from the cosmic  viewpoint  to  which  they  themselves  aspire,  just  as  arbitrary  as  the  inherited  fortunes  of third-generation plutocrats.  Hence conservatives\u2019 perverse sense that liberal equality taken to its logical  conclusion  would  somehow  redound  to  their  cause.    Their  claims  of cultural  oppression transpose  the  categories  which liberal  discourse  applies  to the  world onto  that very discourse, because it is here that the sublimated conservatism of liberals can be discovered. These claims\u2019 profound,  ceaselessly  innovative  perversity, their  ineluctably  convoluted  character, is  the direct outcome  of  this  effort to  transpose  the  ideals  of liberalism  onto  this meta-level. This is  the philosophical meaning of what liberals mistake for mere rancor. <\/p>\n<p>&#8230;Gouldner observes that  the  New  Class  demands \u201cinstinctual renunciation\u201d of its members and that, moreover, <\/p>\n<p>&#8220;The culture  of the  New Class  exacts  still other costs: since its  discourse emphasizes the importance of carefully edited speech, this has the vices of its virtues: in its virtuous aspect, self-editing  implies  a  commendable  circumspection,  carefulness,  self-discipline  and \u201cseriousness.\u201d  In its negative modality, however, self-editing  also  disposes  toward  an unhealthy  self-consciousness,  toward  stilted  convoluted  speech,  an  inhibition  of  play, imagination  and  passion,  and  continual  pressure  for  expressive  discipline. The  new rationality thus becomes the source of a new alienation. Calling  for  watchfulness  and  self-discipline,  CCD  [culture  of  critical  discourse] is productive of intellectual reflexivity and the loss of warmth and spontaneity.  Moreover, that  very  reflexivity  stresses  the  importance  of  adjusting  action  to  some  pattern  of propriety. There is, therefore, a structured inflexibility when facing changing situations; there is a certain disregard of the differences in situations, and an insistence on hewing to the required rule.&#8221;\n<\/p><\/blockquote>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Rony Guldmann responds to my email: Hey Luke, I have been pondering your question about Biden&#8217;s cognitive decline, even though that issue appears to have been at least temporarily superseded by the events of this weekend. As to what&#8217;s going &hellip; <a href=\"https:\/\/lukeford.net\/blog\/?p=156427\">Continue reading <span class=\"meta-nav\">&rarr;<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"om_disable_all_campaigns":false,"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[21791,42933],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-156427","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-america","category-rony-guldmann"],"aioseo_notices":[],"aioseo_head":"\n\t\t<!-- All in One SEO 4.9.10 - aioseo.com -->\n\t<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Rony Guldmann responds to my email: Hey Luke, I have been pondering your question about Biden&#039;s cognitive decline, even though that issue appears to have been at least temporarily superseded by the events of this weekend. 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